Form Of Symbolic Violence Research Articles

Analisa Semiotika Kekerasan Pada Acara Musik “Dahsyat” dan “Inbox” di Televisi

<em>The proliferation of television stations, tightened competition to deliver a more attractive event, which aired treats contain many elements of violence and consequently a lot of television shows that negative impersonation. The purpose of this study is to prove that there is an element of violence in the show music show on television, as well as knowing the forms of symbolic violence contained in the event. The object of this study is event Strikes and Inbox. This study uses a semiotic analysis of Roland Bartes to show the meaning of denotation, connotation to the myth of the display to see the event. The results obtained are in the Inbox event Strikes and violence are both verbal and non-verbal in every episode. It is proved that the event is not eligible to be broadcast as it can lead to impersonation or imitation of Indonesian society. If there is no control from the government or agency concerned it will impact the loss of a sense of empathy and culture of politeness that characterizes the Indonesian nation.</em>

Habitus, reflexivity, and the realization of intercultural capital: The (unfulfilled) potential of intercultural education

AbstractNowhere does the need to appreciate a diverse range of different intercultural experiences appear more obvious than in the context of intercultural education. Yet, in times of neoliberal hegemony over educational politics and policies, less socioculturally dominant and often more colloquial funds of intercultural knowledge risk to suffer continued institutional marginalization and curricular obliteration. To counter such forms of symbolic violence and to create learning environments that value a wide range of processes of intercultural capital realization, intercultural education needs to overcome ideas of “bad habitus” and “good reflexivity”, for they prematurely discredit the value of people’s practical sense, while failing to problematize the sociocultural contingency of their reflexive capacities. In a critical appropriation of Bourdieu’s conceptualization of human agency, the present article highlights the reconcilability of reflexivity and habitus, with a particular interest in processes of ...

The symbolic economy of authenticity as a form of symbolic violence: the case of middle-class ethnic minorities

While authenticity has become a main axiological principle in late-modernity, a desired good and token of worth, studies from different countries indicate inequality in access to authenticity: middle-class ethnic minorities often face difficulties being recognized as authentic and experiencing themselves as such. This phenomenon is discussed below in terms of symbolic violence. While doing this the article makes several theoretical contributions: (1) Bourdieu's notion of symbolic violence is historicized. Different forms of symbolic violence (pre-modern, modern, and late-modern) are distinguished, each relying on a unique cosmology, logic, and symbolic economy. (2) Different strategies employed by social theorists to theorize authenticity are discussed and compared to reveal a gap between common understandings of authenticity as the dispositional depth of action and the misrecognized principle that often informs the ascription of authenticity, i.e. faithfulness to established discursive categories. Discursive structures allow members of hegemonic groups to naturalize cultural exploration and self-transformation as authentic self-realization, whereas even second-generation middle-class ethnic minorities often have their classed dispositions suspected as inauthentic. Some eventually understand themselves as inauthentic, while others invest in late acquisition of lowbrow culture in order to gain authenticity, thus contributing to their own subjection. (3) Cultural schemes may thus exert symbolic violence even if they cannot be traced back to strategic action of their privileged beneficiaries.

The stigma of claiming benefits: a quantitative study

AbstractStigma has long been viewed by some as essential to discourage excessive claims, yet seen by others as a cause of non-take-up by people in need and as a form of symbolic violence. More recently, there has been a resurgence of interest in the links between shame and poverty (including the role of benefits), and particular concerns about media/political rhetoric in the UK. Yet while our knowledge of benefits stigma has been enhanced by theoretical/qualitative contributions, few quantitative studies examine its extent or patterning. This paper therefore reports the results of a 2012 nationally-representative survey in the UK. It finds sub-types of stigma are reported by 10–19 per cent for each benefit, but 34 per cent report either personal stigma (their own view) or stigmatisation (perceived stigma by others) for at least one benefit, and over one-quarter say a stigma-related reason would make them less likely to claim. One-third of claimants themselves report some degree of stigma around their claim. Against the predictions of ‘dependency culture’ claims, however, respondents in high-claim areas were more likely to stigmatise benefits, both before and after accounting for other factors. The paper concludes by considering lessons for future benefits stigma studies, and policy options to reduce benefits stigma.

