Foreign Terrorist Research Articles

Hard choices, soft targets: Terror proscription and strategic targeting decisions of FTO

ABSTRACT Proscription lists are common counter-terror tools, yet their impact on terrorist violence is unclear. We find that proscription can be effective at constraining the violence of some types of groups, especially those that are young, secular, and without institutional support. However, proscription also can backfire from a counter-terrorist prospective, especially when applied to groups that are well-established, religious, and/or sponsored by states. Our analysis evaluates 534 terrorist groups, including sixty-six that were ultimately proscribed under the United States’ Foreign Terror Organization list. Unsurprisingly, we find that terrorist groups that attract proscription are more violent and better equipped to tap into international terror networks. While younger groups and nationalist groups are more vulnerable to proscription, older religious groups and those with state sponsors seem to be more violent after proscription. Proscription can be an effective tool for reducing terrorist attacks and lethality, but it is most effective against younger terror groups and states should exercise caution in its use as it may not have the desired effects on all types of groups. Las listas de proscripción son herramientas antiterroristas comunes; no obstante, su impacto sobre la violencia terrorista es poco claro. Observamos que la proscripción puede ser efectiva en la limitación de la violencia de algunos tipos de grupos, en especial de los grupos nuevos, seculares y que no reciben apoyo institucional. Sin embargo, la proscripción también puede resultar contraproducente desde una perspectiva antiterrorista, especialmente cuando se aplica a grupos sólidamente establecidos, religiosos o que cuentan con el patrocinio del Estado. Nuestro análisis evalúa 534 grupos terroristas, incluidos 66 que se proscribieron finalmente conforme a la lista de Organizaciones Terroristas Extranjeras de los Estados Unidos. Como era de esperarse, observamos que los grupos terroristas que suscitan la proscripción son más violentos y están mejor equipados para acceder a redes internacionales de terrorismo. Mientras que los grupos más nuevos y los nacionalistas son más vulnerables a la proscripción, los grupos religiosos más antiguos y aquellos que reciben el patrocinio del Estado parecen ser más violentos después de la proscripción. La proscripción puede ser una herramienta efectiva para reducir la letalidad y los ataques terroristas, pero es más efectiva contra los grupos terroristas más nuevos, y los Estados deberían aplicarla con precaución, ya que es posible que no tenga los efectos deseados en todos los tipos de grupos. Les listes de proscriptions sont des outils courants de lutte contre le terrorisme, mais leur impact sur la violence terroriste n’est pas clair. Nous constatons que la proscription peut être efficace pour limiter la violence de certains types de groupes, en particulier ceux qui sont jeunes, laïques et sans soutien institutionnel. Cependant, la proscription peut également se retourner contre elle dans une perspective antiterroriste, en particulier lorsqu’elle est appliquée à des groupes bien établis, religieux et/ou soutenus par des États. Notre analyze évalue 534 groupes terroristes, dont soixante-six qui ont en définitive été proscrits en vertu de la liste des organizations terroristes étrangères des États-Unis. Sans surprise, nous constatons que les groupes terroristes qui attirent la proscription sont plus violents et mieux équipés pour puiser dans les réseaux terroristes internationaux. Tandis que les groupes plus jeunes et les groupes nationalistes sont plus vulnérables à la proscription, les groupes religieux plus anciens et les groupes soutenus par un État semblent devenir plus violents suite à la proscription. La proscription peut être un outil efficace pour réduire les attaques terroristes et leur létalité, mais c’est contre les groupes terroristes plus jeunes qu’elle est la plus efficace et les États devraient faire preuve de prudence dans son utilization car elle peut ne pas avoir les effets souhaités sur tous les types de groupes.

Health Care Utilization Before and After the “Muslim Ban” Executive Order Among People Born in Muslim-Majority Countries and Living in the US

