Concept Of Democracy Research Articles

Menalar Demokrasi dalam Masyarakat Sipil: Teori dan Gagasan Baru dalam Pemikiran Gideon Baker

Civil society plays an important role in the development and consolidation of democracy, especially in creating space for political participation, policy advocacy, and oversight of the government. In this context, Gideon Baker's Theorising the Democracy of Civil Society offers a new perspective on the role of civil society in shaping democracy independent of state domination. Baker proposes that democratisation is not only dependent on the state, but can also develop through self-organisation in civil society. This view criticises traditional theories of democracy that focus too much on the state as the main actor in the democratisation process. The theoretical study in this research refers to Baker's thoughts on democracy that is rooted in civil society and not tied to state structures. Other literature also suggests that although civil society plays an important role in democracy, it often faces external and internal challenges, including autocratisation and restrictions on civil liberties. The purpose of this research is to analyse more deeply Baker's ideas and examine their relevance in the context of contemporary democracy, especially in developing or authoritarian countries. The research method used is qualitative research with a book review approach, in which the researcher reads and analyses the book critically to explore the ideas and arguments put forward by the author, and compares them with existing literature. The results show that although Baker's concept of democracy in civil society still needs further development, it provides room for new thinking about a more inclusive and independent form of democracy. Suggestions for future research include exploring the application of this concept in social movements in developing or authoritarian countries and exploring how digital technology can strengthen civil society-based democracy.

Awareness as an alternative to abandonment? Critical notice of Herman Cappelen’s The Concept of Democracy

Herman Cappelen’s book The Concept of Democracy makes a case for ‘abolitionism’, that is, abandonment of the word ‘democracy’ and related terminology (‘D-words’). Cappelen’s strategy includes a direct argument for abandonment, aiming to show that D-words are meaningless; and an indirect argument, based on a comparison of abandonment with other options (for instance, replacement or amelioration). In this critical notice, I focus on his comparative case, arguing that the competing options and their respective challenges are not so well demarcated—where this negatively affects the abandonment proposal. Furthermore, I present and defend a yet unexplored alternative: awareness. Awareness is a worthy candidate for its little costs and significant benefits in comparison to abandonment, thus deserving consideration alongside the options assessed by Cappelen.

Democracy on the Sidelines: The Erosion and Potential of Youth Sports as Democratic Education

In this philosophical paper, we argue that youth sports, both in and out of schools, are a largely unrealized space for democratic/civic education. Where youth sports leagues used to be low cost, local, and inclusive, much has changed over the last several decades. We are now in the neoliberal era of exclusive, privatized, and professionalized youth sports. Drawing on Dewey’s robust conception of democracy and Talisse’s concerns about partisan polarization, we argue that youth sports should be spaces to develop democratic habits, dispositions, and values. We explore the benefits of youth sports as well as current challenges, including excessive costs and pressure, disrupted families, and hyperindividualism. We end by offering suggestions for reforming youth sports to recenter their educational and democratic potential and value, including supporting loosely structured play, modeling democratic behavior, teaching democratic habits directly, and learning from more progressive national sports models.

COVID-19 conspiracy belief and conceptions of democracy

ABSTRACT Although conspiracy theories moved to the centre of the public debate during the Covid-19 pandemic and have severe consequences on politics and society, the link between Covid-19 conspiracy beliefs and democracy has hardly been scrutinized. By combining the literature on understandings and conceptions of democracy and the literature on upward conspiracy theories, we ask whether citizens who share Covid-19 conspiracy beliefs have a specific conception of democracy. Using data from a representative survey conducted in the East German Land of Thuringia in summer 2021 and by employing a fine-grained measure of attributes of democracy, we show that Covid-19 conspiracy belief is neither significantly associated with support for the idea of democracy nor with support for non-democratic forms of government. Instead, Covid-19 conspiracy believers have a particular understanding of democracy in which power is to be taken away from the political elites of representative democracy and more control is given to citizens.

