Freedom Of Expression Research Articles

Does the Dependence of Brand Voice on AI Restrict Freedom of Expression in Social Media?

Abstract With the advent of social media and a unique brand voice, brand communications frequently employ artificial intelligence (AI) to facilitate timely interactions across the many channels of communication, and often integrate communications. This research seeks to investigate the influence of an AI-regulated brand voice on the freedom of expression (FOE) when communicating on social media. A qualitative research design is implemented based on content analysis. The research gap was identified by reviewing the role of brand voice using AI, the application of AI to monitor freedom of expression, and the study of integrating FOE in brand voice generation using AI. Various case studies were used to conclude that AI-regulated brand voice has a substantial impact on the freedom of expression on social media, which is frequently governed by privacy rules. This study establishes that a brand’s communication in its social media portfolio is governed by national and international laws that regulate freedom of expression and thus have legal implications. This study suggests that AI must be fed information to prevent content such as hate speech, bullying, and so on, and produce a brand voice with checkpoints for human validation and verification to maintain general societal decorum.

Rethinking the role of the media in South Africa

The main purpose of this article is to stimulate and contribute to the debate aboutthe role of the media in South Africa as a developing country. Against the backgroundof an overview of the relationship between the government of apartheid and themedia, and the similarity of this relationship to the conflict between the AfricanNational Congress (ANC) government and the media in 2000 and the early part of2001, it is argued that there is a need to rethink the role of the media in South Africa.Such rethinking could start with a revaluation of the values underlining the conceptof "freedom of expression". Both the media and the government use the concept of"freedom of expression" as a basis for their interpretation and debate about the role ofthe media in South Africa. Yet, the historical development of the concept, the valuesassociated with it, and its meaning and relevance in terms of the nature of present daysociety, including developing societies such as South Africa, are seldom investigatedand debated. In short, the concept is taken for granted and dealt with as a matter ofcourse without critical consideration of its content, the values it embodies and itsapplicability to modern democracies. From such a point of view, a starting-point fordiscussing the role of the media in South Africa could be a critical investigation ofwhether the meaning(s) and values attached to the basic concept of "freedom ofexpression" are still appropriate today. For the government, it would entail a criticalinvestigation of the compatibility of the concept of "freedom of expression" with thedevelopmental role they want the media to play. For the media, it would mean aninvestigation into whether their modes of operation, their production of content andtheir distribution of information and meaning are still in line with the original valuesassociated with the development of the concept. Tentative arguments to support thisview are presented in this article.

Distributed public service broadcasting as an alternative model for public service broadcasting in South Africa

The purpose of this article is to propose/justify a new model for South African public servicebroadcasting, namely, distributed public service broadcasting. The justification is done againstthe background of a description of the changed and converged new media environment broughtabout by technological developments with the concomitant new production, content anddistribution challenges and with interactivity as the new foundation of communicator-audiencerelationships. It is argued that the new media environment requires new thinking about publicservice broadcasting (PSB). The need for a new model is further justified against the backgroundof the continued governance, managerial and financial problems the South African BroadcastingCorporation (SABC) has been experiencing for more than a decade, which has led to a new butcontroversial Public Service Broadcasting Bill (2009/2010) in an attempt to address the problems.It is argued that the problems will not be resolved. Instead, a new broadcasting model should ratherbe considered. It should, however, be emphasised that distributed public service broadcasting asa new model is only introduced in this article. Detail about the model is the topic of additionalresearch that has yet to be done. Finally, the article should be read against the background ofwhat were, at the time of writing in 2010, a number of serious governmental threats to freedomof expression with government proposing, inter alia, the introduction of a controversial Bill on theProtection of Information and also of a Media Appeals Tribunal – both of these constituting furtherthreats to the autonomy of the public broadcaster and which makes it even more urgent that anew broadcasting model be considered. The above topics are addressed in separate parts of thearticle dealing with context, problems besetting South African public service broadcasting, pastand present efforts to address the problems, a justification for a new model – one focusing on thenew converged and digitised media environment – new thinking about regulation, the changednature of social responsibility, a semiotic justification,

HATE-MOTIVATED VIOLENCE: IS IT LINKED TO HATEFUL EXPRESSION?

