Foreign Policy Issues Research Articles

Indonesia's Role in Supporting Palestinian Independence and Responding to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Analysis of Foreign Policy and Current Issues

This study analyzes Indonesia's role in supporting Palestinian independence and responding to current issues related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Since the beginning of its independence, Indonesia has shown a strong commitment to the struggle for Palestinian independence. Factors such as anti-colonialism values, strong attachment to Islam, and concern for humanity have encouraged Indonesia to continue to support the rights of the Palestinian people. In the context of international diplomacy, Indonesia has utilized its membership in various organizations, such as the UN, OIC, and NAM, to fight for the Palestinian issue. The quick response to unilateral policies regarding the status of Jerusalem and active involvement in international forums shows Indonesia's seriousness in supporting Palestinian independence. With good relations with major powers in the Middle East and involvement in regional and international organizations, Indonesia has great potential as a mediator in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Dividing Lines in the EU’s Common Foreign Policy: Russia as a polarising factor

Amid the ongoing confrontation between Russia and the West, the processes of consolidation and divergence among political elites are crucial for understanding the mechanisms that form dividing lines. This is particularly important when examining the elites of the European Uni­on in their opposition to Russia. This article aims to develop a framework for analysing the dividing lines among EU elites in the context of relations with Russia. The analysis em­ploys a multi-tier model establishing a relationship between the ‘depth’ of a dividing line and the degree of elite disunity. The model includes two levels of analysis of dividing lines within the EU: supranational and national. The research demonstrates that, depending on the degree of interest misalignment and the availability of communication channels, elite divergence can result in segmentation, fragmentation or polarisation. Each of the tiers of divergence increa­singly reduces the likelihood of forming a common EU position on foreign policy issues. All three tendencies — segmentation, fragmentation and polarisation — are observed within the EU in relation to Russia at different levels of elite analysis. Crucial to the formation of a dividing line is the aspect of EU—Russia relations in question: the degree of distancing from the country or support for, and funding of, containment. Additional variables include factors such as the regional affiliation of the elite, their ideology and position within the power structure. Among all levels of analysis, polarisation is most evident in the efforts of supranational elites to promote ‘militant integration’, which conflicts with the interests of national elites and citizens of member states.

МЕСТО КИТАЯ ВО ВНЕШНЕЙ ПОЛИТИКЕ БРИТАНИИ В КОНТЕКСТЕ ГЕОПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО КОНСТРУКТА ИНДО-ПАЦИФИКА

The paper presents a study of the UK’s vision of China’s place in the Indo-Pacific in the context of the Indo-Pacific tilt of London’s foreign policy. The analysis of the key documents for British foreign policy was carried out: a comprehensive review of the security, defense, development and foreign policy issues in the editions of 2021 and 2023, which made it possible to trace the dynamics of London’s approach to Beijing and identify the key threats declared by the British side in relation to the PRC. It was determined that China’s antagonistic image worsened after February 2022 due to the beginning of hostilities on the territory of Ukraine. At the same time, before the start of COVID-19, the parties actively cooperated in the research field, where the Chinese institutions occupied a dominant position. It is noted that the actions of the government of R. Sunak in relation to Beijing cause discussions in the government structures. Despite building a negative image of Beijing and the CPC, London recognizes the impossibility of abandoning trade and economic ties with mainland China. There is a tendency for a shortage of specialists in the field of Sinology in Britain, which, according to the author, makes a negative contribution to the lack of consistency and integrity in the approach to the PRC.

