Foreign Policy Approach Research Articles

Oman’s Foreign Policy and Its Mediating and Balancing Role in the Middle East

Oman, with its geographical location and ancient tradition, is a country that has succeeded in being a balancing factor, despite its distance from the central tensions of the Middle East and its ineffective appearance in regional politics. Especially during the 50-year reign of Sultan Qaboos that began in 1970, Oman was able to establish strategic relations with regional and global actors and adopted an exceptional foreign policy understanding in the Middle East during the Cold War period. After the death of Sultan Qaboos, Haitham bin Tariq took over the rule of the country as the new sultan of Oman. Under the new Sultan’s power, a pragmatic status quo approach has become the main pillar in the country’s foreign relations, as the traditional foreign policy understanding has been built on independence and moderation at a level that matches Oman’s will and capacity.
 This study presents a perspective on Oman’s foreign policy approach of Haitham bin Tariq, the Sultan of Oman, based on the analysis of traditional foreign policy framework and practices developed during the reign of Sultan Qaboos who was the architect of the country’s international relations. In this regard, this article examines in chronological order the continuities and ruptures of Omani foreign policy, which has been able to pursue effective policies, despite its low profile in the Middle East, by especially the mission it has assumed in the Gulf since Sultan Qaboos assumed power in 1970. The article also discusses the successful policies of Sultan Qaboos to remain moderate under all conditions and preserve the status quo in the Gulf. The study discusses in detail the exceptional case of Oman in the region using process tracing.

Лаос в потоках международной помощи развитию

Since the establishment of the Lao People's Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) in 1975, the development of the country has been uneven both due to domestic policy deficiencies as well as changing international environment. The aim of the article is to provide an overview of the domestic situation in the Lao PDR in connection with the position of the country at the world arena from the 1970s up to date. The study is based on the country-specific research issued abroad in the 1990s-2000s as well as individual papers provided by Russian authors in the 2000s. The sources used for the study include the World Bank and the UN agencies data as well as information from specialized bodies dealing with development including the USAID and the EEAS. The peculiarities of the political system attributed to the Lao PRD include one-party rule, state dominance on most spheres of life and high level of corruption. The economy of the country used to suffer from the land-locked character but nowadays the country strives to gain advantage from being a transit territory in the Mekong River region. Due to sharp turns in the state economic policy from nationalization and collectivization to market orientation, the economy has been rather weak. The efforts to make tourism one of the drivers of economic development along with mining, hydropower production and agriculture, were devalued by the pandemic. The opportunities for receiving education in the country are especially limited for the poor, representatives of ethnic minorities, and women. Due to the continuing growth of the population, it may become even more difficult to provide education in the country largely. The healthcare system is also understaffed and underfunded. Malnutrition is wide-spread among the poor population. However, the healthcare system has improved a lot during the last 30 years. Many social problems of the country are not duly solved partially due to large state deficit that is somehow balanced by foreign aid. Laos was acknowledged a least developed country (LDC) in 1971. Thus, Laos relied a lot on foreign aid. The volumes of official development aid provided to the Lao PDR by the OECD Development Assistance Committee in 1971-2020 changed a lot due to the changes in the main donors of development aid from France and the US at the beginning of the 1970s, then the Soviet Union and Socialist bloc countries in 1975-1990, then again Western states, Japan, UN agencies gaining the main donor position for the Lao PDR. Countering poverty and other social problems were declared the priorities for both Lao authorities and international aid donors, certain success was achieved: the average poverty rate has decreased, the GDP per capita has been growing, the public debt remained large, though. Since the country is expected to be deprived of the LDC status in 2026 due to achieving relatively good results, it is time for the Lao PDR to reformulate its domestic and foreign policy approaches.