Invisible Violence: "Media (Re)Production of Gender Inequality in Italy

Compared to other European countries, opportunities are limited for Italian women to fully and equally participate in Italian social life. In order to better understand Italian women’s social position and the gender inequality that persists in Italy, this research applies Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of symbolic violence. Specifically, symbolic violence is used to explain depictions of women the Italian media. Because social institutions such as the media, that reach large audiences, have the ability to transmit dominant cultural representations, they also transmit representations of the roles of masculinity and femininity. This ability permits media outlets to depict images of the gendered status quo. These representations and depictions often reinforce gender domination in the form of promoting and reifying gender inequality. This research therefore illustrates how the Italian media misrepresent and stereotype women in television and news by limiting their social roles and status in these outlets, a form of symbolic violence. These limited social roles are also seen in Italy’s social reality where women are less likely to be represented in different spheres of social life, like politics. These persistent and prevalent stereotypes and images in the Italian media reify the economic, social, and cultural disadvantage of women in Italy that contribute to continued masculine dominations in all spheres of social life. The implications of symbolic violence in the Italian media and media in general are then discussed.

‘A Cockroach Preserved in Amber’: The Significance of Class in Critics' Representations of Heavy Metal Music and its Fans

In this paper we engage with new cultural theories of class that have identified media representations of ‘excessive’ white heterosexual working-class femininity as a ‘constitutive limit’ of incorporation into dominant (middle-class) modes of neoliberal subjectivity and Bourdieu's thesis that classification is a form of symbolic violence that constitutes both the classifier and the classified. However, what we explore are the implications of such arguments for those modes of white heterosexual working-class masculinity that continue to reproduce themselves in forms of overtly masculinist popular culture. We do so through a critical examination of the symbolic representation of the genre of heavy metal music within contemporary music journalism. Employing a version of critical discourse analysis, we offer an analysis of representative reviews, derived from a qualitative sample of the UK music magazine, New Musical Express (1999–2008). This weekly title, historically associated with the ideals of the ‘counter culture’, now offers leadership of musical tastes in an increasingly segmented, niche-oriented marketplace. Deploying a refined model of the inscription process outlined by Skeggs, our analysis demonstrates how contemporary music criticism symbolically attaches negative attributes and forms of personhood to the working-class male bodies identified with heavy metal culture and its audience, allowing dominant middle-class modes of cultural authority to be inscribed within matters of musical taste and distinction.

Republican deliberation and symbolic violence in Rousseau and Bourdieu

Deliberation is widely viewed as being intrinsic to republican citizenship. Neo-Roman republicans such as Philip Pettit value deliberation primarily for its role in rendering coercive political authority non-arbitrary and thus non-dominating. Accordingly, a deliberative public sphere is seen as necessary to foil domination in politics. In this article, I consider a countervailing view shared by two otherwise very different theorists – Pierre Bourdieu and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. In Bourdieu’s account of social practice, deliberation can harbour subtle forms of symbolic violence (and thus of domination) in ways which neo-republican theory struggles to account for. Rousseau’s ‘communitarian’ politics of austerity is, I argue, undergirded by a similar concern that complex political discourse will represent a mystifying ‘sophistry’, encoded in differentiating signifiers, and thus become an insidious site of domination. Both perspectives, I argue, help to illuminate important blind spots in the neo-republican account of political deliberation in its relationship to domination.

The Possibilities for Reconciliation Through Difficult Dialogues: Treaty Education as Peacebuilding

This article discusses the ongoing effects of colonialism on Aboriginal peoples in Canada and how these might be revealed and disrupted through particular curricular initiatives, informed by understandings of critical peacebuilding education. One such initiative, treaty education, has the potential to disturb dominant national narratives in classrooms, and to invite students to think differently about the history of Canada as it seeks to acknowledge and challenge epistemologies of ignorance that often shape relationships with Aboriginal peoples. Throughout the discussion, it is argued that ignorance is produced and maintained through dominant narratives of the nation which reinforce colonial dispositions that are inherently anti-democratic and that (re)produce structural and symbolic forms of violence, undermining the possibilities for (just) peacebuilding education. Treaty education may bring to the surface conflict for students in terms of their prior knowledge and understanding of Aboriginal–Canadian relations: such conflict creates productive sites of possibility for disrupting ignorance. Specifically, the article describes a high school–university student inquiry into residential schools undertaken in fall 2012 as one example of how treaty education might be used to foster the difficult dialogues necessary for critical peacebuilding education.