The health effects of restrictive immigration and refugee policies targeting individuals from Muslim-majority countries are largely unknown. To analyze whether President Trump's 2017 executive order 13769, "Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States" (known as the "Muslim ban" executive order) was associated with changes in health care utilization by people born in targeted nations living in the US. This retrospective cohort study included adult patients treated at Minneapolis-St. Paul HealthPartners primary care clinics or emergency departments (EDs) between January 1, 2016, and December 31, 2017. Patients were categorized as (1) born in Muslim ban-targeted nations, (2) born in Muslim-majority nations not listed in the executive order, or (3) non-Latinx and born in the US. Data were analyzed from October 1, 2019, to May 12, 2021. Executive order 13769, "Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States." Primary outcomes included the number of (1) primary care clinic visits, (2) missed primary care appointments, (3) primary care stress-responsive diagnoses, (4) ED visits, and (5) ED stress-responsive diagnoses. Visit trends were evaluated before and after the Muslim ban issuance using linear regression, and differences between the study groups after the executive order issuance were evaluated using difference-in-difference analyses. A total of 252 594 patients were included in the analysis: 5667 in group 1 (3367 women [59.4%]; 5233 Black individuals [92.3%]), 1254 in group 2 (627 women [50%]; 391 White individuals [31.2%]), and 245 673 in group 3 (133 882 women [54.5%]; 203 342 White individuals [82.8%]). Group 1 was predominantly born in Somalia (5231 of 5667 [92.3%]) and insured by Medicare or Medicaid (4428 [78.1%]). Before the Muslim ban, primary care visits and stress-responsive diagnoses were increasing for individuals from Muslim-majority nations (groups 1 and 2). In the year after the ban, there were approximately 101 additional missed primary care appointments among people from Muslim-majority countries not named in the ban (point estimate [SE], 6.73 [2.90]; P = .02) and approximately 232 additional ED visits by individuals from Muslim ban-targeted nations (point estimate [SE], 3.41 [1.53]; P = .03). Results of this cohort study suggest that after issuance of the Muslim ban executive order, missed primary care appointments and ED visits increased among people from Muslim-majority countries living in Minneapolis-St. Paul.

Repatriation as a Human Rights Approach to State Options in Dealing with Returning ISIS Foreign Terrorist Fighters

Since the territorial defeat of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), debates and questions on what states should do (individually and or collectively) with foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) from their countries have become more relevant yet controversial. This article critically investigates whether states of origin have an obligation to repatriate ISIS FTFs under international law as well as what options are available for such countries in dealing with returning ISIS fighters based on a human rights approach. This article also highlights that the current international legal framework is generally moving toward the repatriation of FTFs for the purpose of prosecution and rehabilitation. While states have taken diverse and controversial approaches in dealing with fighters who wish to return, the option to repatriate and fairly prosecute them in their countries of origin is seen as the most comprehensive and preferred approach, not only for the countries of origin but also for the international community as a whole in the long term.

The Waxing and Waning of Loyalty in German Citizenship

This paper analyses the waxing and waning of loyalty in German citizenship. The paper focuses on three areas where loyalty historically played a role: military service, requirements that naturalisation candidates commit to support and uphold constitutional values, and debates over exclusive loyalty and dual citizenship. There is an asymmetry between loyalty and disloyalty. Germany no longer requires young male citizens to demonstrate their loyalty through military service. Nonetheless, perceived disloyalty, such as military service for a foreign state or terrorist militia, can result in loss of citizenship. Citizens are not required to show loyalty to the constitutional order but engaging in activities to undermine the constitutional order is incompatible with becoming a naturalised German citizen. For dual citizenship there is continued opposition due at least in part to concerns over divided loyalties but increasing toleration in bureaucratic practice. The revival of loyalty requirements in the late 1990s and after 2001 is a reaction to perceived failures of immigrant integration. Evolving human rights norms help explain the relaxation of loyalty requirements after 1945 but not their recent revival. Debates over political loyalty as well as dual citizenship show distinct partisan differences. Finally, both Hitler and the Weimar Republic cast long shadows.

Foreign Terrorist Fighters and the UN Investigative Team to Support Domestic Efforts to Hold ISIS Accountable for War Crimes, Crimes Against Humanity and Genocide Committed in Iraq: Building a Bridge that Should Be Used

After examining the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions referred to the foreign fighters who joined the ranks of ISIS in Iraq and Syria andthe UN Investigative Team to support domestic efforts to hold ISIS accountable for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide committed in Iraq (UNITAD or the Investigative Team) this article brings both contents together in order to ascertain whether there may be gaps or problems which should be addressed, since both developments were prompted by the UNSC. It is explored whether there may be certain inconsistencies, such as the one relating to the emphasis placed on different crimes, depending on the resolutions in question. Thus, those related to FTFs focus on terrorism crimes, while those related to UNITAD refer to atrocity crimes. Hereinafter the action and evolution of UNITAD is examined, in order to determine whether it might be helpful to overcome some existing barriers and avoid impunity for atrocity crimes. It will be concluded that UNITAD may provide substantial support, not only in relation to trials in Iraq, but also in third States, by providing useful tools or evidence to prosecute FTFs. Seizing this opportunity will require further action, which will be crucial to promote accountability and justice.