In 1996, the late Prof JMT Labuschagne wrote an article dealing with the limits of freedom of speech and hate speech (“Menseregtelike en Strafregtelike Bekamping van Groepsidentiteitmatige Krenking en Geweld” 1996 De Jure 23). He discussed freedom of expression and hate speech in the United States of America, various European countries, South Africa and also within the context of international law. He subsequently discussed the idea of updating his thoughts, taking into consideration the influence of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 and the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act (4 of 2000, commonly referred to as the “Discrimination Act”). Sadly, he never got around to doing so. Since his 1996 article, much development has taken place in this field including the introduction of the 2004 Draft Prohibition of Hate Speech Bill. The events of 11 September 2001 in the USA and the 2005 bombings in London (and other similar attacks all over the world) have increased intolerance and suspicion between people from different races and religions manyfold. Immediately following the London bombings, it was reported that religious hate crime (that is, attacks targeting England’s Muslim community) had increased by nearly 600% (“Religious Hate Crime Up 600%” 2005-08-0221:14 SA http://www.news24.com visited 2 Aug 2005). Hate speech is regarded as an exception to freedom of speech/expression. The notion of freedom of expression has been discussed at length by various South African writers (Johannessen “A Critical View of the Constitutional Hate Speech Provision: Section 16” 1997 SAJHR 136; Devenish “Freedom of Expression: The ‘Marketplace’ of Ideas”1995 TSAR 442; Carpenter “Fundamental Rights: Is There a Pecking Order?” 1995 Codicillus 27; Johannessen “Freedom of Expression and Information in the New South African Constitution and Its Compatibility with International Standards” 1995 SAJHR 216; Van Rooyen “Censorship in a Future South Africa: A Legal Perspective” 1994 De Jure 283; Nesser “Hate Speech in the New South Africa: Constitutional Considerations for a Land Recovering from Decades of Racial Repression and Violence” 1994 SAJHR 336; and Marcus “Freedom of Expression Under the Constitution” 1994 SAJHR 140). This note briefly touches on some aspects relating to freedomof expression and hate speech and also explores the (rather newly discovered) notion of hate crime. It asks the question whether there is any connection between hate speech and hate crime.

Freedom of Religion or Belief and Freedom of Expression

This article discusses the relationship between the right to freedom of expression (FoE) and the right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB). These two human rights are often understood to be in a tense relationship, and some see restrictions on FoE as a necessary precondition for full protection of FoRB. This article argues that the two rights are, however, best understood as inextricably interrelated and intertwined, and that restrictions on FoE will very often lead to restrictions on FoRB.

The Rights of Workers, Migrant Workers and Trade Unions in the Light of the European Convention on Human Rights

The European Court of Human Rights (the Court, the ECHR) has made a significantcontribution to the protection of social rights in general and labor rights in particular. The articlefocuses on four specific areas that demonstrate the richness of case-law in this area. First of all, theauthor focuses on individual issues related to the general rights of workers, drawing attention to issuesof unfair dismissal, the right to respect for private and family life, freedom of religion and freedomof expression. Secondly, the author dwells on the protection of the rights of migrant workers underthe Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Third, the articleexamines trade union rights in the light of freedom of association. Finally, reflecting the economiclandscape of the past decade, case-law is provided to demonstrate how austerity measures can affecthuman rights and how the Court has responded to this problematic issue.Social rights, including labor rights, have received many advantages from the fact that they wereconsidered in the case-law of the Court, since its practice clarified the boundaries and limited thestate’s unlimited discretion in the management of these rights. At the same time, a certain trend hasformed. If at first the protection of workers’ rights and freedoms sharply increased, which is confirmedby some textbook cases of the ECHR, now it is impossible not to notice a regressive trend that isassociated with labor legislation, expands the discretion of governments and significantly limits theeffectiveness of the Court when considering labor rights. However, this regressive trend should notbe regarded as irreversible. The article highlights how meaningful consideration of soft law principlesallows the Court to take a progressive position that promotes labor rights and how it can continueto help protect workers’ rights.

