Foreign Policy Approach Research Articles

Israel, the Arab Spring, and the unfolding regional order in the Middle East: a strategic assessment

Since 2011, geo-strategic interactions have exerted pressure on various political communities. In particular, uncertainty over the foreign policy intentions of new leadership elites and the nature of the unfolding regional security system in the Middle East have impacted the strategic questions Israel must answer: how can Israel rationally assess the new environment? What foreign policy approach would best serve Israel’s distinct national interests? Using insights from the levels-of-analysis framework and from the realist theory of International Relations, this article aims to explore Israel’s reading of recent regional developments and its attitudes and behaviours towards the attendant and emerging strategic challenges. The analysis reveals that the Arab Spring uprisings exacerbated the already anarchic Middle East environment, aggravating mistrust and antagonism in Israel. The urgency of the attraction of protectionism and militarism in Israel was an expression of the realist approach to Israel’s primary strategic consolidation. With time, the regional dynamic has evolved into a more predictable—but still complex—structure than it was during its early phase (2010–2013). Although there have been signs of potential regional political eruptions, other developments have promoted continuity in the Middle East, which plays to Israel’s strategic advantage.

Engaging Rising Powers: Lessons from India

Ian Hall, ed. (2014). The Engagement of India: Strategies and Responses . Georgetown University Press, Washington, DC, 224 pp., $26.92 paperback (ISBN: 978-1626160866). The volume The Engagement of India: Strategies and Responses , edited by Ian Hall, is part of an emerging strand of theory-driven literature that deals with India as a rising power in international politics. However, the book is distinct from several existing contributions, which focus specifically on India’s foreign policy approach toward a range of countries (e.g., Ganguly 2010) as well as from “classics” on India as a rising power (Cohen 2001; Nayar and Paul 2003; Mohan 2003), as it turns the usual perspective on its head: instead of focusing on India’s policies as a rising power, its main interest is in how other countries have dealt with rising India. In particular, the book works with the notion of “engagement” and shows that, quite surprisingly, countries as different as the United States, Russia, or China have all courted rising India over the past two and a half decades. In the introductory chapter, Ian Hall outlines the analytical framework, based on Nincic’s work on positive engagement (Nincic 2011), which is later used in the chapters focusing on the specific policies of single countries vis-a-vis India. The notion … sandra.destradi{at}giga-hamburg.de

Un « petit État » accède à la scène internationale : la trajectoire du Qatar

The Emergence of Qatar as a Small State Actor A lthough Qatar is a clear example of a small state, it has successfully risen as a prominent international foreign policy actor using its considerable clout as one of the largest exporters of liquefied natural gas (LNG). This has made Qatar a unique example among smaller resource rich states. It has notably and intensely deployed soft power and mediation for ambitious security objectives, internal development, and visibility. Qatar’s foreign policy diverges from the norm of small state actors’ usual multilateralism, which is explainable by two factos. First, the role of energy relationships has proved very important in defining Qatar’s bilateralistic approach. Qatar supplies liquefied natural gas (LNG) on long-term contracts, allowing it to have strategically unique energy security relationships on a bilateral basis. Additionally, Qatar has personalized its foreign relations decision making processes rather than maintaining a bureaucratic structure, rendering classical and formalized multilateralism incompatible with Qatar’s current foreign policy approach. ■

The hedging prong in India’s evolving China strategy

ABSTRACTThis article addresses Sino–Indian relations from the alternative and under-engaged lens of hedging, as opposed to the more conventional balancing and bandwagoning dichotomy. It analyzes why and how, despite the general stable state of and progress in Sino–Indian relations, Delhi has pursued a hedging strategy against China. Under the present Modi administration, India has not deviated markedly from its traditionally prudent foreign policy approach towards China. Yet, there have been discernible changes and, arguably, the main departure from the previous government’s policy is a matter of degree: a more consolidated hedging component combined with a more robust engagement policy towards China. Like several countries in the Indo–Pacific confronted with the rise of China, India remains strategically ambivalent about China.