Learning the Language: Evolution of the FBI’s Linguist Program and Lessons Learned

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), although it is a domestically oriented intelligence service, must contend with foreign state, terrorist, and criminal entities. Foreign language capability is integral to countering many of these threat actors. The FBI has developed its foreign language workforce and associated infrastructure in response to the evolution of its mission. This was a learning process for the FBI and progressed from utilization of personnel who had language skills, or who were trained on an ad hoc basis, to establishing a dedicated workforce of linguists. This evolution highlights the need for organizations to assess needs and build toward workforces defined by subject matter expertise, rather than taking a one-size-fits-all approach. As the FBI’s history in the field of language illustrates, expertise will eventually become a necessity. Workarounds, whether in language, information technology, or any other field, will only ultimately delay the development of capabilities.

Criminalising Terrorist Offences and the Phenomenon of Foreign Terrorist Fighters at the Municipal Level without Defining Terrorism in International Law: Does the Trick Really Work?

Abstract Although terrorism does not represent a new concern, it keeps evolving and posing new challenges to both the international community and individual States. The efforts to adopt uniform and concerted actions, also in terms of new legal instruments, so far have produced varying and in some instances questionable results. One of the main issues is represented by the lack of a universally agreed-upon definition of terrorism, an issue that resonates also at the domestic level whenever States are called to implement further layers of the existing international counter-terrorism framework. The present article aims at discussing the problems that States face while adopting and enforcing international obligations to criminalise terrorist offences; most recently those connected to the foreign terrorist fighters (ftf s) phenomenon. This article will focus on Italy and it will analyse how the international norms to fight terrorism have been transposed in its domestic legislation and interpreted by its courts.

Threat of ISIS-Affiliated Foreign Terrorist Fighters Towards Canadian National Security

Since the loss of approximately 98% of their territory, Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has become a shadow of its former self. Foreign recruits must now decide whether to leave the region and return home or stay and possibly continue the fight. Those that return constitute a threat to their home environments because of their maintained allegiances to ISIS, state of radicalization, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and improved lethality, and operational effectiveness in conducting acts of domestic terrorism. As a result, this article calls for the development and application of a prosecutorial-reintegrative model that is based off prior research on Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs). The model should also be informed by up-to-date research in the field of deradicalization and disengagement and should consider the different classes of FTFs. Following an understanding of the qualitative differences of ISIS FTFs compared to past foreign fighters, the article concludes that directed counter violent extremist messaging and components of Saudi Arabia’s successful Prevention, Rehabilitation, and After Care (PRAC) program must be factored into any framework for rehabilitation and reintegration while Criminal Code and Anti-Terrorism Act provisions, complemented by evidence gathering strategies, are primarily used to hold FTFs accountable for serious offences.

Foreign Terrorist Fighters from Russia in and after Syria and Iraq: (Trans) National Trends and Threats

Despite the large number of foreign terrorist fighters from Russia in Syria and Iraq, the specifics of this phenomenon are often reduced to the Northern Caucasian connection. The article suggests a differentiated assessment of types and scale of threat posed by ISIS-linked FTFs in the Russian, Eurasian and broader international contexts, relying on data-based analysis of the main trends in the dynamic process of their circulation. They include changing composition of the FTF outflow, by type of domestic radicalization, low return rate, and high potential for relocation to third countries. The article challenges conventional views on correlation of threats posed by returnees and relocated FTFs, the main domestic challenge linked to Russian FTFs, the intra-Eurasian circulation of the FTFs, the risk of their concentration in northern Afghanistan, and potential for their cross-regional circulation between Eurasia, Middle East and Europe.