Book Review: Regardless of Frontiers: Global Freedom of Expression in a Troubled World by Lee C. Bollinger and Agnés Callamard, eds.

Book Review: <i>Regardless of Frontiers: Global Freedom of Expression in a Troubled World</i> by Lee C. Bollinger and Agnés Callamard, eds.

El segundo “caso Pablo Hasél”

La segunda condena al músico Pablo Hasél por delitos relacionados con actos de expresión (injurias a miembros de la familia real, enaltecimiento del terrorismo e injurias a la policía) ha generado una importante polémica, En este texto se propone un análisis detallado de las expresiones que han dado lugar a la condena, y se confronta el razonamiento de las sentencias condenatorias con los estándares del Tribunal Constitucional y del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos en materia de libertad de expresión.

EVALUATING LEVELS OF RESPECT FOR CHILDREN’S RIGHTS SHOWED TOWARDS FEMALES FROM 18 TO 25 IN THEIR CHILDHOOD

The current study aimed to evaluate levels of respect for children’s rights showed towards females from 18 to 25 in their childhood, and to interpret their expectations and opinions. Data were collected with open-ended questions in written and qualitatively content-analyzed. The participants were 67 females ranging in age from 18 to 25 from 24 provinces in Turkey. The participants’ statements showed that they felt special and unique in their childhood, their relatives and close others were not allowed to caress them without their consent, they were asked for opinions in matters that concerned them, and their parents gave them the opportunity to spend their free time as they wished. The most valued child rights by the participants were right to play, rest, and spend their free time, right to freedom of expression and thought, and right to receive education. What they did not find the chance to do although they wanted very much were being a child, sightseeing, becoming a family, and being into sports. On the other hand, there were also participants who stated that they could not find the chance to spend their free time as they wished because they had to work, and they were caressed by others without their consent. Considering the results, it may be suggested that the rights of the child be respected and valued more, and various public services, seminars and instructions be made for raising more awareness. Article visualizations:

Treason of Expression: An Alarming Trend in Freedom of Expression

Freedom of expression (FOE) is claimed as a basic human right but there is no single line, separating it from blasphemy, which could be equally acceptable to all. When FOE crosses the boundary and enters into the domain of blasphemy, the Muslim World condemns it; whereas, at the same time Western World supports it, declaringasa symbolof democracy. No doubt, Islam is powerful supporter of freedom of expression but with some limitations. This paper is an attempt to discuss, to what extent the FOE is acceptable to the entire population of the world and where does it cause a conflict? Its main objective is to point out the “root of evil”which shatters global peace;and to discover a formula which could be used to solve this problem. Methodologically, qualitative research technique is used; the descriptive approach is adopted. Principal books, Scholarly articles, and academic writings are especially consulted. It is concluded that all other basic human rights having limits; are unanimously accepted; therefore, FOE must also be redefined to make it acceptable to the whole world. In this way, an alarming trend of treason of expression is alienated from the glorified concept of the freedom of expression, and a conflict repotting model of communication is developed.

Freedom of Expression in Russia’s New Mediasphere

Gunnar Nygren, professor emeritus at Södertörn University, Stockholm, reviews Freedom of Expression in Russia’s New Mediasphere edited by Marielle Wijermars and Katja Lehtisaari.