Румыния и Германия: исторические, политические и экономические аспекты взаимодействия

Political and economic aspects of relations between Romania and Germany in the XXI century considered in the context of historical retrospective, including from the perspective of the dramatic events of the XX century. Brief information about the history of the emergence of the German community on the territory of Romania, its important role in the cultural and economic development of the regions of residence is presented. The latter contributes to the creation of a special atmosphere of today’s bilateral contacts, behind which is the policy of the Federal Republic of Germany to keep the German community in its current place of residence, which creates an additional incentive for trade and investment of German capital in Romania. A brief overview of cultural and humanitarian programs of the FRG, designed to promote not only the rallying of the German ethnic minority, but also the promotion of German culture in Romania, is given. Data are provided on the number and position of the vast community of Romanian labor migrants in Germany. The article notes that political contacts between countries are not limited to the EU and NATO, but are also developing on a bilateral basis. Particular attention is paid to the difference in the foreign policy approaches of the two countries on a number of issues. The causes and circumstances of the lack of complete mutual understanding are identified, among which pro-Americanism and the anti-Russian orientation of Romania’s foreign policy stand out, clearly manifested in connection with the problem of putting the Nord Stream-2 into operation. At the same time, attention is drawn to the strengthening of bilateral military cooperation in recent years within the framework of PESCO. The conclusion is made about the ambiguous nature of the Romanian-German relations against the background of the interest of the FRG in expanding its presence in Romania.

РЕАКЦИЯ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ СИЛ ИСЛАМСКОЙ РЕСПУБЛИКИ ИРАН НА СПЕЦОПЕРАЦИЮ РОССИИ НА УКРАИНЕ

In this paper the authors examine the stance of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding the Russian special operaton in Ukraine, drawing on the analysis of the statements made by Ira‑ nian politcians and statesmen, media output and expert artcles. The Islamic Republic was concerned with the militarizaton of Ukraine, the possibility of its entry into NATO and furthering of this bloc towards Iran’s boarders. The country's leadership realized that the confict between Russia and Ukraine will impact the entre system of internatonal relatons. The launch of Russia’s special operaton induced varied reactons across the Iranian politcal and expert spectrum, revealing diferent foreign policy approaches among Iran’s major politcal factons. The official positon of the Iranian leadership could be described as «supportve neutrality». While the confict is blamed on the West, IRI’s top policymakers avoid open support towards Russia, and call for peaceful resoluton of the crisis. Only the members of ultra‑hardline establishment and those affiliated with the IRGC explicitly vindicate Russia’s strategy. The oppositon represented by reformists and centrists condemns Russia’s actons, critcizes Ira‑ nian authorites and calls for diversifcaton of the foreign policy line. In additon, the issue of IRI’s potental capacity to enter the European energy market is addressed. The analysis of the producton and export profle of the hydrocarbons indicates, that even in the event of early removal of the sanctons, Iran will not be able to take Russia’s share in the market.

UK–Zimbabwean Relations: the Past and the Present

The author traces the stages of development of British–Zimbabwean relations over the past four decades. The work analyzes not only the history, but also the current state of relations between Great Britain and Zimbabwe and assesses the prospects for their development. The author set the task of showing how political cooperation between the former metropolis and its colony developed, the importance of the change of governments and the personality of the heads of state. A special attention is paid to the first president of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, who ruled the country for 37 years. An attempt has been made to identify the causes of the crisis in bilateral relations and to assess the attempts to overcome and to move in a progressive development. In addition, the author considers the problem of how the context of the colonial past, economic development, the land issue and the internal policy of Zimbabwe influenced the official London’s position in relation to Harare. Zimbabwe is one of the key states in southeast Africa, traditionally viewed by the UK as a sphere of its interests. Using itsexample, certain conclusions can be drawn about London's foreign policy approach to African countries, as well as the contradictions which become obstacles to the relations’ normalization.

Гібридна війна в Україні як ризикоутворюючий чинник глобалізації

Актуалізовано необхідність наукового осмислення ризикогенного впливу глобалізації у контексті пошуку оптимальних шляхів розбудови ризик-орієнтованого державного управління в Україні. Проаналізовано вплив таких ризикоутворюючих чинників глобалізації для сучасної України, як гібридні війни та гібридні загрози. Доведено, що неефективність і фактична відсутність діяльності з управління політичними та національними ризиками на державному рівні за весь період незалежності України стали одним із основних джерел критичних вразливостей Української держави поряд із спроможністю зовнішнього агресора підсилювати їх дію. Обґрунтування диференціацію політичних ризикогенних чинників, що формували критичні вразливості держави, на такі, що іманентно властиві Україні, і такі, що були навмисно створені Росією.