Mid-20th century vision of the concept of militant democracy

With the beginning of the full-scale invasion, a new round of “militant democracy” is taking place. The current situation is very similar to the one that led to the invention of the very concept of “democracy capable of defending itself.” This raises the question of understanding “militant democracy” in its original and primary vision, which was formed in the middle of the twentieth century. The purpose of the article is to comprehensively disclose the concept of militant democracy in the middle of the twentieth century. It is based not only on the articles of Karl Löwenstahl, but also on the works of scholars in the fields of philosophy, political science and sociology. The achievement of this goal was made possible by the use of a set of methods of scientific knowledge, in particular, content analysis (for a comprehensive knowledge of the scientific works of scholars of the mid-twentieth century), formal logical method (to identify certain patterns, stable structures, interrelationships, and inconsistencies in scientific works), comparative legal method (by studying the experience of the last century and comparing it with the current understanding of the concept, to provide an up-to-date interpretation that would allow the use of the works cited in the article). In contrast to most studies of the sources of militant democracy, the article refers not only to the articles of the founder of “democracy capable of defending itself,” Karl Löwenstahl, but also to other scholars: Karl Schmitt, Karl Mannheim, and Karl Popper. The author shows the interrelation between the works and the mutual influence of the cited scholars. It is argued that the formation of the concept of militant democracy took place not only in the field of law, but also in other related sciences. Based on the results of the research, the author gives an intermediate definition of “democracy capable of defending itself”, which derives only from the articles of Karl Löwenstahl, and a finalized vision of militant democracy, which is a synthesis of all the analyzed works. On the eve of rethinking militant democracy in today's realities, it is necessary to re-comprehend the foundations of this concept, which will allow better implementation of necessary changes in our time.

Sabarimala Shrine Verdict: Dissensions & Repercussions

The concept of westernization, democratization and modernization has been arrogated by India superficially but when it comes to its real application, our rigid customs, suppositions, superstitious beliefs always supersede. India is a divine-vibrant land of mixed cantons, religions, cultures and traditions and hence it come becomes imperative to be prejudice-free in order to become a fairer society. The nation where both god and goddesses are equally venerated, it becomes unjust to deny the entry of an individual in the temple based on gender. This case note will provide an analysis of the Sabarimala verdict in legal and social context. It will also outline the subsequent ramification of the said decree. The present case examines the justification for disallowing pilgrimage to the women of menstruating age to the Sabarimala Ayyappa Temple and encapsulates in brief the rationale behind the judgment of the Supreme Court for allowing women to enter the shrine.

András Sajó, Ruling by cheating. Governance in Illiberal Democracy

The main focus of András Sajó’s book is the relation between constitutional and illiberal democracy and the origins of the latter’s popularity. The author describes the populist technique of “ruling by cheating” by showing – on the example of Poland and Hungary among others – how populists use liberal democratic concepts in order to underpin their legitimacy as well as to strengthen their power, build their own elites, take over autonomous institutions and discriminate against minorities. Another source of populism’s success is the crisis of Western democracy, reflected both in adopting populists’ policies or rhetoric, and in the decline of the idea of individual freedom in favor of increasing dependence on the state.

Consensus, Colonization, and Counterpower? Deliberative Democracy, Uncharted Evolution, and Its Potential to be Decolonized

The article explores the trajectory of deliberative democracy as a response to contemporary political challenges within liberal, representative systems, with the debate on the possible decolonization of this concept being among its latest theoretical developments. Anchored in mini-public-based experiments, deliberative democracy seems to be – for most scholars – the chief remedy for the prevailing political crises of late capitalism, although its embedding in a colonial imaginary poses a fundamental obstacle. This article maps the evolution of the concept of deliberative democracy and its implementation in the present day, contending that the Western adoption of deliberative ideals into feasible practices has selectively incorporated the notion of public reasoning while sidelining the anarchist and autonomous implications inherent in consensus-based frameworks, which are recognizable in Indigenous political practices. While decolonizing public deliberative processes toward subversive practices has recently been subjected to theoretical debate, we also examine instances such as bottom-up deliberations in forest occupations. These not only exemplify queer, inclusive, and democratic decision-making, but also harness deliberation as a tool to counter private, political, and police authority in a way that is unavailable for public deliberations. But the question remains, how feasible is it as a democratizing practice beyond such niches?

