Foreign Policy Priorities Research Articles

The Iranian Impact on Iraqi-Jordanian Relations after 2003

Objectives: The study aims to examine the possibilities and challenges associated with repairing ties between Jordan and Iraq. Additionally, it explores how Iraq's foreign policy priorities towards other nations are influenced, in part, by Iran. 
 Methods: The historical evolution of relations between Iraq and Jordan is tracked using the historical technique described in the first section of the article. The second section employs an analytical and descriptive technique to investigate the impact of the Iranian variable on the Iraq-Jordan relationship. 
 Results: Iranian influence on Iraqi political decision-making has significantly shaped Iraq's political, economic, and security orientations concerning other Arab nations. Iran assesses Iraq's international relations through the zero-sum game theory, viewing alliances between Iraq and its Arab neighbours or nations close to the United States as detrimental to its interests. 
 Conclusion: Since 2003, Iran has actively interfered in Iraq, directly impacting its foreign policy. The constraints on Iraqi political decision-makers limit their ability to advance Iraq's national interests. Consequently, the post-2003 relationship between Iraq and Jordan serves as a model illustrating the impact of the Iranian component in Iraq, leading to minimal changes in Iraq's foreign policy concerning the Arab regional environment.

Un diplomat de tranziție. Grigore C. Moisil ambasador la Ankara (1946-1948)

"At the end of the Second World War, in search of a favorable image on international level, the Romanian Government appointed four renowned intellectuals as heads of mission in the capitals who had priority in Romania's foreign policy: Simion Stoilov in Paris, Mihai Ralea in Washington, Tudor Vianu in Belgrade, Iorgu Iordan in Moscow and Grigore C. Moisil in Ankara. In the case of all of them it was the only experience as an ambassador. In this work, Grigore C. Moisil's mandate as ambassador to the Republic of Turkey is analyzed. The analysis has three main objectives. Firstly, the goals of his mandate as ambassador are examined. Secondly, his position regarding the Romanian diplomats in Turkey that refused to accept the authority of the communist Government in Bucharest is examined. Finally, the effects of the different orientations of Romania and Turkey in the new post-war configuration and the way in which this reality influenced the position and behavior of the Romanian diplomat are explained. The article is based on unpublished archival documents, documents from Grigore C. Moisil's personal archive kept at the Romanian Academy Library and his partially published correspondence."

Peculiarities of Europeana Metadata as a Set of Information for Describing Digital Cultural Heritage

The relevance of the research. European integration is the main and unchanging foreign policy priority of Ukraine. Further development and deepening of relations between Ukraine and the EU are the main direction of its development. A new stage in the development of EU-Ukraine treaty relations, which began with Ukraine’s accession to the EU candidate status in June 2022, requires further raising awareness of Ukraine’s European integration among all members of society. Libraries can contribute to the formation of objective motivations among the population by understanding the practical benefits of cooperation with the EU. One of the ways of such integration for Ukrainian libraries is to become part of the European library network.
 The purpose of research is to identify the features of Europeana metadata for further digitization of library collections in Ukraine in order to preserve cultural heritage.
 The methodology. To achieve this goal, theoretical and general scientific research methods, such as analysis, synthesis, induction, and deduction, were used. The data visualization method and the method of generalization were used to present the Europeana data models.
 The results. The article defines the types of the Europeana operational model, provides a general overview of the classes defined in the Europeana data model and the process of interaction between Europeana data and wikidata.
 The scientific topicality. The article summarizes previous, primarily foreign, research on the peculiarities of the development of the Europeana funds. The article presents the data models of the Europeana that function to fill the web portal.
 The practical significance. The results of the research are presented in the form of Europeana data models and the definition of Europeana metadata types (descriptive, structural, administrative, markup language).
 The conclusion. The current operating model of Europeana uses the Open Archives Initiative’s Metadata Collection Protocol (OAI-PMH) and the Europeana Data Model (EDM) to import data through Metis, Europeana’s data collection and aggregation service. However, OAI-PMH is an outdated technology that is not web-oriented, resulting in high maintenance costs, especially for smaller institutions. Metadata can be divided into several categories, or types, for different data management purposes. Traditional library cataloging focuses, for example, on the identification and description of resources, but there are obviously other types of metadata that carry valuable information (structural, administrative, markup language).

