Foreign Security Research Articles

ВОПРОСЫ НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЙ БЕЗОПАСНОСТИ И ЯДЕРНОГО РАЗОРУЖЕНИЯ В РАБОТЕ ВСЕМИРНОГО РУССКОГО НАРОДНОГО СОБОРА В 1990-Х ГГ.

The article is devoted to the study of such an important aspect of the activities of the World Russian People's Council (until 1995 it was called the World Russian Council) in the 90-s of the 20-th century as a discussion of national security issues and nuclear disarmament. At that time, a number of political and public figures actively called for the nuclear disarmament of Russia. Founded in 1993, the World Russian Council called for the Russian Federation to maintain a reasonable balance between reducing the arms race and fighting for the resumption of detente in international relations, on the one hand, and maintaining a powerful nuclear component of the armed forces of the country, on the other. The resolutions of the World Russian Council and the World Russian People's Council on the problems of the new concepts formation of foreign policy and national security of Russia in the context of NATO's eastward movement are analyzed in the article. It also shows the relationship between the provisions of the WRNS on security and nuclear weapons issues with Chapter VIII of the «Fundamentals of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Church».

INSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL MECHANISM OF THE EU IN THE SPHERE OF SECURITY AND DEFENCE

The article examines the features of the institutional and legal mechanism of the Union in the field of security and defence from its founding under the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 to the current stage under the Lisbon Treaty in 2007. The legal characteristics of the EU institutions, that deals with the defence and security of Member States is provided. In particular, the activities of the European Council, the Council of the EU, the European Parliament, as well as the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy were analyzed. It is established that the institutional component of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy is characterized by the preservation of the sovereign powers of the Member States, as the development and decision-making at the highest level takes place through intergovernmental bodies of the Union. The powers of subsidiary bodies established by decisions of the EU Council are studied. The activities of the Political and Security Committee, the EU Military Committee, the EU Military Staff, the European Defence Agency, and the Committee on Civilian Aspects of Crisis Management are analyzed. In particular, the Political and Security Committee is the central executive body of the Union and a kind of "engine" of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Especially important is his work on crisis management and finding the most optimal solutions in this direction. The EU Military Committee is the highest military body of the European Union, which manages all military activities within the EU. The EU Staff is the Union's main military expert body, tasked with early warning, situation assessment and strategic planning in line with the European Security Strategy. The European Defence Agency is a center of cooperation in the field of defence policy between Member States, EU institutions and third countries. It is noted that the EU institutional mechanism in the field of security and defence is represented not only by purely military but also by civilian structures, among which the Committee on Civilian Aspects of Crisis Management is the key. It has been found that the above institutions have sole executive powers and are not empowered to make legally binding decisions for Member States. It is concluded that one of the trends in the development of the EU institutional mechanism in the XXI century is so-called military-civil synergy, which occurs through cooperation between military and civilian structures of the Union, whose activities are aimed at achieving systematic goals in security and defence issues.

ФОРМУВАННЯ ЗОВНІШНЬОПОЛІТИЧНОГО ВИМІРУ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОЇ ІНТЕГРАЦІЇ У 40 – 80-Х РОКАХ ХХ СТ.

The article is devoted to study history of formation mechanisms of foreign policy of the European Communities in the period before creation of the European Union (40s – 80s of the XXth century). The dynamics formation of the foreign and security component of European integration from the first postwar projects of political association of the leading states of Western Europe (France and Great Britain) to creation in the early 1970s of a mechanism of European political cooperation (EPC) and its further activity are traced. The article analyzes political and legal status, evolution of the organizational structure, main activities, international achievements and miscalculations in the work of the EPC. Positions of Member States of the European Communities on development of their foreign policy and security components have been taken into account. The conclusions stated that the processes of European integration in the post-war period began precisely from the political sphere. However, due to differences in the strategic views of the states of Western Europe, their unwillingness to surrender state sovereignty in favor of European political institutions, as well as the position of the United States, it very quickly moved into the formation of a purely economic regional association. At the same time, the scale of economic integration and international policy tendencies have led to the formation of the system of political cooperation, which has become commonplace in the work of the Community institutions and the interaction of the Member States. On the whole, the EPC remained a weak and declarative practice of regular inter-state meetings at various levels, because it was outside the system of institutions and the regulatory framework of the European Communities. National ambitions of the Member States, each of which often favored the established priorities of its own foreign policy over the common interests of the union. Achieved level of political unification positions and actions of the Member States of the European Communities did not significantly increase the influence of integration in the international space until the formation of the European Union.