ЗОВНІШНЯ ПОЛІТИКА ДЖ. КЕННЕДІ: ОСОБИСТІСНИЙ ЧИННИК У СПІВПРАЦІ ПРЕЗИДЕНТА ТА ДЕРЖСЕКРЕТАРЯ Д. РАСКА

The proposed article is devoted to the figure of Secretary of State Dean Rusk during the presidency of John F. Kennedy in 1961–1963, with special attention to the interpersonal relationship between him and the president. The purpose of the work is to emphasize the importance of studying the interaction between the president and the secretary of state, which often plays a key role in the formulation and implementation of the foreign policy of the United States of America. The ability of the president and his secretary of state to listen to each other and communicate effectively can determine success or failure in implementing foreign policy initiatives and managing crisis situations. The research methodology is based on a critical analysis of scientific literature, as well as on the application of problem-chronological and systemic approaches. The basic principles of the article are the principle of historicism, objectivity and scientificity. Comparative, historical-systemic, historical-genetic methods are used for scientific understanding of the proposed problem. The scientific novelty of the article consists in drawing the attention of researchers to the figure of Dean Rusk, as well as in offering a different point of view on Dean Rusk’s place in the relationship with President J. Kennedy. Contrary to the prevailing view of Dean Rusk’s insecurity, mysteriousness, and modesty as the key to his failure as the president’s foreign policy advisor, we argue that these aspects became «victorious» in interaction with the president, acting as a certain «balancing factor» of J. Kennedy’s activism. Conclusions. The relationship between John F. Kennedy and Dean Rusk was complicated and occasionally strained. J. Kennedy and D. Rusk had different views on foreign policy issues. J. Kennedy often avoided the opinions of D. Rusk, did not always fully trust him, or did not consider his opinion reliable. Wanting to be the main initiator of the foreign policy of the United States of America. The crises that the US faced in the early 1960s were partly the result of the politics of interpersonal attitudes: both Dean Rusk and J. Kennedy were individuals who did not correspond to the essence of America in the late 1950s and early 1960s (in the context of a globalized understanding of foreign policy), however, it is unlikely that Kennedy would have been able to find a better candidate for the position of Secretary of State than Dean Rusk (in the context of interpersonal relations).

“Pro arduis negociis destinandum” – Papal Delegates and the Neapolitan Succession (1328–1352)

The Neapolitan succession was one of the most problematic issues of Hungarian foreign policy in the Angevin period. As has been emphasized in the secondary literature, the Holy See, especially Pope John XXII (1316–1334) and Clement VI (1342–1352), played an active role in the negotiations between the Hungarian and the Neapolitan crowns. The diplomatic mediation of the papal court was carried out mainly by papal delegates with different types of authorizations. The primary aim of the present paper is to examine the details of these commissions and reveal who the clerics appointed by the Holy See to handle this delicate diplomatic matter were, what title they were given for the time of their delegations, and most importantly, what the outcomes of their commissions were. The paper focuses on the time when the papacy was most actively involved in the diplomatic events concerning the Neapolitan succession, namely from the death of Charles, duke of Calabria, the sole heir of Robert, king of Naples (1328), until the agreement of Joanna I and Louis I in 1352.

The Gulf and its foreign policies

The nine states of the Persian Gulf and Arabian Peninsula – Iran, Iraq, Yemen and the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – are bound together in a regional system but not a security community. Four major conflicts in the region since 1980 have contributed to a volatile set of relationships which feed into perceptions of risk, threat and interest, and have shaped the conduct of foreign, defence and security policy-making accordingly. Other factors, such as revolutionary upheaval, sectarian politics and the roles of non-state actors as well as external powers, have added to an already combustible mix and made it harder to reach consensus on key issues of foreign policy. This article examines the foreign policy landscape in the Persian Gulf and Arabian Peninsula and assesses a range of factors which determine the context in which measures are framed, formulated and implemented. There are two major parts to this article. An opening section argues that the myriad connections among the nine states together constitute a definable sub-regional complex, to adapt the concept developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, and as evidenced by the patterns of conflict in recent decades, albeit one based on an imbalance of conventional forms of power in which three larger states coexist alongside five smaller ones with Yemen separate yet intimately linked. This leads into a second section which explores the many interconnections which have provided the contextual backdrop to the conduct of foreign policy-making in regional states over the past four decades, and which continue to resonate today. The article focuses throughout on the linkages between domestic and foreign policy and between perceptions of interest at national and regional levels as guiding factors for policy-makers in each of the states involved.

Проект Всеславянской художественно-промышленной выставки в Петербурге: 1902–1912

The paper examines the All-Slavic Art and Industry Exhibition. Preparations took 10 years: from 1902 to 1912. Using archival materials and early 20th century periodicals, the author analyses the exhibition as part of a global trend toward national and international art exhibitions and as a reflection of the St. Petersburg art scene at the turn of the 20th century, which welcomed contemporary art from various countries: from Germany to Japan. The exhibition was organized by the Petersburg Slavic Benevolent Society, which established a dedicated Exhibition Committee. The committee secured permission from the Tsar and funding from the Minister of Finance to carry out the project. The exhibition aimed to foster new trade contacts and showcase the unity and cohesion of the Slavic peoples in response to the perceived threat of cultural expansion by Hungary and Germany. As attendees showed increasing enthusiasm for the exhibition, the organizers expanded their plans, making them more ambitious and costly. However, the exhibition ultimately did not take place due to foreign policy issues. This study contextualizes the All-Slavic exhibition within the political climate of the time and explores the role of art in international diplomacy. Additionally, the research highlights other All-Slavic art exhibition projects, including those held abroad.