Evaluating explanations for poverty selectivity in foreign aid

AbstractEnding global poverty has been at the forefront of the development agenda since the 1970s, but many donors have failed to target their funds toward this goal. Activists have tackled this issue by appealing to donors’ humanitarian motives, but we know little about what explains donors’ decisions on how much to give to the poorest countries. This paper develops the donor motivation and foreign policy approaches and identify donors’ development motives and their budget sizes as potential determinants of poverty selectivity. We evaluate their explanatory power by assessing whether their relationships with selectivity are in the hypothesized directions and generalize beyond a particular dataset. Employing cross‐validation and Bayesian Model Averaging, we find few measures of donor motivations provide a generalizable and hypothesized explanation for poverty selectivity. In contrast, donor budget sizes exhibit a relationship that is both hypothesized and externally valid. Our study offers the first systematic analysis of aid selectivity and generates implications for recent approaches to improve the quality of foreign aid and the conventional approach to study foreign aid allocation and donor motives.

KYRGYZSTAN ON THE ROAD TO DEMOCRACY AND HISTORICAL ROLE IN THE REGION

The Kyrgyz Turks, who were informed about them in written sources for the first time in 201 BC, formed various political organizations and states in history. With the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the independent state of the Kyrgyz Republic was established on August 31, 1991. With the political discourses and practices put forward by the state in the post-independence period, Kyrgyzstan has begun to be called the most democratic country in Central Asia. The geography of Kyrgyzstan has an important geostrategic and geopolitical position, which is on the trade routes from history to the present, and which constitutes the transition point from east to west in central Asia. However, rich underground mines and energy resources increase the importance of the country in the modern world. The One Belt One Road project, which is planned on the same route today as the Silk Road gained in the past, has increased the geopolitical importance of Kyrgyzstan again. In this context, it can be said that this geopolitical and geostrategic importance will continue in the future. Kyrgyzstan, whose importance has become more and more important in the process of rapidly intensifying competition due to the geopolitical and geostrategic situation of the Central Asian region, the presence of large energy resources and rich underground mines, constantly strives to maintain the multi-faceted foreign policy principle in its foreign policy approach in order to balance the effects of the great powers in the region and the country. In this study, the political, socio-cultural development of Kyrgyzstan after independence and its role in the region in this historical process will be discussed.

Myanmar's Foreign Policy: Shifting Legitimacy, Shifting Strategic Culture

Since 2011, while the principles of foreign policy “independent, active, and non-aligned” under the respective governments under the Union Solidarity and Development Party and the National League for Democracy have remained the same, the foreign policy approaches – including the concept of non-alignment – of the two leaders of these governments have been quite different. This article describes the survival and foreign policy of the small country of Myanmar beyond the great power lens, arguing that the impact of strategic culture on the two governments since 2011 has differed because of the different levels of legitimacy enjoyed by the two leaders. The cornerstones of Myanmar's strategic culture are (1) that it shall never tolerate foreign interference, (2) that it shall always pursue self-reliance in its diplomacy, and (3) that the very nature of Myanmar is to be independent.

The Middle East in Canadian foreign policy and national identity formation

While often overlooked, the Middle East has been a pivotal geographical and discursive space in Canadian foreign policy and national identity formation. The region was the birthplace of Canada’s liberal internationalist foreign policy identity, Pearsonianism, and the national myths associated with it. The Middle East also appears to be where Pearsonianism was later superseded by a more realist foreign policy approach, centred on key bilateral relationships with Western countries and a shared sense of Western civilisation. For reasons tied to identity formation and how Canadians perceive their place in the world, the Middle East is therefore a deeply contested space in the domestic arena and a site of deep divisions today. With the support of three contemporary case studies—Israel and Palestine, Saudi Arabia, and Iran—this paper explores how Canada’s ties to the Middle East have shaped and continue to shape Canada’s foreign policy, national identity, and place in the world.