ПОЛІТИКА США ЩОДО ІСЛАМСЬКОЇ РЕСПУБЛІКИ ІРАН ПІД ЧАС ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ АДМІНІСТРАЦІЇ Р. РЕЙГАНА

The foreign policy approaches and methods of establishing bilateral relations between Washington and Tehran and the actual implementation of the US “containment” policy towards Iran are analyzed in the article. The author argues that the Middle Eastern vector of US foreign policy was formed according to the three security challenges in the region and Iranian involvement in them: the Iran-Iraq War 1980-1988, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the kidnapping of American hostages in Beirut 1982. Background and progress of Iran-Iraq war were the result of striking contradictions between regional and world leaders in the Middle East. In fact, since the early 1980s. this military confrontation substantially affect the US relationship with IRI. In this context, the key point was the blatant US support of the Iraq and its government. Reagan administration continued the foreign policy of J. Carter and considered the Soviet Union as the greatest threat to the Gulf region, including through military intervention in Afghanistan and its close ties with radical countries like Libya and Syria. In the Middle East, the White House has focused its efforts on negotiations on a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt in 1978. Before the revolution in 1979, Iran was crucial to US interests in the Middle East. First, as a frontline state with an extended 2000-km border with the Soviet Union, as well as a springboard for American intelligence. In addition, Iran was one of the few Muslim countries to recognize Israel, and exported oil to it. However, the after the Islamic revolution, Iran became the periphery to US priorities in the region.

The Suez crisis: A new start for Italian foreign policy?

In the mid-1950s, Italy was seeking greater political autonomy from the United States and the Atlantic Alliance with regard to the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East. This foreign policy approach took the name of 'Neo-Atlanticism,' a term invented by Giuseppe Pella in 1957. Under this framework, Italy tried to extend its political, economic, and cultural influence in the Middle East, relying on good relations with the Arab countries and the fact that it had not operated as a colonial power. The Suez crisis in 1956 represented the turning point in Italian foreign policy: the Italian government sought to play an active role in the controversy, presenting itself as the most credible and reliable mediator and aiming to enhance its international profile. However, Italy's willingness to present itself as a medium power was not supported by a sufficiently strong economic, political, or military background. Moreover, internal rifts and personal rivalries within the ruling government party, the Christian Democracy, as well as growing discontent among Italy's Western partners, made Italy reconsider its position with regard to the Suez crisis.

Внешняя политика Ирана на Ближнем Востоке и американская стратегия «системного сдерживания»

In article features of forming and implementation of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) in the Middle East (Iraq, the Syria-Lebanese-Palestinian zone, Egypt, Gulf States and Yemen) in the conditions of transformation of forms and methods of implementation of Washington’s strategy of “system containment” of the IRI are analyzed. Special attention is paid to identification of potential of IRI as one of leaders of the Middle East region. The main stages, the directions and implementation methods of strategy of “system containment” of the IRI as triangle complex of political, economic and military measures, performed by the USA and their allies for rendering multilateral pressure upon Tehran in order to change its foreign policy and the State power in the country, are shown. Change of a foreign policy line and approaches of Tehran to the solution of regional problems is considered in the context of escalation of pressure upon Iran from the USA and the states of the West. It is analyzed what forms and methods of the foreign policy and foreign economic activity implementation were used by Iran in the situation of increased political and economic risks, connected with toughening of the international and unilateral sanctions. In the conclusion, efficiency evaluations of Middle Eastern dimension of the Iranian foreign policy during the considered period are given and the tendencies of development of the situation around the IRI, that allow us to make the forecast for the medium term, are allocated.