The green issues and foreign policy: an analysis of Indonesian foreign ministry’s selected tweets

Abstract. A green issue is relatively new for Indonesian policymakers. All countries paid close attention to this issue in the 1960s, when people were facing some environmental crises. But international political scholars started paying more attention to green issues in the 1990s, after the Cold War ended and traditional security issues became less important. Non-traditional security problems, like the environmental crisis, are becoming the focus of foreign policy issues in countries like Indonesia. Social media is a good place to investigate green issues, especially those that have to do with Indonesian foreign policy. This article tries to explore what the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) said on Twitter about green issues that have not been studied as much. This article tries to analyse some tweets about green issues in Indonesian foreign policy using NVivo content analysis. Thus, this article argues that green issues are still not talked about much on Twitter. The fact that the sentiment analysis is still neutral shows that the issue is not a big deal in the discussion. This research offers a fresh perspective on green issues inside the MOFA Twitter account and has contributed to the body of knowledge in this field of study

Феномен ценностно-аффективной поляризации больших социальных групп и методика оценки имплицитных политических установок

<p>The phenomenon of value-affective polarization of large social groups has now become relevant in connection with global processes in the modern world and is one of the most important indicators of the psychological and political stability of society. To study this phenomenon in the field of political psychology, methods are needed that evaluate implicit (hidden or unconscious) political attitudes, since at present many citizens are not ready to publicly express their opinions on the most pressing issues of foreign and domestic policy. The article presents a methodology developed on the basis of the IAT (Implicit Association Test). According to the distribution of D-points calculated using the D2 method, it allows to evaluate political attitudes and makes it possible to experimentally study the value-affective polarization of opinions in focus group discussions without violating the principle of anonymity of respondents.</p>

Revisiting the Turkish-Israeli alliance of the 1990s

ABSTRACT The Turkish-Israeli ‘honeymoon’ of the 1990s has been explained by different concepts such as alliance, strategic partnership, or cooperation and friendship, with these concepts often used interchangeably. As a corollary of the Turkish official narrative, which is based on a national security approach, certain explanations were offered in justification of the close relationship, including shared traditional democratic culture and secular character, as well as conducive international atmosphere. According to this construction, Turkey had no option but to align with Israel. On the other hand, while the ‘honeymoon’ was often seen as a foreign policy issue directly affected by the military bureaucracy, negative discourses against Israel in domestic politics, and institutional challenges in the Turkish state structure were often ignored. By way of filling this lacuna, the present article evaluates the impact of domestic factors, including the capital-owning class, lobbies, and institutional changes in the Turkish security apparatus on Turkish-Israeli relations.

Influence of Turkey-Israel relations on Turkish Jews businesspeople

ABSTRACT Multidimensional relations have protected Turkey and Israel from the effects of political crises. The main question of this article is how Turkey-Israel relations impact Turkish Jews business representatives. Interviews with Turkish Jewish businesspeople, who are primarily influenced by the developments in foreign policy due to their international business volumes, answered the question of how Turkish Jews were influenced by foreign policy, and emphasised the importance of minorities in foreign policy issues. The article explores the role of minorities in foreign policy and sheds light on how ethnic minorities, who are viewed as secondary agents in foreign policy, are influenced by the Turkey-Israel relations.

The German Threat and Discussions about European Unions:
 Features of the Liberal Political and Ideological Continuity
 of the Leaders of the Liberal Party from W. Gladstone to G. Asquith
 in the Late XIX – Early XX Centuries