Violence Pertaining to Educational Institutions. Arguments for Formative Programs for Teachers in Universities

In the following paper we will offer several arguments for the inclusion in the training programs for future teachers the topic of the complexity of the violence generated by the school system. For this purpose we will put forward the concepts of symbolic violence and institutional violence in order to analyse how school environment is affected through mechanisms generated by school itself. Thus, imposing the values of the dominant culture could bring to a disadvantage a certain category of students by not acknowledging socio-cultural particularities, through inequalities or even through exclusion to education. On the other hand, even the paideutic act can be perceived as violent, through the organization of the educational process, through the mechanisms generated by school evaluation, through labelling and discrimination or through the manner in which the teacher establishes authority. It is important for adults training for a career in education to be aware of the mechanisms that make the school system to be perceived as a form of symbolic violence by certain students and parents.

Mulheres marcadas: prostituição, ordem e exclusão

En el artículo debatimos los procesos estigmatizantes sobre las mujeres que ejercen la prostitución de club en el segmento de la frontera Ibérica situado entre los ejes transfronterizos Montalegre-Xinzo de Limia y Bragança-Alcañices/Zamora. Desde la perspectiva del interaccionismo simbólico sobre la estigmatización como proyección relacional inscrita en disensiones entre actores o grupos ubicados en diferentes cuadrantes morales, consideramos como objetivos principales: (i) mapear dinámicas sociales de producción de estereotipos peyorativos sobre la prostitución, (ii) interpretar sentidos presentes en las acciones estigmatizantes, (iii) comprender la relevancia de la etnicidad y de la corporeidad de las mujeres visadas en la activación/refuerzo de estas acciones, (iv) identificar algunos de los efectos generados por la represión interpersonal e institucional del sexo mercantil, (v) mostrar la omnipresencia del estigma puta como forma de violencia simbólica sobre las mujeres en general, disciplinando cuerpos y comportamientos. Buscamos, de este modo, la comprensión de la mecánica social, contenidos, razones, consecuencias y amplitud de los estigmas dirigidos a las trabajadoras sexuales, teniendo presente que ahí residen muchos de sus mayores problemas y, por lo tanto, muchos de los desafíos prioritarios que se colocan a la intervención social en el ámbito de la prostitución.

Beyond individual and visible acts of violence: A framework to examine the lives of women in low-income neighborhoods

Synopsis Low-income minority women are among the most disadvantaged in terms of social location, which exposes them to various forms of violence that perpetuate their poverty. Previous research has focused on individual explanations of actions that affect them. We seek to redirect our understandings away from individual explanations to focus on the broader contexts and inequalities that lie at the root of multiple and interconnected forms of violence in the lives of women in vulnerable positions. This approach facilitates recognition of violent structures often unrecognized or misrecognized as such. Our framework includes structural, interpersonal, and symbolic forms of violence, which we apply to examine the lives of a subsample of minority-status women gathered ethnographically in low-income neighborhoods in Boston, Los Angeles and New York through the Three City Study of Moving to Opportunity. In this exercise, we highlight the broader contexts that create conditions for individuals to harm one another.

Indigenous and Immigrant Students in Transition to Higher Education and Perceptions of Parental Influence: A Bourdieusian Perspective

This article aims to compare and contrast the perceptions of parental influence of indigenous middle-class students and immigrant students in Cyprus, and to investigate how their family's capital mediates students' educational choices for studies in higher education. This study draws on interview data with two students and their parents and discusses the findings from a Bourdieusian theoretical perspective. It was noted in the data that indigenous middle-class students have a ‘feel for the game’ when they come to make their choices for future studies in higher education. Indigenous middle-class students often ‘misrecognise’ parental influence on their educational choices; this is conceptualised as a form of symbolic violence after Bourdieu. On the contrary, immigrant students explicitly refer to their parents' influence on their educational choices and they usually mention the devaluation of their parents' cultural capital. Arguably, while immigrant students try to adapt their habitus to the new educational field, they become more conscious of their parents' influence on their educational choices. This finding is interpreted as a reflexive process of the ‘hysteresis effect’ (after Bourdieu) which immigrant families are experiencing. It is argued that social inequalities are still experienced by immigrant students in transition to higher education and this is interpreted drawing on Bourdieu's theory.