Investigation of Islamic Republic of Iran Foreign Policy (1997-2013)

Foreign policy is very important because it deals with relations between governments and international system. So this study believes that a great part of foreign policy is developed under individual variables and inferences so the best choice to prove the argument would be realism new classic. It’ due to in this theory there has been a special attention to individual factors and its effects on foreign policy. The main question is raised in this study would be how are the effects of Islamic Republic of Iran foreign policy approaches between 1997 till 2013. The authors believe during these years Islamic republic if Iran foreign policy has adopted two different approaches, an increasing tension approach and an aggressive invasive policy due to lack of an exact strategy in dealing with international system. At last the study results the individual factors and personality type of two previous presidents of Iran, Mr. Khatami and Mr. Ahmainejad has a great affect on Islamic republic position in international system. As we could observe at the first period we witnessed an increasing role in international system that ends with getting substantial benefits and in the second period we could obviously see the decrease of this position and isolation of the country in international system.

The influence of iran-contra affair on U.S. relations аith Iran under Reagan administration

The article examines foreign policy approaches and means for establishing bilateral relations between Washington and Tehran and the actual introduction of a policy of "deterring" the US against Iran.Given the IRI's ability to influence the weakening of the anti-American policy of radical extremist organizations in the Middle East, the Reagan administration tried to establish an informal bilateral dialogue with moderate representatives of the Iranian leadership. After the publication of the said secret American-Iranian contacts in the United States and the implementation of the arms-for-host exchange strategy, an internal political scandal erupted in the United States related to the illegal sale of American weapons to Iran. In order to compensate for the loss of the American image from the case of Iran-Contras, which dealt a blow to confidence in the US among the monarchies of the Persian Gulf, R. Reagan transformed regional politics toward pressure on the IRI. It was confirmed that the greatest interest of the USA in the course of the Iran-Iraq war was considered to promote as much as possible weakening rivals each other, so that none of the Middle Eastern countries could become a hegemon in the region and prevent the spread of American influence in the Persian Gulf.

The Perils of Strategic Patience with North Korea

Fatigue with the regime in Pyongyang is mounting rapidly as the lingering North Korean nuclear quagmire approaches the 25-year mark. However, the U.S. foreign policy approach is perplexing. In look...

Why Not EU? Dynamics of the Changing Turkish Attitudes Towards EU Membership

This article aims to contribute to the discussion on Turkish accession to the EU, asking the famous question ‘Why not Turkey?’ the other way around. ‘Why not EU?’ is the emerging question, as the alienation of Turkish government and public opinion from the EU membership objective requires urgent intellectual and political engagement. This article discusses political developments pushing Turkey away from the EU, and it explores the social and historical dynamics behind the rapidly changing Turkish public opinion. The Gramscian concept of ‘common sense’ is used to analyse the complex and contradictory tendencies within the Turkish public opinion, which has oscillated between very enthusiastic support and strong alienation. The analysis is supported by Eurobarometer data, which reveal the antinomies of initial support for EU membership between 2001 and 2004. The article also provides a new perspective for understanding the resonance of the new foreign policy approach of Turkey and the AKP's (Justice and Development Party) new tone with Turkish public opinion through the concept of common sense. In doing this, it relates the disintegration of the EU membership project with the rise of the AKP's hegemony, which has neutralized it not by an exclusionary nationalism but through an inclusionary articulation.

Partnerships for effective multilateralism? Assessing the compatibility between EU bilateralism, (inter-)regionalism and multilateralism

This article investigates the notion of ‘lateralisms’ and how various modes of engagement (namely bilateralism, regionalism and multilateralism) relate to one another. It begins with a careful analysis of the evolution of ‘lateralisms’ and their (in)compatibility at the global level, building on the existing literature from multiple research disciplines. The second part of this article focuses specifically on the European Union's (EU's) foreign policy approach. The author puts forward two main hypotheses. First, the EU has performed a rebalancing act between bilateralism and regionalism/multilateralism over the last decade in favour of the former, notably through the deepening of its so-called ‘strategic partnerships’. Second, this enhanced bilateralism is not necessarily compatible with other ‘lateralisms’, as it can at times undermine regional integration processes or the building of an effective multilateral order. The author eventually formulates some recommendations to ensure that bilateral partnerships are geared towards the strengthening of the multilateral fabric which remains the EU's fundamental and long-term objective.