The subject of the research is the foreign policy of Great Britain in the late 19th – early 20th centuries and the continuity of the foreign policy course of liberal political figures. The purpose of the analysis is the views and activities of significant British liberal politicians on foreign policy issues against the background of the transformation of the philosophy of liberalism and unprecedented
 competition in colonial expansion among major European powers. A number of trends in the development of the political and ideological course of the Liberal Party of Great Britain are demonstrated - a quick rejection of the policy of
 «Splendid Isolation» to the search for friendly powers on the European continent and the direct influence of liberal-imperialist circles on changing the foreign policy strategy. The study of sources confirms that as part of the evolution of the philosophy of liberalism at the end of the 19th century, the idea of the foreign
 policy of Great Britain in the circles of liberal politicians of the country also changed. The author comes to the conclusion that after W. Gladstone left power, the liberals hastened to move away from the policy of «Splendid Isolation». A. Rosebery tried to maintain a balance of power, but, as an adherent of liberal
 imperialism, he actively used military force, not striving to be the first to establish friendship with anyone in Europe. During the period of opposition 1896-1905 not only liberal-imperialists such as E. Grey, H. Asquith, R. Haldane, but also pacifists such as H. Campbell-Bannerman came to the conclusion that a world conflict was inevitable against the backdrop of growing disagreements with Germany and the need to choose an ally in Europe.

Ideology at the Water’s Edge: Explaining Variation in Public Support for Foreign Aid

To explain variation in foreign aid levels and attitudes in donor countries, past research emphasizes the importance of values related to the welfare state such as economic ideology. Scholars argue that liberals support redistribution at home in the form of a strong welfare state and redistribution abroad in the form of foreign aid. Yet, the conditions under which values related to domestic politics translate to issues of foreign policy remain undertheorized. I argue that economic ideology interacts with foreign policy orientation – individuals’ placement along the internationalist/isolationist spectrum – to shape foreign aid attitudes and outcomes. Using original data from surveys fielded in the U.S., UK, and Norway, as well as data on foreign aid spending levels, I show that the relationship between ideology and foreign aid is conditional on foreign policy orientation. The effect is driven by isolationist liberals whose support for redistribution stops at the water’s edge.

Islamic Foreign Policy: Principle and Practices

Islam is a religion and an ideology encompassing all aspects of human life. However, many Muslims currently misunderstand and misinterpret the holistic concept of Islam. This can be attributed to the intellectual limitations within the Muslim community and the influence of secularism and liberalism across the Islamic world. This article aims to clarify Islam's perspective on domestic and foreign politics, including its principles, objectives, and practices. This article employs a qualitative approach through gathering data from Islamic sources and other relevant sources to examine foreign policy concepts. This paper argues that Islam forms the foundation of Islamic foreign policy to disseminate its message (da'wah), which can be practised by way of either peaceful approaches (diplomacy) or forceful means (warfare). Moreover, with respect to practical considerations as regards optimising foreign policy interests, reliable expert analysis can be sought on matters such as negotiation strategies and war. As this is an elaboration on Islamic foreign policy in general, this article proposes that more detail and practical Islamic foreign policy issues should be conducted with regard to future research. 
 

Američki realisti i rat u Bosni 1992-1995.

While there is a significant body of literature on U.S. policy towards Bosnia in the early 1990s, the role and policy recommendations of American realists have been largely overlooked. Realism is a school of thought in international relations which holds that states are the key actors motivated by interests which seek to maximize their power and security in an anarchic world. Adherents of this worldview emphasize the pursuit of national interests and the importance of power and force in achieving it. Realists are generally opposed to military interventions where a vital national interest is not at stake. The purpose of this article is to fill this gap by analysing both realist policymakers and academics and how they responded to the war in Bosnia from 1992 to 1995. Several top officials of the George H. W. Bush Administration including the President, Secretary of State James Baker and National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft were realists and this worldview shaped the US response to the outbreak of the war in Bosnia. Focused on a host of other foreign policy issues at the time, the Bush Administration was adamant not to get involved militarily in Bosnia. James Baker’s statement „We don't have a dog in that fight“ came to define the Bush Administration's Bosnia policy. Its realist outlook combined with the presidential campaign priorities in 1992 to ensure that the Western response to the war in Bosnia was handed over to the Europeans. With realist policymakers in power from the outbreak of the war in spring 1992 through early 1993, many Bosnians hoping for a Western military intervention at the time would later come to realise how far-fetched those hopes were. In addition to realist policymakers, several prominent realists in the American academia also weighed in on how the US should respond to the war in this part of Southeast Europe in the early 1990s. Academic realists published their opinions and recommended policy options in leading media outlets throughout the three-and-a-half year war. Though their worldview was not shared by the first Bill Clinton Administration, academic realists continued offering policy recommendations on Bosnia. Academic realists like Robert Pape and Michael Desch opposed the use of air power in Bosnia arguing that it would be ineffective. John Mearsheimer together with Pape called for partition of Bosnia and establishment of homogeneous states in the Balkans and arming of Bosnian Muslims. Kissinger was opposed to a military commitment to Bosnia but did not lay out specific policy recommendations. In sum, both policymakers and academics argued that there was no vital US national interest at stake in Bosnia warranting deployment of ground troops. Even after the Dayton peace talks concluded in late 1995, American realists continued weighing in on Bosnia and offering generally bleak assessments. While the majority of those recommended policy options were not implemented, realists’ views on Bosnia in the 1990s still deserve scholarly attention. Studying American realists provides an overview of how both practitioners and intellectual adherents of a key theory in international relations perceived the war and its outcome. This analysis will also provide a more nuanced understanding of the variety of American responses to the war in Bosnia.