Seguridad cooperativa como medida de prevención y respuesta de la Unión Europea

Europa ha vivido el periodo de paz más extenso de su historia desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Sin embargo, esta “tranquilidad” ha sido interrumpida por los ataques terroristas contemporáneos. Hoy se necesita una Unión Europea fuerte, capaz de delimitar y fortalecer su política exterior, seguridad y defensa común para considerarse un actor político. Se presentan dos líneas para un nuevo sistema de seguridad para la región: dos organizaciones que integran las democracias liberales con intereses comunes (OTAN y UE). Además, una organización con una vocación menos inclusiva generada a partir de la CSCE (actualmente OSCE), para servir de punto de encuentro y crear la confianza entre sus miembros. Con estos escenarios, se busca tratar los asuntos de seguridad, mantener la paz y evitar el uso de la fuerza.

Іноземне інвестування як одне із джерел наповнення бюджету Пенсійного фонду України та шляхи запобігання правопорушенням у цій сфері

У статті з’ясовано зміст і сутність інвестиційної діяльності в Україні як одного із джерел формування Державного бюджету та інших сфер соціального забезпечення населення з урахуванням корупційних ризиків і вірогідності вчинення кримінальних правопорушень у сучасних умовах життєдіяльності нашої держави, а також розроблені науково обґрунтовані заходи, спрямовані на вирішення існуючих проблем з означених питань.

The Socialization of China’s Assertiveness: Examining Waltz’s Neorealist Mechanism of “Socialization” in China’s Regional Security Relations

This is a study of learning and socialization in China’s foreign security policy, examining how China has at times been more assertive and in other instances has taken a more accommodating approach in its foreign security policy behavior. This paper argues that China has been “socialized” by its international security environment by exploring Kenneth Waltz’s theoretical mechanism of the “socialization” of states in the international system. The 1995–1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis and the early 2000s, the Senkaku/Diaoyutai crises from 2012 to 2015, and the South China Sea in the mid-1990s are all instances in which China has employed force only to suffer strategically. This has eventually led to a less confrontational posture and contributed to the pursuit of a more cooperative engagement strategy with both Southeast Asia (from 1998 to 2008) and Taiwan ([Formula: see text]2006–2016). Variations in China’s assertiveness can be explained by the combination of domestic politics and signals from China’s international security environment.

Perspectives of Further Institutional Development of the EU: High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security and EU Foreign Policy

Treaty of Lisbon has contributed significantly to the development of the European Union (EU) institutions. It has abolished the EU pillars system and has made crucial changes to the implementation of external policies of the Union. This article tracks the evolution of the post of High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, starting from its introduction by the Amsterdam Treaty, until the reforms introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon, and also analyses the challenges it is facing, on its path to implement its mandate.

Development of Сooperation Between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union at the Present Stage

After the collapse of the USSR, the West received favorable conditions for promoting its geopolitical interests. Accordingly, the European Union began to establish relations with the countries of Central Asia. The EU policy in Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century is characterized by the fact that Brussels concentrated its efforts on the allocation of economic assistance, the promotion of democracy and market relations. The EU policy in the Central Asian republics was based on cooperation and partnership Agreements signed with the leadership of the countries of the region. These agreements were intended to formalize the political and economic relations of the countries of the region with the EU. The role of the Central Asian countries in EU foreign policy was more clearly defined after the adoption of the European Union Strategy for Central Asia in 2007. The European Union has taken a number of steps to strengthen its position in the region. Several formats of bilateral and regional cooperation have been created, and EU representative offices have been opened in the countries of the region.Over the past decade, the European Union has significantly intensified its foreign policy in Central Asia. It expanded diplomatic ties and successfully implemented mechanisms for developing cooperation with Central Asia. In particular, it has expanded its presence in the region, successfully launching several of its strategic programs in various areas of cooperation.In 2019, the European Union adopted a new Strategy for Central Asia. This is the first radical revision of the document adopted in 2007. This indicates a desire to update the base of interac tion and to build relations with the countries of the region in a new way. The European Union pays special attention to such areas of cooperation as energy issues, global security problems and joint struggle against the threats of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and radical extremism, transport and infrastructure. Particular attention is paid to the prospects and problems of the EU’s interaction with the Kyrgyz Republic, which cover various aspects: political, economic, social, trade, cultural. On 19 November 2017, the European Union and the Kyrgyz Republic began negotiations to update the existing bilateral agreement, which is intended to replace the partnership and cooperation Agreement. After the completion of the negotiations, a new agreement on expanded partnership and cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union was initialed on July 6, 2019. It includes new areas of cooperation and significantly improves the regulatory framework for trade and economic relations in accordance with WTO rules and regional economic agreements. The new agreement provides for cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the EU in areas such as: policy and reform, enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security issues, in the areas of justice, security and freedoms, as well as in trade.