Social status of women in Ancient Sparta

The factors that determined the peculiarities of the social status of women in Ancient Sparta have been identified and analysed. It has been demonstrated that the establishment of community control over private life, namely: strict regulation of marriage and family relations, the compulsory nature of specific general education, which started for girls at the age of eight and lasted until marriage, determined that the national interests of women became a priority and dominated family values. It has been found that in Sparta, as in other polities of ancient Greece, childbearing was considered the most important function of women, as the offspring were to continue family traditions and take care of their elderly parents, conduct religious rites, etc. Only male children were seen as future citizens and defenders of the polis. In Lacedaemon, motherhood acquired a more accentuated meaning and was understood as service to the state. It became the basis of marriage and family relations, where polyandry was perceived as the norm. The Spartan woman was socially active. She was a direct participant in religious festivals and rituals, sports competitions. She publicly ridiculed the bachelors and cowards. If her own son turned out to be a coward, she could kill him herself. A mother did not bear any legal responsibility for the murder of a cowardly son. The economic rights of Spartans, which other women in ancient Greece did not have, have been investigated. Due to her husband’s military service, a Lacedaemonian woman managed not only his oikos, but also his cleris. Polyandry allowed a woman to unite two or more “houses” under her control and thus increase her influence in society. It has been noted that a strong economic foundation allowed wealthy women to have more freedom in society and even influence those in power in making responsible political decisions. With the loss of Messenia, women lose their economic freedom. The social status of women also changes, as they become more subordinate to men. It has been argued that in Sparta, the state minimised the private life of spouses. Under such conditions, a woman was socially active, knew the inner life of the polis well, and understood the foreign policy priorities of the state. She acted as a motivator and guide of Spartan ideology for the men of her family. And in this way, the Lacedaemonian woman was significantly different from other women in ancient Greece.

AGING AND FOREIGN POLICY: EXPERIENCING THE GLOBAL TRACK OF THE HEALTH AND AGING POLICY FELLOWSHIP

Abstract The Health and Aging Policy Fellowship includes a Global Track that provides fellows with the opportunity to shape global policy or U.S. foreign policy for an aging society. The author, a global health expert and 2022-2023 fellow, sought a fellowship placement with a member of Congress with jurisdiction over U.S. global health policy. Although global health is a significant foreign policy priority for the U.S. government, U.S. global health programs do not include dedicated funding for activities designed to benefit older adults or help development partners adapt to population aging. The result is that US-funded programs on issues from infectious disease to health systems strengthening to disaster relief lack a focus on older adults, despite their many links to this growing population. To help address this policy gap, the author secured a fellowship placement with Senator Benjamin Cardin (D-MD), a senior member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) and Chair of the SFRC Subcommittee overseeing the State Department, US Agency for International Development, and bilateral development assistance. With his track record of legislation and oversight on issues such as Medicare, health disparities, medical research, oral health, health systems strengthening, and retirement security, Senator Cardin is well positioned to help integrate the needs of older adults into U.S. development assistance. The author used his fellowship year to help advance the global health-related legislative priorities of Senator Cardin and his Health Team, bringing his expertise and perspective on aging to the policy table while gaining invaluable skills in the policy process.

Turkey - The West: exemplary antagonism?