Foreign Policy Issues of the Republic of Turkey and the United States in the Period after the End of the Cold War until the 2020

At the beginning of the 21st century, in 2002, a new political era began with the arrival of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Islam-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) at the head of the Republic of Turkey, which was gradually followed by changes in both foreign and domestic policy of the country.
 The main ideologist of modern Turkey’s foreign policy is one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party and Erdogan’s ally, former Foreign Minister and Prime Minister Professor Ahmet Davutoglu, who outlined the strategic priorities of Turkey’s foreign policy in his pioneering work Strategic Depth. In his doctrine, Ahmet Davutoglu argues that Turkey has “strategic depth” that allows it to pursue an independent foreign policy and claims to be the leading state in the region.
 As we know, the Republic of Turkey is located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia. According to the doctrine, precisely because of its geographical position and historical ties, it has a desire to influence all these regions (the Middle East, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf, and the Black Sea), what is considered the core of neo-Ottoman ideology.
 Neo-Ottomanism implies a shift of the Turkish political vector from West to East. Since the beginning of the 21st century, neo-Ottomanism as an ideology has become a force responsible for the shape of political life of Turkey. According to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism, the Republic of Turkey must get rid of the subordination of the United States, which will allow it to put itself on a par with such states as Britain, France, Russia, and China.
 Neo-Ottomanism is the main ideological direction of the new foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. One of the arguments used by Erdogan and his party in moving from a parliamentary to a presidential model is the fact that the country needs a government that is almost as strong and centralized as the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, the president himself and his entourage constantly emphasize that the Turks are the “heirs of the Ottomans” and that the country must return to its former glory and strengthen its political, economic and cultural influence in the former territories of the Ottoman Empire.
 Thus, neo-Ottomanism is part of the official ideology of the Justice and Development Party and the basis of the country’s new identity, shaped by the political elite over the years. Although there is no direct indication of Turkish regional hegemony in the “strategic depth”, most analysts, especially in the West, believe that the expansion of spheres of influence mentioned in the doctrine is, in fact, nothing more than the restoration of Turkey’s monopoly hegemony in the region, but this times by means adapted to the modern era, in particular through the use of political, economic and cultural expansion and other “soft power” tools.

Gender in development: What lessons for addressing inequality on the grounds of religion or (non)-belief?

This paper examines how understanding processes of redressing the gender blindness of international development can offer illuminating insights to addressing religious inequalities as a blind spot in development policy. The first part of the paper discusses the possibilities and tensions for comparing gender and religious (in)equality, both as analytical lens and aspirations in development. In the second part of the paper, we reflect on the inferences that can be drawn for in-roads to changing attitudes and behaviours to make development more aware of, and responsive to, religious inequalities and freedom of religion or belief. The methodological approach combines empirical data generated from interviews and roundtables with development practitioners and policymakers, with an integrative literature review. It also explores the conceptual conundrums in the use of the different terms, situating them in their historical background and interrogating their ideological underpinnings. Distinct historical trajectories mean that whereas a key challenge to mainstreaming gender in development has been its recognition at the highest political level, in the case of freedom of religion or belief, the challenge is to reconfigure its politicisation from being predominantly a foreign policy issue to one that is constitutive to the advancement of an inclusive development agenda. The paper argues that there are pertinent similarities in some of the challenges to incorporating a gender sensitive lens over the past 50 years and the current resistance to addressing religious inequalities or freedom of religion or belief matters in international development. Accordingly, analysis of the successes and limitations of efforts to mainstream gender in development sheds light on some of the political and institutional dynamics encountered when seeking to make development policy-makers, planners and practitioners more aware of power dynamics pertaining to religious inequalities that have been overlooked.