In Search of Prerogative

The standard formalist account of Article II’s executive vesting clause is that “the executive power” refers to all the powers and authorities possessed by the executive magistrate in Great Britain prior to the Constitution’s adoption, subject to the assignment of such powers and authorities to the other departments of the national government. In recent papers, a handful of scholars have challenged this “residual vesting” thesis by amassing evidence that “the executive power” textually referred only to the power to carry law into execution, and not to the bundle of other royal prerogatives—for example over foreign affairs and national security—enjoyed by the British monarch. According to the advocates of both accounts, the scope and nature of the executive is dramatically altered depending on which account one adopts. This Article dissents from both views. The executive power was indeed about law-execution, and was not a residual grant of power; but, I argue, both the founding generation and their key guide, Blackstone, likely shared a “thick” understanding of this “executive power.” Their writings and statements suggest that “the executive power,” even in its narrower law-execution sense, plausibly included the powers to appoint, remove, and direct executive officers, and to promulgate regulations, as necessary incidents to law-execution. Not only is this account consistent with Blackstone and the historical meaning of “the executive power,” it better fits the available data from the Constitutional Convention and early practice than either of the other two accounts. The residual vesting thesis requires us to believe that the Committee of Detail ignored the instructions of the delegates in the Constitutional Convention; to infer that the delegates themselves were unaware of the implications of what they had written; and to ignore the fact that not a single opponent of the Constitution during ratification as much as mentioned the possibility of a residual grant. On the other hand, the law-execution thesis, at least a “thin” version of it, may require us to ignore important practices and precedents. The “thick” view of “the executive power” advanced in this Article is the theory of best fit: it is the only one that fits the text, the Framers’ apparent intent, and the historical practice. The upshot of this approach is that the President probably has more power in the domestic sphere than under a thin law-execution account, but less in foreign affairs than under the residual account.

ОЦІНКА ВПЛИВУ ІНФОРМАЦІЙНО-КОМУНІКАЦІЙНИХ ТЕХНОЛОГІЙ НА ПОКАЗНИКИ ЗОВНІШНЬОТОРГОВЕЛЬНОЇ БЕЗПЕКИ ДЕРЖАВИ

Розглянуто проблему вивчення впливу інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій (ІКТ) на зміну показників експорту та імпорту товарів, що є основою для розрахунку та прогнозування змін показників зовнішньоторговельної безпеки держави. Установлено, що вплив цього фактору на зовнішньоторговельну безпеку держави в будь-якій країні є подвійним: як можливість зміцнити її і як загрозу її стабільності. Визначено, що пошук прийнятного балансу між можливостями зміцнення зовнішньоторговельної безпеки держави в умовах стрімкого зростання ІКТ (оцифрування), з одного боку, та ризиків, що виникають з неадекватного рівня розвитку, — з другого, різні види ІКТ-інфраструктури країни стають актуальною дослідницькою проблемою. Проаналізовано найбільш значні економічні дослідження в області теоретичних основ теорії гравітаційного моделювання та основні етапи її еволюції. Удосконалено базову гравітаційну модель торгівлі завдяки додатковому включенню показників стану розвитку ІКТ як інституційних чинників і показників зовнішньоторговельної безпеки країни в умовах країни та часових ефектів (на прикладі основної експортної товарної групи Україна — сталь та її продукція). Параметри гравітаційної моделі оцінювали на основі ретроспективних даних з використанням економетричних методів та програмних пакетів Stata або R за результатами моделювання оцінки впливу факторів розвитку ІКТ країни на обсяги зовнішньої торгівлі. Проаналізовано сталь і сталеву продукцію. Результати вказують на позитивний вплив використання Інтернету та мобільних телефонів на збільшення експорту сталі та виробів з неї. Це дає підстави для підтвердження теоретичних припущень про великі обсяги торгівлі виробами зі сталі між країнами з високим попитом і пропозицією, а також вказує на важливість зниження витрат і часу на перевезення цих товарів у країнах, які не є сусідніми. Водночас використання сучасних засобів ІКТ позитивно вплине на обсяги реалізації металургійної продукції як на внутрішньому, так і на зовнішньому ринках, за рахунок отримання конкурентних переваг щодо інших гравців на ринку.