Iran – China Deal: An Episode of Iran’s Look to the East Policy

Iran-China deal amid global power shifts from unipolarity to bipolarity suggests Iran’s counterbalancing vis-à-vis Western Powers, particularly U.S. as, the U.S. withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in May 2018 agreed upon on July 14, 2015, between Iran, the U.S., and its western allies. However, another view persists that Iran’s “Look to the East Policy” adopted back in 2005 was meant to strengthen relations with natural regional neighbors that seem a rational choice for Iran. This notion is somewhat true as ideological concerns became obsolete with the demise of the Soviet Union. Today’s foreign policy approach moves around the spatial(relates to geography) dimension as states cannot change their neighbors. Furthermore, it is in the mutual interest of the countries of the region as well. To understand the true essence of the Iran-China deal it is pivotal to understand the factual history and thorough understanding of Iran’s foreign policy on an ontological basis. Academicians gauge this deal from the prism of power balance or bandwagoning approach epistemologically, but this study uncovers the facts based on rational choice theory and its impacts on Iran.

Международное миротворчество и уголовное правосудие ООН: политико-правовая корреляция и подобие

The article identifies and reveals objective political and legal correlations between international peacekeeping activities and international criminal justice, which allows positioning the latter as the final phase of the UN peacekeeping practice. The need to take into acco unt such correlation in domestic peacekeeping is substantiated on the basis of lobbying in the world for the perception of such practice of Russia from the angle of reconciliation of the conflicting parties; geopolitical obstacle to the implementation of any form of genocide; ensuring international peace and security. The need is substantiated to increase the international significance of our country using unconventional foreign policy approaches and technologies in the interests of systematically getting ahead of Russia’s geopolitical competitors in the international political, legal, and peacekeeping sphere.

Mapping Chinese Diplomacy: Relational Contradictions and Spatial Tensions

ABSTRACT This paper maps out contemporary discourses of Chinese diplomacy that have proliferated under the aegis of ‘major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics’. We examine how these narratives are underpinned by webs of relationality that see China promoting equal and win–win partnerships with other state actors, yet are also defined by hierarchical premises for such diplomatic engagements. These relational contradictions are most clearly manifested when we interrogate the spatial dynamics of China’s diplomatic endeavours through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). By scrutinising the geopolitical imaginations, sites and scales associated with the BRI, we turn attention to three spatial tensions that are closely bounded up with the relational contradictions of Chinese diplomacy: ‘win–win’ diplomacy promoting a ‘harmonious world’ versus territorially based diplomacy; periphery diplomacy versus the global ambitions of BRI; and the centralisation versus decentralisation dimensions of Chinese diplomacy. This allows us to make sense of the multiplicity of descriptors that have been affixed to Chinese diplomacy, in order to underscore the ‘work’ they perform to bequeath (at times, divergent and contested) meanings to China’s new foreign policy approach. Hence, a relational and spatial understanding of Chinese diplomacy, we argue, can reveal a more nuanced picture of the promises, potential and disjunctures of China’s rapidly expanding geopolitical and diplomatic actions on the international stage.

Qatar's policy and experience in mediation and dispute settlement

Beginning in 1995, Qatar underwent a major transformation in its foreign policy, adopting an independent and neutral foreign policy as a result of being located in an important vital, geopolitical and economic region, with tensions between the influential regional powers. Given the importance of mediation in resolving disputes and bringing peace to a region raging in conflict, Qatar adopted a foreign policy approach of dialogue, good offices, mediation, and preventive diplomacy, and worked to settle disputes and crises peacefully, remaining impartial and independent, in accordance with the provisions of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. This study explores Qatar policy and experience in mediation and dispute settlement and highlights its active role and contribution over the past twenty years, by clarifying the features of its foreign policy, strategy, and principles, and highlighting case studies of previous Qatari mediation.

Soft power and European politics of Taiwan and Latvia: problems of recognition and political development after the COVID-19 crisis.

divergence of views and support for One-China's outdated foreign policy approach and an increase in the international cumulative effect of recognizing statehood of Taiwan.

Bush’s ‘Beyond Containment’ strategy toward the Eastern Bloc in 1989 within the US Foreign Policy context

Abstract This paper explores the foreign policy of US President George H. W. Bush and his administration towards the Soviet Union and the other countries of the Warsaw Pact. The article also focuses on two historically significant American foreign policy strategies that were implemented during the earlier years of the Cold War: containment and détente. The rapidly changing international environment and Bush’s Beyond Containment policy which, aimed to respond to these changes, became the basis for the following research questions: 1) How did American conception of foreign policy approach to Eastern Bloc countries such as Hungary or Poland change under the Bush administration in 1989 in comparison to the period of implementation of the containment or détente? 2) How did the American perception of the retreating Soviet power within the bipolar international structure affect American diplomatic relations with the Eastern European governments? The aim of the paper is to put Bush’s foreign policy in his first year in office in the American ‘Cold War’ foreign policy context and to compare the classical American political strategies with Bush’s foreign policy in 1989.