The article examines the Western direction of Turkey's foreign policy and its relations with its three key actors: the United States, NATO and the EU. By its centenary, which Turkey is celebrating on 29th of October, 2023, Ankara seeks to approach the status of an independent supra-regional power. For a long time, Turkey has served as a "junior ally" of Washington, but in the era of the polycentricity’s construction, it has significantly changed its foreign policy priorities. Relations with the United States have moved from an "exemplary partnership" to the rank of an exemplary antagonism and the path to "united Europe" has turned out to be more problematic and not profitable for Ankara from the point of view of its national interests. The NATO bloc has lost its primary importance due to Turkey's development of its own military-industrial complex and growing contradictions with existing and potential members of the alliance. Nevertheless, the West still has a great influence on economic and other related fields affecting the well-being of Ankara. In this regard, building constructive relations with the West remains one of the tasks of Turkey's foreign policy. The authors conclude that under current circumstances the complete political sovereignty of Ankara and its separation from the West can only occur within the framework of the "independence through dependence" model since Turkey due to the lack of its own resources for crisis-free existence will need the support of other stronger world players, such as Russia and, for example, China.

Russia specialists panel of the Trump administration national security council

The article presents the state of the Russia Group (Russia specialist’s panel) of the National Security Council (NSC) Staff in the Donald Trump Administration term. The point at issue is officer’s group in charge of US-Russian relations. The article chronological framework - from January 2017 to January 2021. The essay’s focus on the personalities who held the Senior Director for European and Russian Affairs incumbency in the NSC office. Fiona Hill, Timothy Morrison, Andrew Peek, Tom Williams and Ryan Tully held it position the period under review. The article consciously thinks the NSC Russia Ring main functionality and its role in the Donald Trump Administration foreign policy priorities. The special attention had given to the NSC Russian Directorate personnel changes under the Donald Trump Cabinet. Their main reasons are considered. The research paper also analyzes the US National Security Advisors and Senior Directors for European and Russian Affairs relationship system under the Donald Trump presidency. The article considered the National Security Advisor John Bolton influential role on the NSC Russia Group political mood and professional activities.

Russia Group of the Biden Administration’s National Security Council Staff (2021-2022)

Russia is among the Joseph Biden Administration foreign policy priorities. The article presents the Russia Group (Russia specialist’s panel) of the Joe Biden Administration National Security Council (NSC) Staff process of formation. The point at issue is officer’s group in charge of US-Russian relations. The article chronological framework - from January 2021 to January 2022. The focus of the research paper on the personalities composed the American-Russian relations responsible officer’s body in NSC. Inclusive of Senior Director for Russia and Central Asia. Andrea Kendall-Taylor and Eric Green held it position the period under review. The article consciously thinks the NSC Russia Ring main functionality and its role in the Joe Biden Administration foreign policy machine. The special attention has been given to the NSC Russian Directorate process of changes under Joe Biden Administration. Inclusive of Senior Director Job title and regions wise terms of influence. The article is also reviewing the United States Intelligence Community officers’ political role in US-Russian relations during the Joe Biden Administration.

On some aspects of economical diplomacy and foreign economical priorities of Iran's government

The article discusses some aspects of economic diplomacy and the main foreign economic priorities of the Government of Iran headed by President E. Raisi and its activities for their implementation. It is noted that economic diplomacy occupies an important place in the foreign policy of the current government of the country, because it can really contribute to expanding the export opportunities of the Iranian economy, fi nding new markets for Iranian goods, attracting foreign investment to the country, as well as neutralizing the negative eff ect of long-term anti-Iranian sanctions of the West. The article analyzes the main problems of the Iranian economy, which have a direct impact on economic diplomacy. As part of the implementation of the main foreign policy and foreign economic priorities — "development of relations with neighboring states" and "multilateral economic integration" — Iran seeks to expand cooperation along the so-called "axis of resistance" with Iraq, Syria and Lebanon and due to this factor, under the conditions of Western sanctions, to increase signifi cantly the volume of its economic cooperation with the above-mentioned countries. Another priority foreign economic direction of the Government of Iran is the course to intensify cooperation with interregional and global integration organizations (SCO, BRICS, ECO, EAEU) in such areas as the development of transit potential and the implementation of the North–South project, the construction of new transport communications, coordination of actions in the oil and gas sector and the electric power industry, in the fi eld of fi nance and banks, customs interaction. The Government of President E. Raisi seeks to build and intensify Iran's political and economic strategic cooperation on a long-term basis with such friendly and influential states as China and Russia. The article highlights some aspects and prospects for the development of Russian-Iranian relations at the present stage.