Direct democracy in the digital age: opportunities, challenges, and new approaches

This article delves into the evolving landscape of direct democracy, particularly in the context of the digital era, where ICT and digital platforms play a pivotal role in shaping democratic engagement. Through a comprehensive analysis of empirical data and theoretical frameworks, it evaluates the advantages and inherent challenges of direct democracy, such as majority tyranny, short-term focus, polarization, and the spread of misinformation. It proposes the concept of Liquid democracy as a promising hybrid model that combines direct and representative elements, allowing for voting rights delegation to trusted entities, thereby potentially mitigating some of the traditional drawbacks of direct democracy. Furthermore, the article underscores the necessity for legal regulations and constitutional safeguards to protect fundamental rights and ensure long-term sustainability within a direct democracy framework. This research contributes to the ongoing discourse on democratic innovation and highlights the need for a balanced approach to integrating digital tools with democratic processes.

Implementasi UU Demokrasi dan Nilai-Nilai Urgensinya dalam Politik Islam di Indonesia

This study examines the implementation and urgency of the Democracy Law in Indonesia. Although democracy is reflected in the 1945 Constitution, Muslim intellectuals often view this concept as foreign. Democratic principles such as majority rule, freedom, and justice face challenges in their application because not all democratic concepts can be reconciled with Islamic law. This research analyzes the interaction between Islamic values, such as benefit and justice, with the democratic principles of the 1945 Constitution and the potential alignment between the two to enhance political stability. The novelty of this study lies in its in-depth comparative analysis between the democratic principles of the 1945 Constitution and the concept of Islamic governance in classical and contemporary fiqh. The method used is a descriptive qualitative approach, analyzing Indonesian legal texts and relevant classical and contemporary fiqh works. The findings indicate the potential for synergy between democratic principles and Islamic values despite challenges in implementation. The application of the Democracy Law in Indonesia requires an approach that is sensitive to religious values, particularly in terms of justice, freedom, and governance based on benefit. Its implications could shift the paradigm of democratic implementation in Indonesia, emphasizing the importance of synergy between state law and religious teachings in creating a just and prosperous government for people.

Hamdan Zoelva's Political Thoughts in the Book Constitutional Struggle

Political thought has a crucial role in determining policies and shaping the ideal social order. In Indonesia, various ideologies are present, including Pancasila as the foundation of the state as well as the concepts of pluralism, nationalism, and democracy. Hamdan Zoelva's thought emphasizes the importance of the constitution as the basic norm of the state of law and the protector of human rights. Hamdan criticized liberalism and capitalism which he considered could erode the values of Pancasila in Indonesia's political and economic system. In his book Constitutional Struggle, he warns that the dominance of capitalism must be controlled according to the principles of Pancasila. This research aims to 1) understand Hamdan Zoelva's political journey, and 2) find out the causes of his political thinking about the constitution. The research data includes primary and secondary sources, processed through interviews and documentation. The validity of the data was checked by examining Hamdan's background, such as his curriculum vitae, education, influence, and political and cultural conditions at the time. The results of the study show that Hamdan Zoelva sees the constitution as the will of the people that must be respected. He emphasized the role of the Constitutional Court (MK) in maintaining the balance of power and protecting human rights. However, Hamdan criticized the amendment to the 2024 Constitutional Court Law which he considered threatening the independence of judges.

Teachers' conceptions of democracy in education in schools in challenging and favorable contexts

It is increasingly necessary to advance towards a deeper understanding of teaching practices aimed at teaching for, in and from, democratic principles. For this reason, this research seeks to understand teachers' conceptions of democracy in education in Spain. To this end, a phenomenographic study was carried out with 58 Spanish teachers selected according to the level of education they teach (Primary and Secondary Education) and the ownership of the school (public and private-subsidized). The data collection technique was the phenomenographic interview. The results indicate the existence of three categories of conceptions of democracy in education: i) that which refers to the participation of the agents in the school and its functioning, ii) that which considers it as the sense of belonging and emancipation of the protagonists of the educational process and, iii) that which understands it as a social responsibility of the school and its protagonists. Understanding teachers' conceptions of democracy in education helps to move towards an education in democracy in which democratic values are taught and everyone has the opportunity to live together and participate in decision-making processes.