Turkish Foreign Policy towards the Arab Spring: Between Western Orientation and Regional Disorder

Turkey's foreign policy approach towards the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has been predicated on an integrationist vision through cooperation and dialogue over the past decade. The Arab Spring significantly challenged Turkey's role as a strategic interconnector and set the stage for broader debates on foreign policy orientation. This paper suggests that any fair assessment of Ankara's performance in the MENA must take into account the significant constraints imposed on Turkish foreign policy objectives by regional power rivalries and growing Western detachment from the region. The paper sheds light on the impact of global and regional powers' responses to the Arab Spring for Middle Eastern order and outlines a possible trajectory for the transformation of Turkish foreign policy to ensure effective Turkish activism in the post-Arab Spring environment.

Sheikh Hasina Government’s India Policy: A Three-level Game?

This article seeks to analyze the sources of the Sheikh Hasina government’s India-positive foreign policy approach from theoretical and empirical standpoints. Theoretically, it engages three broad schools of thought and their competing claims about state foreign policy behaviour. These claims then are examined in the context of Bangladesh’s foreign policy towards India. It is argued here that three levels—individual, unit/national and external environment—need to be engaged together to understand the sources of the Sheikh Hasina government’s India policy.

Ahmadinejad, Iran, and Foreign Policy Dysfunction in Tajikistan

Throughout the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Tajikistan became, on the surface at least, an increasingly important political partner to Iran. Tajikistan according to Ahmadinejad was a “strategic partner” and in fact the two states' “common history and culture” made them inseparable. Ahmadinejad's emphasis on Tajikistan within Iran's broader foreign policy led to considerable discussion among regional observers and analysts who declared that the relationship between Iran and Tajikistan could potentially develop into a so‐called “Persian alliance,” which could reorder the regional political balance. However, lying just below the surface of relations between Iran and Tajikistan was a disjuncture between rhetoric and reality. This article argues that despite the public amity that existed between the two states, strong and substantive Iran‐Tajik relations were not achieved by the close of Ahmadinejad's presidency. This was due in part to a dysfunctional Iranian foreign policy approach, which often led to the mismanagement of this interstate relationship. This factor along with the unwillingness of Tajik elites to go from words to deeds and the broader impact of sanctions, international isolation, and regional rivalry, meant that Iran was largely unable to fulfill its prominent political and economic objectives in Tajikistan.

Bipartisanship in a Polarized Age: The U.S. Congress and Foreign Policy Sanctions

Rising partisanship and ideological polarization are defining features of contemporary American politics, but relatively little attention has been given to how this growing polarization and partisanship are affecting U.S. foreign policy making. I argue that foreign policy bipartisanship still occurs with some frequency because many foreign policy issues do not break down along partisan ideological lines, and lawmakers of both parties tend to see the world differently than the president. I apply my argument to the issue of foreign policy sanctions – an issue on which Congressional Republicans and Democrats often favor highly punitive measures that are resisted by the president. My analysis of three recent major U.S. sanctions debates shows that bipartisan majorities in Congress have driven the enactment of strict human rights and nonproliferation sanctions concerning Russia and Iran, and have nearly succeeded in sanctioning China for its currency policies – even though the president has resisted these laws and bills in whole or in significant part. The analysis demonstrates that foreign policy bipartisanship remains alive; that Congress remains capable of challenging the president successfully on important foreign policy issues; and that congressional activism on sanctions issues is motivated not only by interest group pressure, but also by ideational differences in the foreign policy approaches of lawmakers and the president.

City-regions and their role in the Euro-Latin American relations

This paper argues that a new agenda for the relations between the European Union (EU) and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) is necessary, and that city regions can play an important role in it. Due to the shortcomings of the previous interregional strategy and the futile discussion if Latin America follows the European integration model, this new agenda should focus more on triangular and decentralized forms of cooperation aid, trade issues, and the knowledge transfer of poverty- and polarization-reduction strategies. Based on the foreign policy approaches of two Colombian case studies (the city-regions of Barranquilla and Medellin), it is shown that the international activities of Latin American city-regions can open new perspectives for EU–LAC relations.