The Court of Justice’s Difficulty with Reviewing Smart Sanctions as Illustrated by Rosneft

This article analyses the European Court of Justice (The General Court of the EU (formerly the Court of First Instance) in Luxembourg, hereafter ‘the Court’.) judgment of 13 September 2018 on Rosneft (Case T-715/14) (The Rosneft T-715/14 includes more than one applicant: Rosneft, RN-Shelf-Arctic, RN-Shelf-Far East, RNExploration and Tagulskoe, together referred to as ‘Rosneft’.) in the light of the obligation to state reasons. Rosneft claimed an infringement by the Council (The Council of the European Union, ‘the Council’.) on its obligation to make such statement under Article 41 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (‘The Charter’). The Court concluded that the reasons given by the Council were sufficient (T-715/14 Rosneft paragraph 127). The article will compare the reasoning of the Council and Court with the obligation to state reasons as interpreted in other Russian oil and banking sector judgments, in general and in asset-freeze cases (‘In general’ has to be read to mean ‘not in EU common foreign security policy (CFSP) cases’.). According to Rosneft, the rule of law is substituted with the rule of politics.

Milipol Asia Pacific 2019 – A délkelet-ázsiai térség legjelentősebb belügyi és biztonságpolitikai konferenciájának összefoglalója

The current article is a summary of the conference held during the “Milipol Asia Pacific – The Region’s Leading International Event for Homeland Security” taking place between 2–4 April 2019 in Singapore. The conference themed “A Collaborative Response to Criminal Innovation” aimed to bring focus on the immediate and future challenges faced by government security forces from organised crime to regional terrorism in the South East Asian region, as well as to map out existing good practices regarding a collaborative approach in tackling these fast-evolving criminal structures. The presentations included topics such as the growing drug trafficking in the region, the threat posed by militant Islamism and jihadism, returning foreign fighters, information security and information warfare and the use of ethical hackers. Hungary and the National University for Public Service was represented through Hanga Horvath-Santha, third year PhD student at the Doctoral School of the Faculty for Military Sciences and Officer Training.

The Macroeconomic Contribution of Agricultural Economics to National Growth and Development

This study was undertaken to investigate the macroeconomics of agricultural economics using secondary data collected from different sources to appraise results in the course of the research. The analysis was to determine the macroeconomic contribution of agricultural economics to national growth and development. The survey revealed that agricultural economics helps to enhance investment, employment, trade, foreign exchange earnings, government revenue, food security, technological innovation, economic growth and development. In addition, in all contributions to the gross domestic product (GDP), agriculture is most vital, because no work or thought can be exercised without the release of energy which comes from food. The following recommendations are proffered to increase the influence of agricultural economics on the macroeconomics of a national economy: the monetary policy rate (MPR) or discount rate (DR) should be reduced to 0-2% to enhance agricultural production, tax revenues, exports, employment, food security, technological innovation, and the GDP.

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Economic sovereignty in the 21-st century: the issue of Russia's foreign economic security in the conditions of membership in international financial and economic organizations