The Islamic State and the independence referendum: The role of foreign policy in maintaining the de facto Kurdish entity in Iraq

AbstractThe onslaught of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (hereafter ISIS) on the Kurdish de facto entity in Iraq in 2014 and the independence referendum in 2017 constituted two important episodes that impacted on the foreign policy of the Kurdish entity in multiple ways. This article analyzes and describes the foreign policies of the entity during and after these two episodes until the end of 2022. It attempts to answer the following two questions: How did the ISIS offensive briefly change the priorities of the Kurdish entity's leadership in terms of its foreign policy goals? Secondly, how did the independence referendum in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the subsequent events shape the foreign policy priorities of the Kurdish entity in Iraq? Through conducting interviews with high‐level Kurdish politicians and using recently published secondary source materials, this article argues that foreign policy and paradiplomacy played vital roles in the preservation of the KRI during these two very tough periods and that the Kurdish entity had to alter its domestic policy goals to achieve its foreign policy aims and ensure the survival of the Kurdish facto entity in Iraq.

Strategi Diplomasi Ekonomi Republik Indonesia terhadap Persatuan Emirat Arab tahun 2020-2022

Economic diplomacy plays a central role for Indonesia in facing inter-state contests at the global level, particularly in political and economic interests. Economic diplomacy in Indonesia garners special attention from the Government of the RI and stands as one of the 4+1 Priorities of Foreign Policy. The Government of RI places emphasis on market expansion in potential non-traditional countries, notably the United Arab Emirates (UAE), with the aim of advancing national interests in the trade, tourism, and investment sectors, alongside optimizing the domestic market at hand. This research focuses on the economic diplomacy strategies employed by the Government of RI concerning the UAE from 2020 to 2022, utilizing insights from the economic diplomacy strategies of developing countries presented by Kishan S. Rana. The methodology employed in this study is qualitative, with primary data acquired through interviews and secondary data garnered through literature review. The research findings demonstrate that the economic diplomacy strategies pursued by the Government of RI towards the UAE align with Rana's conceptual framework, encompassing 4 stages, namely economic salesmanship, networking and advocacy, image building, and regulatory management. The most prominent stage within Indonesia’s economic diplomacy strategy is economic salesmanship, particularly evident through the World Expo 2020 Dubai. Conversely, the stage that exhibits suboptimal perfomance is regulatory management concerning the IUAE-CEPA, which as of the present, has not been ratified by the Government of RI.

Domestic Debate and International Office: Sweden in the UN Security Council 2017–18

Abstract Through an explanation of the domestic political controversy that surrounded the most recent Swedish candidature and subsequent membership of the UN Security Council 2017–18, this article contributes to our understanding of the domestic–foreign policy nexus in two respects. First, it conceptualizes a domain of foreign policy priorities. Issues within this domain are likelier to deviate from a consensual pattern of foreign policy by sparking conflict, as they provoke competing national role conceptions among the foreign policy elite. Second, it refines results from previous study on the executive–legislative relationship in foreign policy. It confirms the association between party conflict on substantive foreign policy and a higher level of parliamentary control on the government. The conflict on substance leads to a decline in trust among members of parliament in opposition, which may motivate the continuation of parliamentary control through available instruments also after the conflict on substance is settled. The analysis is conducted in three descriptive steps: (1) the domestic-institutional context of decision-making, (2) partisan divides, and (3) the executive–legislative relationship. It utilizes a variety of sources, including parliamentary debates, governmental and parliamentary assessments, and interviews with diplomats and senior officials.