O gauchismo e as escolas: a diversidade cultural em questão

Neste texto, desejamos efetuar uma reflexão sobre o gauchismo e o tradicionalismo no Rio Grande do Sul. Partimos da construção mítica da figura do gaúcho e suas utilizações pelo gauchismo, que identifica sua figura como ideal pattern a ser internalizado a partir de múltiplos aprendizados. Como conclusão, desejamos sublinhar algumas dimensões do discurso da diversidade cultural em contextos de culto do gauchismo e do tradicionalismo na atualidade. Isto se dá a partir de análise bibliográfica e de trabalhos de campo, que demonstram o cenário educacional como um campo de disputas perpassado por diferentes formas de violência simbólica, envolvendo ideias, valores e imaginários nos processos de construção das identidades regionais.

A qualitative study of the perceived effects of blue lights in washrooms on people who use injection drugs

BackgroundBlue lights are sometimes placed in public washrooms to discourage injection drug use. Their effectiveness has been questioned and concerns raised that they are harmful but formal research on the issue is limited to a single study. We gathered perceptions of people who use injection drugs on the effects of blue lights with the aim of informing harm reduction practice.MethodsWe interviewed 18 people in two Canadian cities who currently or previously used injection drugs to better understand their perceptions of the rationale for and consequences of blue lights in public washrooms.ResultsParticipants described a preference for private places to use injection drugs, but explained that the need for an immediate solution would often override other considerations. While public washrooms were in many cases not preferred, their accessibility and relative privacy appear to make them reasonable compromises in situations involving urgent injecting. Participants understood the aim of blue lights to be to deter drug use. The majority had attempted to inject in a blue-lit washroom. While there was general agreement that blue lights do make injecting more difficult, a small number of participants were entirely undeterred by them, and half would use a blue-lit washroom if they needed somewhere to inject urgently. Participants perceived that, by making veins less visible, blue lights make injecting more dangerous. By dispersing public injection drug use to places where it is more visible, they also make it more stigmatizing. Despite recognizing these harms, more than half of the participants were not opposed to the continued use of blue lights.ConclusionsBlue lights are unlikely to deter injection drugs use in public washrooms, and may increase drug use-related harms. Despite recognizing these negative effects, people who use injection drugs may be reluctant to advocate against their use. We attempt to reconcile this apparent contradiction by interpreting blue lights as a form of symbolic violence and suggest a parallel with other emancipatory movements for inspiration in advocating against this and other oppressive interventions.

„Je to hra, v níž každý váš pohyb je v centru silového pole...”. O kapilarności władzy w powieści „Lehni, bestie!” J. Kratochvila

This article is a critical analysis of the discourse of power represented in the postmodern narrative. In this perspective, the Czech writer’s book creates a special study of the ‘genealogy of power’ (in relation to the concept of Michel Foucault). It arises from the combination (by using of the social-fiction literary convention) that regards the story of two symbolic forms of violence, supporting ‘sacred’ process of ‘subjugation’ of the entity (the past regime and, as result of trauma, the present and the future regime). The first form is a result of disciplinary authority of the communist system (a reference to the history of the Czech history – the period of the radicalization of the regime in the 50s of the twentieth century). The second one exemplifies the postmodern capillary violence (a reference to the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center). In this analysis, the impact of the power dissipated in the human consciousness resembles chess game, used in the story of Kratochvil in order to express a dramatic situation in which the rate is the annexation of subjectivity.