Changing Dynamics of Nihon-Indo Diplomatic Ties :

The geopolitical scenario in the Indo-Pacific2 region is changing rapidly. India, Japan and other oceanic states are facing new multidimensional challenges manifested in the unpeaceful3 rise of China. In this shadow, India-Japan ties have witnessed unprecedented growth in the last decade. Outgoing Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his counterpart in India have been instrumental for India-Japan bilateral relations taking a dramatic leap forward. Abe's visionary approach recognised India's strategic importance, as he worked tirelessly to take the relations to its new heights with his personal chemistry with the Indian Prime Minister. His proactive policy transformed South Block's expectations of Japan as a strong, influential and dependable partner in East Asia. Yoshihide Suga has succeeded Shinzo Abe as Japanese Prime minister. The initial days of Suga's foreign policy began by prioritising Vietnam, the USA and Australia, pointing out a different approach to Japan's foreign policy. Suga's political commitment to foreign affairs is secondary to the focus on domestic issues. The article is a comparative study of the foreign policy approaches of two Japanese Prime Ministers Abe and Suga towards India. In view of Abe's accomplishments, it is natural that India might be concerned about the transition to a new leader. The paper will try to analyse the reliability of Japan in the vulnerable security architecture of the Indo-Pacific region and the Suga government's willingness to engage actively in the Asian order for democratic values and the rule of law. Though India may not be Suga's top priority, India needs to actively leverage the strengths of the Abe-era partnership to keep it relevant.

From Cold War to ‘New Cold War’: Bangladesh Foreign Policy vis-à-vis the United States and Russia

The emergence of independent Bangladesh was heavily influenced by the Cold War rivalry between the US and the USSR (succeeded by Russia). With the reemergence of Russia as an assertive power and the rise of economic and infrastructure giant China, both determined to challenge the US dominance, we are indeed living in a 'New Cold War' era. By examining the foreign policy approach of Bangladesh vis-à-vis the US and Russia during the last one decade and so, this paper primarily intends to understand how Bangladesh has been responding to the global power transformation. In this connection, the paper attempts to explore the nature of Bangladesh foreign policy under the present regime of Sheikh Hasina. Based on a comparative analysis of Bangladesh's relationship with respect to the US and Russia across four broader areas, it is found that Bangladesh's 'development first' foreign policy has been successful for the country in maneuvering through 'new Cold War' realities.

The West Papua issue in Pacific regional politics: explaining Indonesia’s foreign policy failure

Pacific island countries have paid increasing attention to the situation in Indonesia’s easternmost provinces of Papua and West Papua (commonly referred to collectively as West Papua) in recent years, prompted mainly by continuing human rights abuses as well as the more general political and economic marginalization of indigenous West Papuan people since integration with Indonesia in 1969. This article addresses some key questions concerning Indonesia’s failure to deal effectively with the issue. Against a background of reactionary hypernationalism on the one hand, and a rhetorical anti-colonial internationalism on the other, domestic policy with respect to the treatment of indigenous West Papuans has, for the most part, seen a continuation of repressive authoritarian measures. And in responding to international criticisms, foreign policy has been poorly handled. There has been a lack of serious engagement with human rights issues as reflected in ongoing denial of abuses in the provinces and a generally reactive and defensive foreign policy approach. At a bureaucratic level, there is little coordination between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other ministries with responsibilities for West Papua, and therefore no effective basis on which to build a coherent policy response. Another problem consists in Indonesia’s often clumsy public diplomacy in the Pacific islands region. As a consequence, the West Papua issue continues to grow in prominence in Pacific regional politics and beyond.