The article deals with topical issues related to the transformation of economic sovereignty in terms of ensuring the external economic security of the state within the framework of membership in international financial and economic organizations. Since the beginning of the XXI century, almost all countries of the world, including Russia, have accelerated the pace of opening their economies. With this initiative, they expected the introduction of a new driving force in the process of domestic economic development and the creation of new market opportunities. States to varying degrees have integrated their domestic economies into the global market. However, for any country, opening the economy to the outside world is not free. The national economy will inevitably be subject to certain costs, which will affect the increase in value and the same time be perceived as weakening the country's «economic sovereignty», namely, the erosion of permanent and exclusive privileges over its economic activity and national resources. The increase in the number of international financial and economic organizations and the expansion of their functions naturally limit the sovereignty of a particular country. The most typical example is the ever broader penetration of the following organizations: the Bank for International Settlements (BIS), the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) into the internal economic affairs of their members. In the conditions of world economic globalization, many underdeveloped countries are forced to resort to foreign aid and intervention, which, however, will lead to the fact that their governments will be deprived of control over their own economies. In this regard, some scientists predict the loss of economic sovereignty in a form such as neo-colonialism. More importantly, this is the fact that some economically strong countries, such as the United States, for example, taking advantage of this, influence or violate the economic sovereignty of these countries. At the same time, economically developed countries address double standards in economic policy and apply their own self-realized theories, such as «human rights that transcend sovereignty» and «economic integration that outweigh sovereignty», to make weak countries recognize some of their inalienable privileges. However, these countries repeatedly emphasize that they should not accept international economic rules as a sacrifice of weakening and diminishing their own decision-making rights. Thus, we can conclude that the dispute over economic sovereignty is, in fact, a hidden competitive struggle for power in the world arena. In the current context of «economic openness», external economic impacts on individual countries are distributed in an unbalanced manner. From an economic point of view, Russia needs to rethink the understanding of sovereignty as a responsibility for the internal functions and external obligations of the state in the economic sphere, which includes, but is not limited to questions of the state’s external economic security. The development and normative content of the concept of sovereignty as a responsibility to protect in the economic sphere requires the continuation of scientific development, in particular, it concerns the formulation of the internal functions of the state, based on a distributed responsibility approach between: (1) by the state and supranational actors, which are international financial and economic organizations, (2) by civil society and private business, each performing its own role in the global economy. You should also pay attention to the external functions of the state to protect national interests in the foreign economic sphere, taking into account the existing actual inequality between states in terms of the development of economic infrastructure and technologies.

Arming the Peace: Foreign Security Assistance and Human Rights Conditions in Post-Conflict Countries

ABSTRACTWhat are the effects of foreign security assistance on the quality of the peace in post-conflict countries? Despite the stakes, and the tremendous amount of weaponry and other forms of foreign military aid flowing to governments of post-conflict countries, the academic literature provides little guidance as to what effects policymakers and practitioners should expect from this type of aid. Military assistance provided to the government of a country emerging from the turmoil of civil war could enable the state to establish a monopoly on the legitimate use of force, leading to a more durable peace and greater human security. However, we contend that significant flows of military aid and weapons from foreign governments may encourage regimes to adopt more repressive approaches to governance. We investigate the impact of security assistance on human rights conditions after 171 internal armed conflicts that ended between 1956 and 2012 using a novel measure of military aid and an instrumented measure of weapons transfers. We find strong evidence that both military aid and arms transfers to post-conflict governments increase state repression.

THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICIES

Through this scientific research it is analyzed the legislation and the impact of Macedonian Parliament in establishing of Foreign and Security Politics. it is done the analyze about essential sources of the definition of position in the Assembly of Republic of Macedonia, beginning from the Constitution, Regulation and Foreign Law of Parliamentary Work, about the law of Foreign Affairs and Law Framework of Security Politics. As well it is explained the role and the work of Parliamentary Commission in the establishing of Security and Foreign Politics such as: the Commission of Foreign Affairs, Commission of Defense and Security, Commission of Secret Services and the Commission of the European Issues, so far is elaborated Cooperation Board with Other Parliamentary Commissions. At the end of the first part, Work Groups of the Parliament of Republic of Macedonia with parliaments of other Countries.At the first research to International Relationship – Foreign Politics and Security, especially is explored the Relationship and Cooperation with neighboring Countries and with some European South - Eastern, Countries. The role of Parliament of Republic of Macedonia it is analyzed and explained as well and the cooperation with Parliamentarian Assembly of Organization of United Nations (UN), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), The Parliament of European Union, Organization of North Atlantic Alliance (OTAN) and European Council.

Britain and Interwar Danubian Europe: Foreign Policy and Security Challenges, 1919–1936, written by Dragan Bakić

Britain and Interwar Danubian Europe: Foreign Policy and Security Challenges, 1919–1936, written by Dragan Bakić

Expeditionary police advising: some causes of failure

ABSTRACTThe practice of dispatching teams of police advisors to other states to build or train foreign security forces began at the end of the nineteenth century, yet there exists no definitive history of the practice, or any definitive theoretical approach underpinning why such missions succeed or fail. Drawing upon their recent edited book on expeditionary police advising, and by examining the donor or sending states, the host nations, and the use of police in counterinsurgency situations, the authors present some key reasons why such missions fail, and lay some groundwork for additional study of this important subject.

Japan's Indo-Pacific Strategic Engagement with Changes in Foreign Security Strategy

Japan's Indo-Pacific Strategic Engagement with Changes in Foreign Security Strategy