THE LEGALITY OF EX-ISIS CITIZENSHIP FROM INDONESIA IN IRAQ AND SYRIA

After the death of the supreme commander of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), Abu Bakar Al Baghdadi, marked the end of ISIS's legitimacy and hegemony in the Arabian Peninsula. The incident actually led to a new polemic related to the fate of combatants or sympathizers whose support the ISIS (Foreign Terrorist Fighter). With the defeat of ISIS, many FTF are trapped unable to return to their home/ origin countries. On the other side, the sentiment of the country of origin has arisen to not accept its citizens back and lead to revocation of citizenship status. As one of the donor countries for ISIS member, the Government of Indonesia is faced with serious problems regarding the legality of citizenship status and the threat of radical ideology. The dilemmatic attitude to revoke Indonesian citizenship or to repatriate the Ex-ISIS becomes a matter of climax. The issue of this article to centralize and highlight the legality toward the ex-ISIS citizenship from Indonesia in Iraq and Syria. In addition, this article also to give the perspective and elaboration in matter of consequences to repatriate those former ISIS or to withdraw their citizenship. The results of the study of this article are criticized and also analyze the legality of citizenship of ex ISIS member from Indonesia.

Law Enforcement of Terrorism Crimes Associated with Foreign Terorist Fighter ISIS Cases

This study aims to discuss the position of terrorism in international criminal law and law enforcement against terrorism crimes committed by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syiriah (ISIS) Foreign Terrorist Fighter (FTF). The research method used in this research study is a normative juridical legal research method. In some literature, crimes of terrorism in international criminal law are categorized as extraordinary crimes because of their systematic, organized and widespread nature. Law enforcement against the FTF ISIS for crimes of terrorism can basically be carried out by means of preventive measures as preventive and repressive measures as penal measures which in this case can be prosecuted based on the legal rules of the perpetrator's country of origin and allowed to make arrests, prosecutions and punishments or attempts. Extradition if necessary. In addition, law enforcement based on international criminal law can also be pursued if the crimes of terrorism committed by the perpetrators cause things that have an impact on the international community and qualify as stipulated in the Rome Statute.

The Implications of Designation of Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organisation?

The Implications of Designation of Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organisation?

Combating International Terrorism: Modern Challenges and Threats.

Modern counter-terrorist international universal and regional treaties are aimed directly at criminalization and penalization of terrorism, not international terrorism. Their main objective is unification of the term “terrorism” in domestic law. At least it refers to the most common specific types of acts of terrorism and terrorist offences. However this seems to be palliative as terrorism is constantly progressing, keeps modifying in its forms and includes not only acts of terrorism, but also terrorist doctrines and terrorist organizations, new ways of the committing (for example, cyber terrorism), and new ways of finding new recruits (recently – attracting foreign terrorist fighters). International terrorism has become a threat of planetary dimensions. Nowadays there is a constantly evolving system of international counterterrorism cooperation - regulated by norms of international and domestic law joint activities of subjects of international relations and domestic legal relations aimed at securing legal protection of individual, society, state and international community from terrorist crimes.

ANALYSIS OF THE BOMBERS’ TACTICS AND THE CONSEQUENCES OF A SERIES OF TERRORIST ATTACKS IN BRUSSELS (22 MARCH 2016)

The purpose of the article is to analyse the modus operandi of the terrorists who on 22 March 2016 organised the bomb attacks in Brussels. The article characterises the targets of the attackers, analyses their operational tactics and the aftermath of their attacks. In addition, the consequences of the attacks are discussed – both economic and legal. Another issue analysed in the article is the perpetrators of the assassinations – their origin, path of radicalisation and network of contacts. The summary shows why returning foreign terrorist fighters are a threat to security in the EU countries, including Poland.

Counterterrorism legislation and far-right terrorism in Australia and the United Kingdom

Over the past two decades, since the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the United States, a number of countries have enacted new laws tailored specifically to the threat posed by Islamic extremist terrorism. This includes recent legislation that has criminalised behaviour associated with ‘foreign terrorist fighters’, such as the act of travel to, or fighting in, foreign conflicts. This legislative response reflects the enactment of earlier laws, with measures designed for prior iterations of the contemporary Islamic extremist terrorist threat, such as control orders and preventative detention orders, prohibitions on extremist speech and disseminating terrorist propganda and the criminalisation of terrorist training. Yet despite the focus on Islamic extremist terrorism, this is not the only terrorist threat that Western democracies face. The rise of far-right terrorism in recent years has, however, not seen the same recourse to new legislation as has been the case for Islamic extremist terrorism. Using Australia and the United Kingdom as case studies, this article assesses the extent to which counterterrorism legislation has been used to deal with the particular threat posed by far-right terrorism. In doing so, it evaluates the lessons that might be learned from applying counterterrorism legislation designed for one particular terrorist threat to other types of terrorism.