The Neo Ottoman Empire and the restoration of the Egyptian Power A Geo- Political Clash العثمانية الجديدة واستعادة القوة المصرية صدام جيو سياسي

بلغ نهج السياسة الخارجية الترکية ذروته تجاه مصر فى الفترة الممتدة من فبراير 2011 حتى يونيو 2013. في تلک المرحلة، حاولت ترکيا، تحت حکم أردوغان، دعم عملية تمکين جماعة الإخوان المسلمين في مصر، ودعم مساعيها لاحتکار الدولة والمجتمع وفق المشروع الديني الذي تبنته جماعة الإخوان منذ تأسيسها عام 1928. في تلک المرحلة من التاريخ، توافقت طموحات ترکيا في الهيمنة مع مشروع الهندسة الطائفية للشرق الأوسط برعاية إدارة الرئيس الأمريکي السابق باراک أوباما. وبعد سقوط هذه اللحظة الاستثنائية، اتخذ العداء الترکي لمصر عدة جوانب، يمکن تلخيصها فيما يلي: - رعاية حملات النقد السياسي والإعلامي المنظمة والممنهجة ضد مصر ونظامها السياسي، بعضها موجه للمجتمع الداخلي في مصر، وأخرى للرأي العام العالمي. - احتواء العناصر الإرهابية للإخوان المسلمين وتقديم الدعم لها للعمل ضد مصالح مصر وأمنها القومى. - التعاون مع الشبکات الإقليمية لتنظيم داعش الإرهابي الذي يضع مصر ومجالها الحيوي على رأس أهدافها الإقليمية في الشرق الأوسط. - بناء تحالفات إقليمية في عداء شديد لمصر ودورها الإقليمي. - کثرة محاولات التسلل إلى المجال الحيوي لمصر وتهديد مصالحها وأمنها القومي. ومنذ عام 2014، أعلن الرئيس المصري -أکثر من مرة- أن المبادئ السياسية الإقليمية في مصر تقوم على دعم الدولة الوطنية ومؤسساتها وفي مقدمتها الجيوش الوطنية، ورفض کل المشاريع الطائفية، وأي تمکين للميليشيات الدفاع عنها، بالإضافة إلى محاربة الإرهاب الذي يسعى إلى استخدام الخطاب الأصولي والعنصري لتفکيک المجتمعات واستنزاف الدول. ومن هنا اصطدمت السياسة المصرية في ظل النظام المصري القائم بشکل مباشر مع الأطماع الترکية ودينامياتها في المنطقة. تحاول الورقة تحليل المظاهر المختلفة لسياسات العداء الترکية تجاه مصر، وتناقش تداعياتها المحتملة، وأنماط الاستجابة المصرية المحتملة ضد هذه السياسات. Abstract: It has been observed that the Turkish foreign policy approach has reached its peak towards Egypt during the period February 2011 until June 2013. At that stage, Turkey, under Erdogan, had attempted to support the process of empowering the Muslim Brotherhood organization in Egypt and support its efforts to monopolize the state and society according to the theocratic project adopted by the MB since its foundation in 1928. At that point in history, Turkey's hegemony ambitions matched with the project of sectarian engineering for the Middle East sponsored by the administration of the former U.S President Barack Obama. After the fall of this exceptional moment, the Turkish hostility towards Egypt took several aspects, which can be summarized as follows: -Sponsoring organized and systematic political and media criticism campaigns against Egypt and its political system, some of which are directed to Egypt’s internal society, and others to the international public opinion. -Embracing the terrorist elements of the Muslim Brotherhood and give them the support to act against Egypt's interests and security. -Cooperating with regional networks of the terrorist ISIS organization that places Egypt and its vital domain at the top of its regional goals in the Middle East. -Building regional alliances in a severe hostility to Egypt and its regional role. - Frequent attempts to penetrate into the vital field of Egypt, and threaten its interests and national security. Since 2014, the Egyptian President announced more than once that the regional political principles in Egypt are based on supporting the national state and its institutions, at the forefront of which are the national armies, rejecting all sectarian projects, and any empowerment of the militias that defend them, in addition to fighting terrorism, which seeks to use fundamentalist and racist discourse to dismantle societies and drain countries. Hence, Egyptian politics, in light of the existing Egyptian system, collided directly with Turkish ambitions and its dynamics in the region. The paper attempts to analyze the various manifestations of the Turkish hostility policies toward Egypt, and discusses its potential implications, and the potential Egyptian response patterns against such policies.