British media policy: Regulations, management, strategies and approaches

The great powers utilized media as a tool of political communication and propaganda after the First World War. The leading role of propaganda during the Second World War enabled them to use media and develop media policy. The United Kingdom, as a pioneer of political communication, used the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) in order to influence public opinion. The BBC has developed since its inception and now plays an inimitable role in the UK media policy and diplomacy. This article examines the British media policy including regulations, approaches, management and strategies to clarify how the United Kingdom designs and operates its media-based policies in order to play effectively in the media back grounds. It uses the documentary method to answer the questions: what are the organizational and management structures, regulations, strategies and approaches of the British media policy? And how has the British media policy been developed to surmount the media regulation problems and challenges? This research indicates that the development of a smart-organized and well-regulated system of media policy enables the United Kingdom to utilize media to promote the priorities of the British foreign policy and influence public opinion around the world as well as to play a crucial role in media wars to protect its interests in international system.

Some Aspects of Iran’s Relations with the Countries of the South Caucasus after the August 2008 Crisis

The states of the South Caucasus, which have preserved historical and cultural ties with the Iranian world, inherited from the Persian Empire, are traditionally given an important place in the foreign policy priorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In the interests of ensuring the national security of the country, the Iranian power elites consistently advocate the settlement of conflicts in the South Caucasus by political means and the creation on this basis of favorable conditions for the peaceful, stable and secure development of this region. At the same time, Iran shows a high interest in the development of good-neighborly relations with the South Caucasian states, based on mutual respect and observance of each other’s interests. This article examines the main directions of Iran’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus after the August 2008 crisis; the features and characteristic features of this policy, as well as the forms and methods of its implementation are revealed. Particular attention is paid to the study of problem areas in Iran’s relations with its South Caucasian neighbors, in particular Georgia and Azerbaijan. The paper notes that the implementation of Iran’s plans to achieve a leading role in solving regional problems was opposed by the United States and its Western partners, which have strong influence and positions in the South Caucasus. Nevertheless, against the background of geopolitical transformations in the region, favorable conditions arose for a significant increase in the role and place of Iran in the political processes in the South Caucasus. But in order to take advantage of them, it was necessary not to limit ourselves to mere measures to achieve a balance of power in the South Caucasus, but to more actively promote our own initiatives in this region, the authors of the study emphasize.

The main priorities of Russia's Foreign Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa: Historical experience and Modern approaches

The authors of the article consider the main directions of development of Russia's foreign policy in sub-Saharan Africa; show how the historical foundations of cooperation with sub-Saharan African countries were laid. Today, the African continent is one of the dynamically developing regions of the world with huge reserves of natural resources and human resources; the role of African countries in global political processes is also rapidly increasing, while developing countries are striving to create a multipolar world as opposed to the "rules-based world" imposed by the West. The Russian Federation as the successor of the USSR historically builds its relations with African countries on equal partnership basis, being guided in its foreign policy by the norms of international law. Such an approach lays a solid foundation for the active development of relations with African countries. From their side African countries are also manifesting increasing interest in hands cooperation with the Russian Federation, seeing it as reliable economic and political partner. The authors of the article come to the conclusion that it is necessary to activate Russian presence in Africa in the conditions of intensified competition for influence on the continent.

Japan’s Foreign Policy Priorities during the Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga Period: “Restoring Diplomacy and Security”

The article analyzes Japan’s foreign policy during the period of Yoshihide Suga’s activity as Prime Minister (2020-2021): the specifics of diplomacy and security activities, the common interests of Japan with other countries, the specifics of rapprochement and forms of interaction with different countries. The results of Japan’s foreign policy in Northeast Asia in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, Japan’s military cooperation within the quadrilateral alliance “Quad” are presented.

The Persian Campaign of Peter I on the pages of the Vedomosti newspaper

The first printed newspaper Vedomosti, founded by Peter the Great, is an important source for studying the history of Russian-Ottoman and Russian-Iranian relations in the ϐirst quarter of the 18th century. A lot of attention in the Vedomosti was paid to the international situation of the Ottoman Empire and Russian-Turkish relations. In general, the newspaper characterizes the Ottoman state as an enemy of Russia and all Christian peoples. Under the constant attention of the Vedomosti were the most important changes in the government of Sultan Ahmed III (1703–1730), in the foreign policy priorities of Turkey, as well as domestic political issues the situation of its Christian subjects. The newspaper’s materials provide information about international relations on the eve and during the Persian campaign of Peter I of 1722– 1723, as well as about the representation of newly acquired possessions in the Eastern Caucasus. The Vedomosti newspaper was the ϐirst periodical that introduced the Russian society to the peoples of the Caucasus, the geography of the region and the military-political situation in the Western Caspian region.