Metode penelitian

The Indonesian nation since the 1945 Constitution was established as the Constitution of the Indonesian state. In its development, this agreement has transformed into a common ideal which is also usually called state philosophy or staatsidee (state ideals). In the concept of democracy, it contains the principles of popular sovereignty (democratie) while in the concept of the rule of law, it contains the principles of the rule of law (nomocratie). Law enforcement mechanisms must also be able to protect the rights of citizens from injustice with the principles of humanity and mutual respect for the continuity of existing laws. This becomes an integral part of the legal system with law enforcement authorities. Indonesia as a democratic rule of law country, adheres to the sovereignty of the people as well as the rule of law.search for research titles and abstracts is made easier by those key words.

Analisis Penerapan Konsep Demokrasi Pada Mahasiswa PPKn Universitas Riau

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the use of the concept of democracy among students of the Pancasila and Citizenship Education (PPKn) study program of the University of Riau (UNRI). The understanding of democracy as a system of government that involves community participation needs to be realized and carried out by the younger generation, especially students. The method applied in this study is a literature study research method. Data was obtained from articles published on the national journal website which can be accessed through Google Scholar. Data is also obtained from books, magazines, and various other media. Qualitative descriptive data analysis was carried out to conclude the results of the use of the concept of democracy among students. The results of this study state that although Civic Studies students have a high awareness of the importance of democracy, further efforts are needed to promote the implementation of these ideas in everyday life. It is recommended to strengthen democracy education in the campus environment, such as holding activities that promote active participation and open dialogue among students

John Dewey's Art as Experience in Korea and Japan

Abstract This article provides a comprehensive overview of John Dewey's impact on education and aesthetics in Korea and Japan. While initially focused on education, the 1990s saw a growing interest in Dewey's aesthetics, with Art as Experience partially translated in 1999. The Korean perspective on Dewey's aesthetics extends mostly to philosophy of education and art education, but there are also efforts to deepen the understanding of Dewey's aesthetics itself. Also, the interdisciplinary impact of Dewey's aesthetics can be found in fields such as design and human-computer interaction. In Japan, Dewey's aesthetics received limited focus in spite of the “Dewey boom” from 1945 to 1970. Studies since the 2010s reconnect Dewey's aesthetics to his social and cultural context, highlighting its relevance to contemporary issues and emphasizing the public nature of Dewey's concept of democracy. The article also traces the historical development of Dewey studies in Japan, acknowledging the pioneering work of Tsurumi Shunsuke, who integrated Dewey's aesthetics into Japan's social fabric. While recognizing the biases and division of understanding in Dewey studies, the article concludes with a description of the renewed interest in Art as Experience in both countries since the 2010s.

METHODS FOR THE FORMATION OF ECONOMIC KNOWLEDGE OF PRIMARY EDUCATION STUDENTS BASED ON STEAM EDUCATION

This article seeks to contribute to this research and curricular approach, for which we analyze the emergence of the STEAM movement, its implementation in class, and its social, economic, and educational consequences. The main conclusion reached is that, without ignoring the economic rationality in education, it is necessary to go further in order to embrace a more social and democratic conception of schooling, trying to take advantage of this historical moment to transform education toward a more humanistic approach–without neglecting the scientific facet–that offers a well-rounded education to new generations while, at the same time, responds to the social and economic demands of our current world.

Deep Faking in a Flat Reality?

In this article, we examine surprising examples of how AI-driven political entities integrate within the public sphere. We focus on an image illustration by The Guardian that depicts the US President Joe Biden alongside three agents of The Synthetic Party (Det Syntetiske Parti, DSP) from Denmark, focusing on the theme of deepfakes and elections. We argue that The Guardian’s portrayal of Biden/DSP highlights a paradoxical shift caused by what we call a ‘deep faking’ within a ‘flat reality.’ On this basis, we venture into a conceptually transversal intersection of geometry, politics, and art by interrogating the wide flattening of political realities — a transformation conventionally characterized by a perceived move from depthful, nuanced discourse to a landscape dominated by surface-level engagements and digital simulacra. We suggest that this transformation may lead to a new political morphology, where formal democracy is altered by synthetic simulation.