Media coverage of the unfolding crisis of domestic terrorism in the United States, 1990–2020

Public relations research has paid considerable attention to foreign terrorist crises but relatively little attention to domestic ones—despite the growing salience of domestic terrorism in the United States. This study content analyzes 30 years of network television news coverage of domestic terrorism to gain insight into four theoretical issues of enduring interest within the literature on news framing and crisis management: sourcing, contextualization, ideological labeling, and definitional uncertainty. Results indicate that the sources called upon to contextualize domestic terrorism have shifted over time, that ideological labels are more often applied on the right than the left, and that definitional uncertainty has increased markedly in recent years. Implications for the theory and practice of public relations and crisis management are discussed.

Counting apples as oranges: Problems under international humanitarian law with designating the Allied Democratic Forces and Ansar al-Sunna foreign terrorist organisations

Under President Biden, the US has shifted its approach to ISIS to address fears about the group’s expansion globally. The spread of ISIS in Africa has become an area of notable concern as an increasing number of armed groups across the continent have announced affiliations with ISIS. In response to this perceived threat, the Biden Administration announced the designation of two armed groups with ties to ISIS operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Mozambique as foreign terrorist organisations (FTOs) in March 2021. There are, however, reasons to question the applicability of the designations in these two cases and consider the broader context and consequences. This article argues that the designations have been inappropriately assigned to these two groups in the DRC and Mozambique based on inaccurate factual assessments and explores the implications of this problematic approach under international humanitarian law.

THE CURRENT POSITION OF THE FOREIGN TERRORIST FIGHTERS IN THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA

Terrorism with religious ideological background today is a serious global threat. The modern infrastructure and the communications of movement allowed terrorist organizations to be able to attack everywhere in the world. The issue that is a point of interest of this paper is the current situation of returning the foreign terrorist fighters to their home country or third countries and the security consequences that may arise if they are not treated properly. For a more detailed perception of this problem through the case analysis – an operative police action related to the foreign terrorist fighters, the functional aspects of the criminal prosecution bodies of the Republic of North Macedonia will be better perceived and studied. Also, a special emphasis will be placed on the strategy for the fight against violent extremism and the financing of terrorist fighters.

Material Support Prosecutions and their Inherent Selectivity

The government’s maintenance of a list of designated foreign terrorist groups and criminalization of any meaningful interaction or transactions – whether peaceful or violent - with such groups are no longer novel concepts. Inherent in both listing these groups and prosecuting individuals for assisting them, even in trivial ways, is the government’s essentially unreviewable discretion to classify groups and proceed with any subsequent prosecutions. A summary review of the past quarter-century reveals the government’s predilection for pushing the boundaries of what it deems “material support” to terrorist groups, all the while making greater and greater use of a criminal statutory scheme for foreign policy purposes. This Article explores the dynamics of the designation process and material support prosecutions, highlighting the selectivity inherent at every turn, which tells who and from what major monotheistic faith the terrorist threat emanates.

Террористические угрозы в Афганистане и Пакистане: сравнительный анализ

The article is devoted to analysis of terrorist threats in Afghanistan and Pakistan, identifies their similar external and essential characteristics. Afghanistan is remarkable for the highest level of terrorist threats. Drivers of terrorist activity are the Taliban insurgency, more than 20 radical Islamist groups affiliated with Al-Qaida and partly with ISIL. Relying on the Afghan Taliban cooperation, Al-Qaida tries to regain its position in Afghanistan. Radical groups, consisting of foreign terrorist fighters are active in eastern, north-eastern and northern provinces of Afghanistan. Strengthening of the radical groups in the northern part of Afghanistan is a potential threat to the states of Central Asia. It can encourage the dissemination of extremist ideology in the region. Despite heavy casualties, ISIL tries not to lean back in Afghanistan. Pakistan’s security is tied with the situation in Afghanistan. The terrorist elements operating in Af-Pak region always played a major role in destabilization of the country. The paper also highlights that increasing presence of militant groups in Pakistan contributed to the deepening of religious differences in Pakistani society. The presence of the supporters of Al-Qaida in the region also complicates the security situation in Pakistan. The author emphasizes existing trend of cultivation of extremist ideologies to get political support of conservative hardliners and to flirt with extremist groups in Pakistan’s ruling circles. In recent years Islamabad could decrease the level of terrorist threats in Pakistan by conducting major military operations.