Searching for relevance: the evolving role of the Navy in India's military strategy

ABSTRACT The Indian Navy, since independence, has found it challenging to be militarily relevant as a valuable instrument of threat or use of force in India's military strategy. The Navy's fortunes, therefore, have depended far more on the inclinations of India's political leadership, the requirements of India's foreign policy priorities in its immediate neighborhood and the outlook of great powers operating in the Indian Ocean towards littoral navies. After the end of the Cold War, the increase in the Indian Navy's profile is indisputable, evident in its growing size, the diverse diplomatic and constabulary roles assigned to her but also the positive perception of the service as a stabilizing force in the Indian Ocean region by extra-regional powers such as the US and other Quad countries. China's encroachment in the Himalayas and the rising profile of the PLA-Navy has provided a startegic rationale for the Indian Navy to project itself as a vital instrument in India's military statecraft. By linking India's military objectives on the land border to the Navy's natural advantage and capabilities in the Indian Ocean, it aims to fundamentally alter its existential crisis as the most irrelevant arm of the Indian military. Yet, this newfound relevance remains doubtful under the inherent risks accompanying naval coercion and the shortage of resources.

Twitter Diplomacy and China's Strategic Narrative during the Early COVID-19 Crisis

Abstract: This article examines Chinese diplomats' use of Twitter during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Although Twitter is blocked in China, Chinese officials use the platform to experiment with new public diplomacy channels and directly communicate with foreign audiences. We argue that China's utilization of Twitter in 2020 functioned as a crisis management and public relations tool and as a mechanism for disseminating a strategic narrative (SN) that articulated foreign policy priorities. To illustrate this, we apply a qualitative content analysis to a selection of tweets from two China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) spokespersons and divided into three stages. In each stage, distinct narrative themes emerge and construct a cohesive SN across three dimensions: issues, role identity, and the international system. This study reveals that China's public diplomacy apparatus effectively reaches global audiences with well-structured narratives but also that this effectiveness remains very limited.

THE FOREIGN POLICY OF SLOVAKIA IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBALIZATION

In this article author deals with the respective periods of foreign policy upon direction changes. This covers three main streams, the establishment period of the independent Slovak foreign policy and the inclusion of the Slovak Republic among untrustworthy partners, then later the period of gaining credibility abroad and progress that led to Slovakia's accession to Euro-Atlantic structures. The primary purpose was to analyze the foreign policy of the Slovak Republic under the influence of globalization processes since its establishment until the forming of the second government of Robert Fico. Author has firstly defined the concept of globalization based on the scientific literature. Consequently, author raises an issue whether this process has a further impact on the foreign policy of the Slovak Republic. It is an undisputable that Slovakia has become a part of the globalized world, since it became part of the international structures and hence globalization affects all aspects of life in the country and even in the foreign policy. Not only the work of foreign service and politicians but the country's foreign policy priorities have adjusted to this fact as well. This stemmed in creation of readable, value-based, active and responsible foreign policy that has strengthened the position of the Slovak Republic on the world stage. Despite the initial failure of foreign policy until the year 1998, the negative trend was reversed after the change of government by Mikulas Dzurinda and since then Slovak foreign service is continuously successful. He significantly influenced and created an environment of world politics. Author presents current global threats and challenges that should play crucial role within the foreign policy. This includes questions of international terrorism, failing nations, global poverty, global epidemics and climate changes. Slovak Republic as a mature democracy and a member country of major international organizations must be involved in solving these problems, because in today's globalized world it is not enough just to maintain the nation’s position but each nation must have an interest and intention to further strengthen its position.