What do voters know, and why does it matter? Investigating issue‐specific knowledge and candidate choice in the 2020 U.S. primaries

AbstractAre differences in issue‐specific knowledge associated with different candidate preferences, as would be expected if voters are judging candidates and their policy commitments on the basis of essential contextual knowledge they receive from the media? By utilizing a bias‐sensitive method of measuring politically relevant knowledge—on economic, foreign policy, and environmental issues—we were able to identify candidate‐selection effects of policy‐specific information. The study also offers new evidence on how psychological traits affect political thinking within a partisan group, whereas most research has focused on psychological asymmetries across ideological and partisan groups. Based on previous research, we expected Sanders supporters and supporters of other “anti‐establishment” candidates to have less accurate knowledge on these issues than Biden (and other establishment candidate) supporters, as the demographic groups that differentially supported Sanders tend to have lower levels of political knowledge. Instead, Sanders and anti‐establishment candidate supporters were found to be more knowledgeable on these issues. We also found psychological asymmetries among Democrats and Democrat‐leaning Independents, which were associated with candidate preference. Overall, issue‐specific political knowledge was found to be an important predictor of vote choice.

The Role of Spain in Ibero-American Cooperation

This article examines one of the most actual issues of Spanish foreign policy: the role of Spain in Ibero-American cooperation. The historical background and claims of Spain and Morocco to these disputed territories, which are used by it to substantiate its claims, are presented. The problem is far from being resolved: the migrant crisis in Ceuta in May 2021 and Morocco’s claims to the cities of Ceuta and Melilla confirm the difficult situation in the Strait region for Spanish foreign policy. The article deals with territorial issues in the Strait, in which Spain has jurisdiction, powers and special responsibility, using cooperation with the EU as a short- and long-term strategy.

유럽연합법의 자치성 원리와 기본권 보호에 관한 연구

The European Union's accession to the European Convention on Human Rights began in the 1970s and was marked by the Lisbon Treaty, which authorized the EU's accession. In 2013, a draft agreement was prepared by the Council of Europe's Steering Committee on Human Rights, but the draft agreement was rejected by the European Court of Justice in Opinion 2/13 on the question of the autonomy and specificity of EU law. The negotiations resumed after a gap of more than five years, and the issues raised in Opinion 2/13 were addressed through a process of consensus and amendments were finalized.
 This article revises the intent of the European Court of Justice's decision to reject the draft and compares the content of the final amendment to the draft to understand the process of reaching a consensus on respect for EU autonomy.
 The renegotiation process of the CDDH Negotiating Group has also organized the sections relating to the autonomy of EU law, which were challenged by the European Court of Justice in Opinion 2/13, into four baskets: Basket 1 is the EU’s specific mechanisms of the procedure before the European Court of Human Rights, Basket 2 is the operation of inter-party applications (Art. 33 of the Convention) and of references for an advisory opinion (Protocol No. 16 to the Convention) in relation to EU Member States, Basket 3 is Discussion of proposals submitted on the principle of mutual trust between the EU member states (in the area of freedom, justice and security), Basket 4 is Discussion of proposals submitted on the situation of EU acts in the area of the Common Foreign and Security Policy that are excluded from the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union.
 From the 6th meeting in 2020 to the 18th meeting in March 2023, the amendments largely accepted the issues of autonomy of EU law raised in the opinion 2/13. There was consensus in the negotiating group that the CFSP policy aspect of basket 4 should be resolved internally by the EU, and the recommendation to keep the CDDH informed of the EU's efforts and progress, and to actively monitor relevant issues, was accepted, leaving it up to the EU to resolve the issue, while respecting its autonomy.
 The future of the EU's accession to the Convention depends entirely on the will of the EU and its Member States. The rapid entry into force of the amendments proposed by the CDDH Negotiating Group will depend on how quickly the EU and its member states can come up with a solution to Basket 4, the issues of common foreign and security policy whose resolution is pending.
 As a result, the unanimous agreement on the amendment by the Negotiating Group of the Council of Europe's Human Rights Steering Committee is a clear indication that all countries involved are committed to the EU's accession to the European Convention on Human Rights.