The Problem of Determining the Limits of Realization of the Right to Freedom of Expression (Exemplified by Child’s Rights)

The Problem of Determining the Limits of Realization of the Right to Freedom of Expression (Exemplified by Child’s Rights)

Derecho de excepción y garantía de los derechos en tiempos de pandemia

La pandemia de la COVID-19 ha supuesto un reto para el Estado de derecho. La aplicación del Derecho de excepción regulado en la Constitución ha introducido restricciones a los derechos fundamentales a fin de proteger la salud de los ciudadanos. En este estudio se examinan el alcance y los límites del estado de alarma en España, como una de las tres modalidades de Derecho de excepción previstas en la Constitución y la Ley Orgánica 4/1981, que permite afrontar el reto de la pandemia sin que sea necesaria la suspensión de derechos fundamentales. Desde esta perspectiva se analiza el impacto de las medidas de excepción adoptadas por el Gobierno sobre el ejercicio de algunos derechos fundamentales y la respuesta judicial a los recursos presentados por los ciudadanos, en especial respecto a la libertad de circulación y el derecho de manifestación, además de la libertad de expresión especialmente a través de las redes sociales, y la garantía del derecho de habeas data. En todos estos casos se examina la aplicación del test de proporcionalidad para evaluar el ejercicio y los límites del poder público en la aplicación de las medidas destinadas a garantizar la sanidad pública y su incidencia sobre estos derechos fundamentales.

Os limites da liberdade: lei de imprensa e embates políticos no Rio de Janeiro da Primeira República

Este texto acompanha os embates travados entre jornais empresariais, operários, críticos e independentes durante a formulação da primeira lei de imprensa brasileira, procurando evidenciar suas posições e argumentos a favor e contra a imposição de limites ao exercício da liberdade de imprensa. Debate algumas questões em torno da criminalização do exercício da liberdade de expressão em meio às tensões sociais e políticas daqueles primeiros anos da experiência republicana. Destaca articulações entre a definição legal de “crimes de imprensa” com o processo mais amplo de aprovação de leis repressivas para combate ao anarquismo e à expulsão de estrangeiros. Propõe, ainda, que a explicação para a emergência histórica da lei não pode considerar apenas o acirramento das disputas político-eleitorais mas a constituição de mecanismos jurídicos para coibir e limitar a imprensa crítica em geral e a imprensa operária em particular.

Límites a la libertad de expresión de los políticos. Los casos Féret c. Bélgica y Perinçek c. Suiza

Los fundamentos jurídicos y los votos particulares de la primera sentencia ponen de manifiesto que, en la ponderación de los límites a la libertad de expresión de los políticos, se ha de tener en cuenta la circunstancia de que las manifestaciones hayan sido difundidas en campaña electoral así como la relación entre el contenido de las manifestaciones y el programa político de su partido. En el segundo caso analizado, en cambio, las circunstancias que modalizan los límites a la libertad de expresión de un político son valoradas por el daño real de la minoría que se siente lesionada por las declaraciones políticas así como por la gravedad de la sanción impuesta al político. En las dos sentencias que se ha comparado se muestra la dificultad para elaborar criterios generales en la interpretación de los límites a la libertad de expresión de los representantes políticos. La formulación de criterios generales demasiado abstractos, puede que no garantice que se impida el ejercicio abusivo e ilícito de tal derecho. Aún no hay suficiente jurisprudencia como para proponer una construcción dogmática sólida sobre el abuso de derecho en el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión. Asimismo, conviene ser conscientes tanto de las ventajas como de los riesgos que entrañan los conceptos jurídicos convencionales que ya cuentan con una interpretación estable.

Moć bez odgovornosti

Rad sadržava pregled politika vodećih online-platformi u borbi protiv dezinformacija i infodemije kako bi se promislile njihove moguće izravne ili neizravne, kratkoročne ili dugoročne posljedice za medijski pluralizam i informirano građanstvo, uzimajući u obzir značenje platformi u oblikovanju informacijskog okruženja. Metoda istraživanja je analiza dokumenata koje su odabrane platforme objavile od početka koronakrize u veljači do 31. srpnja 2020. kako bi komunicirale promjene svojih politika moderacije sadržaja kao posljedicu te krize. Uključena su i izvješća, koja su u kolovozu 2020. dostavile Europskoj komisiji, o mjerama koje su primijenile kako bi ograničile širenje dezinformacija povezanih s bolešću COV ID-19. Analiza sugerira da su platforme nedvojbeno poduzele niz potencijalno korisnih mjera kako bi odgovorile na izazove širenja lažnih, obmanjujućih i štetnih informacija u pandemiji, ali gotovo svaka od tih mjera sadržava i potencijalan rizik za slobodu izražavanja i medijski pluralizam. Ti rizici ne proizlaze toliko iz samih inicijativa koliko iz nedostatka regulatornog okvira i neravnoteže između odgovornosti i moći koju platforme posjeduju.