Deliberative Democracy in the Digital Age Opportunities and Challenges of Online Public Discourse

Deliberative democracy is a model of democracy in which decision-making processes are based on public participation, and public debate is prioritised. In this model, citizens make joint decisions through rational discussion and negotiation, and this process forms the basis of democratic legitimacy. As one of the main actors in 21st-century democracy debates, deliberative democracy aims to create more inclusive and fair policies by encouraging broad participation. In the digital age, the concept of deliberative democracy faces new challenges and opportunities. This study examines the intersection between deliberative democracy and digital technologies, focusing on how online platforms influence public discourse and democratic engagement. The core objective is to explore how digital technologies enhance inclusivity, speed, and scalability in deliberative processes while simultaneously raising concerns about misinformation, polarization, and exclusion. Drawing from the theoretical framework of deliberative democracy, which emphasizes rational discourse and public reasoning, the paper investigates the benefits and challenges that arise when deliberation moves online. Through case studies such as Iceland's crowdsourced constitution, global climate change discussions, and the role of social media during the 2020 U.S. election, the paper highlights how digital platforms facilitate rapid, large-scale deliberation but also contribute to political fragmentation and echo chambers. The study employs a qualitative research methodology, analyzing the impact of digital platforms on deliberative processes through literature reviews and case studies. The hypothesis is that while digital platforms offer significant potential for enhancing democratic deliberation by broadening participation, they also present new risks to the integrity of public discourse, particularly due to misinformation and the manipulation of algorithms. Ultimately, the paper argues that deliberative democracy must adapt to the realities of the digital age by integrating online and offline deliberation, fostering digital literacy, and establishing regulatory frameworks for transparency and accountability. The findings offer theoretical contributions to understanding the relationship between digital technology and democracy while also providing practical recommendations for enhancing the quality of digital public discourse.

Eksistensi Kotak Kosong Pada Pilkada 2024 Di LampungThe Existence Of Empty Boxes In The 2024 Regional Elections Lampung Eksistensi Kotak Kosong Pada Pilkada 2024 Di LampungThe Existence Of Empty Boxes In The 2024 Regional Elections Lampung

The Empty Box phenomenon is a current that is being discussed ahead of the 2024 elections, which is certainly inseparable from democracy. Empty boxes are predicted to be a solution as well as an inconsistency that erodes democratic values. In Lampung itself, there are two regions that will fight the Empty Box in the upcoming 27 November 2024 Pilkada, which is motivated by several factors, one of which is political domination. Understanding the existence of the Empty Box is important especially for mutual understanding and avoiding misconceptions. This article focuses on how the presence of the Empty Box in the conception of democracy and the empiricism of the community to channel their disapproval of the Single Candidate. This research uses Library Research method, literature study with descriptive and comparative approaches to describe the data into straightforward, detailed and clear sentences that make it easier to understand. The results showed that the Empty Box in the concept of democracy is a solution, but also a new problem, especially in Lampung where there are practices of political domination

A communal and intergenerational dialogue among Indigenous women leaders on decolonial feminist democracy in Ecuador

In contrast to the dominant paradigm of liberal feminist democracy, which operates from a top-down approach and emphasises individual empowerment, this article explores the alternative framework of radical feminist democracy. This alternative model is grounded in collective action from grassroots movements and aims to centre the voices of subaltern women who have often been marginalised in mainstream discourse that focuses on the role of women in democracy. The primary objective of this article is to contribute to the development of a concept of decolonial feminist democracy that is rooted in specific contexts and experiences, particularly those of subaltern women. It seeks to understand how decolonial democratic values are transmitted intergenerationally, particularly through the relationships between mothers and children. To achieve this, we analyse a significant social protest event in Ecuador: the June 2022 Strike led by the Indigenous movement. Through in-depth interviews with adult and young Indigenous women leaders who played key roles in this mobilisation, the article explores various aspects including gender roles, democratic practices within the Indigenous movement and perspectives on feminism. The findings highlight a form of community democracy and the interconnected struggle against neoliberalism, colonialism, patriarchy and extractivism, which Indigenous women actively engage in both on the streets and within their communities. Furthermore, the research uncovers evidence of the intergenerational transmission of democratic values, particularly the ethos of resistance.