Globalisation & Act East Policy: The Role of Tribal Community

Indias Look East policy was envisioned by the Narasimha Rao government in 1991 as a focused foreign policy approach towards South East Asia in particular and East Asia in general. In the present day circumstance, tourism covers rural areas, the health sector, and the environment. There are about 305 communities and over 200 tribes inhabited in Indias northeast region. Each community has its distinct customs, cultural legacy and tradition and as such, the region has ample projection to promote modern day tourism. However, policy makers face certain challenges in the North East towards best possible implementation of the Look East policy (hereinafter Act East Policy). This paper throws light on these challenges like lack of infrastructure, crisis of insurgency, the disjuncture between the elites and the social base in the North East regarding the Look East policy, and the states in capacities during the implementation process of this policy. There are ample possibilities for Tribals in North-East India to reap benefits from Indias thriving relations with South East Asia as the process of globalization provides the countries with the opportunities to grapple with cross-market convenience and enabling them lessen their poverty and economic backwardness.

Becoming a “Good Nixon Doctrine Country”: Political Relations between the United States and Singapore during the Nixon Presidency

The Nixon Doctrine, which devolved US troops from direct involvement in Asian conflicts but gave priority to military sales and economic assistance, was considered by some commentators to be an inefficacious foreign policy approach that did little to serve US interests in Asia during the Cold War. Using Singapore as a case study, this article demonstrates that Richard Nixon's foreign policy approach improved US-Singapore relations significantly from 1970 onwards. After a period of flirtation with the Soviet Union during 1968–72, Singapore came to be labelled a “good Nixon Doctrine country” by the US government in 1973. Through the sale of US military equipment and economic assistance, Singapore and the US cultivated bilateral ties that endured after the withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam in 1973 and the fall of Saigon two years later.

Myths about hunter-gatherers redux: nomadic forager war and peace

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to critique several studies that claim to show that nomadic foragers engage in high levels of inter-group aggression. This is done through exploring four myths: nomadic foragers are warlike; there was a high rate of war mortality in the Pleistocene; the nomadic forager data support the “chimpanzee model” of lethal raiding psychology; and contact and state influence inevitably decrease aggression in nomadic forager societies.Design/methodology/approach– Using exact criteria, a sample of 21 nomadic forager societies is derived from the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample. This sampling method minimizes the chance of sampling bias, a shortcoming that has plagued previous studies. Only the highest quality ethnographic data, those classified as Primary Authority Sources, are used, which results in data on 148 cases of lethal aggression. The specifics of the lethal aggression cases are then discussedvis-à-visthe four myths to demonstrate the disjuncture between the data and the myths.Findings– All four myths are found to be out of step with actual data on nomadic forager war and peace. Overall, the default interaction pattern of nomadic foragers is to get along with neighbors rather than make war against them. The findings contradict both assertions that there was a high level of war mortality among nomadic foragers of the Pleistocene and the chimpanzee model's proposal that human males have a tendency or predisposition to form coalitions and make lethal attacks on members of neighboring groups.Research limitations/implications– Consideration of nomadic forager war and peace should be contextualized in terms of social organization, contact history (including ethnocide, displacement, and other factors), and the current situation faced by extant forager populations. As in other contexts, the introduction of alcohol at contact or subsequently has increased nomadic forager aggression.Practical implications– Propositions as to the aggressiveness of nomadic foragers should be viewed with skepticism because they are contradicted by data and a contextual view of nomadic forager social organization and ethnohistory.Social implications– The debate over nomadic forager war and peace is connected to larger debates in modern society about the nature of human nature and has real-world implications regarding foreign policy and political approaches toward war and peace.Originality/value– A critique of sampling, methodology, and theory is provided in this area.