ECtHR 3 September 2020, application no. 57462/19 (Mahi), Freedom of Expression

ECtHR 3 September 2020, application no. 57462/19 (Mahi), Freedom of Expression

The Self-Portrait of Censorship in Socialist Romania

"Censorship in socialism was a longlasting institution. Frightening and invisible, it harboured, in fact, various institutions and underwent different historical phases. It prescribed attitudes and themes by partially or totally suppressing them. What was incriminated at some point could be accepted a few years later. A theme, however, has always been taboo: censorship itself, political power’s discretionary and abusive act of limiting the freedom of expression in literature. Based on archival documents (mainly from the National Archives of Romania), this paper aims to reconstruct the way in which the Censorship removed fragments or whole texts in which it could see (or appeared to see) its own image. The reports of the censors may be seen as self-portraits, including the points of collision and the lines of tension between literature and power."

Límites a la libertad de expresión para salvaguardar los derechos de niños, niñas y adolescentes

O presente artigo se propõe a examinar as limitações incidentes sobre o exercício do direito deliberdade de expressão, especificamente quanto à exibição de conteúdo voltado ao públicoinfantojuvenil pelas emissoras de rádio e televisão, que devem respeitar o que preceituam osincisos I e II do parágrafo 3º do artigo 220 da Constituição Federal, bem como a matrizprincipiológica prevista no artigo 221, a postular a preferência por finalidades educativas,artísticas, culturais e informativas e o respeito aos valores éticos e sociais da pessoa e dafamília. À vista disso, dada a posição de vulnerabilidade das crianças e adolescentes, ainterveniência do Ministério Público, à luz do princípio do melhor interesse da criança, éindeclinável quando se está diante da violação de direitos da infância e juventude, cabendo aoParquet tutelá-los de forma a assegurar a prevalência deles na colisão com outros direitosdetentores da mesma nota de fundamentalidade.

Neo-liberal Politikaların Medya ve Kamu Hizmeti Yayıncılığına Etkisi

1970’lerde baslayan 1980’lerden sonra etkin bir sekilde varligini hissettiren neo-liberal ekonomi politikalari dunyada iktisadi ve siyasi yapilari degistirmistir. Enformasyon teknolojilerinin hizla ilerledigi bu donemde daralan piyasalar ve issizlik yatirimcilarin medyaya yonelmesine neden olmustur. Iletisim devriminin yasandigi bu surecte, dunyadaki ekonomik gelismelere paralel bir duzlemde, 1980’lerden itibaren Turkiye’de de tecimsel yayincilik anlayisi ortaya cikmistir. Sahiplik/mulkiyet yapisi geleneksel basin anlayisindan farkli olan ticari yayinciligin agirlik kazandigi bu donemde, sermaye-iktidar iliskisinin karmasiklasmasi nedeniyle kamu hizmeti yayin anlayisi geri plana itilmistir. Ancak fikri ozgurluklerin demokratik bir ortamda hur ifadesini bulacagi dusunulen ticari yayincilik, surec icinde tekellesme yoluna gitmis ve kamuoyu adina beklentileri bosa cikarmistir. Calisma, ticari/ozel yayinciligin siyasal iktidara destek veren ayni zamanda iktidardan beklenti icinde olan mulkiyet yapisina; kamu hizmeti yayinciliginin bugunku durumuna ve kamuoyunun ifade ve bilgiye ulasmak gibi demokratik hak ve taleplerine cozum olup olamayacagi uzerine odaklanmaktadir. Bu maksatla neo-liberal iktisadi politikalar odaga alinarak, iktidarin/egemenlerin kitle iletisim araclariyla urettigi hegemonik iliskiler elestirel ekonomi politik baglamda tartisilmaktadir.