Symbolic Violence and the Politics of Environmental Pollution Science: The Case of Coal Ash Pollution in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Abstract: Environmental justice movements often contest environmental knowledge by engaging in scientific debates, which implies accepting the predominance of scientific discourses over alternative forms of knowledge. Using Bourdieu's concept of symbolic violence, this paper warns that the engagement with hegemonic forms of knowledge production may reproduce, rather than challenge, existing social and environmental inequalities. The argument is developed with reference to a case study of coal ash pollution in Tuzla, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The case study shows that the construction of knowledge in a scientific project led to the exclusion of local definitions of the situation and the dismissal of their observations of environmental pollution. The case suggests that the capacity of different actors to put forward their interpretation of an environmental issue depends on the forms of symbolic violence that emerge within hegemonic discourses of the environment.

Mathematics as Discourse

Initial steps are taken towards an interpretation of the discourse of mathematics, by showing that a mathematical model does not represent, but re-present; that it is not objective, but that it invents its objects; and that it is not descriptive, but performative. Mathematics-based discursive acts become identified, as crucial elements in an interpretation of mathematics as discourse. The discursive acts are: (1) technological imagination, (2) hypothetical reasoning, (3) legitimation or justification, (4) realisation, and (5) dissolution of responsibility. Through such acts, mathematics exercises symbolic power and makes possible new forms of symbolic violence.

‘What shall these bowes do?’: The Gift and Its Violence in A Gest of Robyn Hode

This essay proposes that gift exchange in Middle English tales of outlawry serves to negotiate problems of violence and social conflict endemic to late medieval England. Repeated scenes of giving reaffirm ‘fellowship’ as an oft-noted ideal of this literature, but gifts also work as a form of symbolic violence, suggesting that coercion is the not-so-hidden basis of community here. Seemingly part and parcel of the outlaw hero’s rebellious appeal, his generosity turns out to serve a surprisingly conservative function. Yet this conservative message is not strictly a matter of feudal nostalgia. In fact, reading the logic of the gift in these tales allows us to move beyond the long-standing debate over their economic ideology. Neither purely feudal nor mercantile in their function, the outlaw’s gifts constitute a form of violence whose appeal lies precisely in its forceful resolution of conflicting economic and social interests. The relatively popular A Gest of Robyn Hode (after 1450) provides the clearest example of how generosity intersects in outlaw literature with anxieties about violence and social order. Like its analogues, the Gest testifies to the survival of the gift as a fantasy of order in an emergently modern world.

A case study on the reforms of dance in higher education in Taiwan

This case study focuses on a group of teachers’ and students’ opinions regarding the recent reforms in the dance department of Tainan University of Technology (TUT) in Taiwan. The author uses Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of forms of capital and symbolic violence to probe for the motivation, process and consequences of the changes brought about by reform, and her analysis exposes a form of symbolic violence derived from social aesthetic preferences. This is most clearly manifested in the cultural capital assigned to certain dance genres (ballet, modern dance or Chinese dance) at the expense of others. A serious consequence of this has been the reproduction of an unequal power structure at TUT and in Taiwan’s dance field in higher education in general, as those dancers specialising in the perceived ‘low’ forms are unable to obtain a university degree since dance majors are not offered in these low-ranking genres. Interviews with the respondents reveal that a rising awareness of the situation has led some agents to change their practices and perceptions of dance, though the current power structure may endure well into the future.

Accounting for human rights: Doxic health and safety practices – The accounting lesson from ICL

This paper is concerned with a specific human right – the right to work in a safe environment. It sets out a case for developing a new form of account of health and safety in any organisational setting. It draws upon the theoretical insights of Pierre Bourdieu taking inspiration from his assertion that in order to understand the “logic” of the worlds we live in we need to immerse ourselves into the particularity of an empirical reality. In this case the paper, analyses a preventable industrial disaster which occurred in Glasgow, Scotland which killed nine people1 and injured 33 others. The paper unearths the underlying structures of symbolic violence of the UK State, the Health and Safety Executive and capital with respect to health and safety at work in the case. While dealing with one specific country (Scotland) and arguably an anomalous event we contend that Bourdieu's objective of constructing a special case of what is possible can equally be used to question health and safety regimes and other forms of symbolic violence across the globe. Bourdieu (1998, p. 2) “My entire scientific enterprise is indeed based upon the belief that the deepest logic of the social world can be grasped only if one plunges into the particularity of an empirical reality, historically located and dated, but with the objective of constructing it as a “special case of what is possible,” as Bachelard puts it, that is, as an exemplary case in a finite world of possible configurations.