Feature Valuation Research Articles

Dative possessor variation in Romance: a formal feature account with special reference to Portuguese

In this paper we address possessor dative structures (PDSs) in European Portuguese (EP) and in the Mozambican variety of Portuguese spoken in Maputo, which is mainly in contact with the Bantu language Changana. Focusing primarily on data from EP, we argue that PDSs show microvariation across Romance. We account for this microvariation by extending to Romance languages the distinction between nuclear and non-nuclear external possession structures originally proposed for Bantu languages, and propose that the value of the formal nominal feature [ipart] is the source of the observed variation. We argue that the derivation of PDSs in EP involves movement of the possessor from the specifier position of a small clause for formal feature valuation, which accounts for the common properties of give-type verbs and possessor dative structures, as well as for the incompatibility of both constructions. We further adopt a corpus-based approach and an exploratory elicitation task for the discussion of possessor datives in urban MozP. The findings support the role of the formal feature [ipart] in the acceptability of sentences which do not converge with EP, arguably as a consequence of contact with Changana, but also show that Mozambican Portuguese exhibits convergence with the VP structure of EP.

Between pronouns and R-expressions: Pronoun-like lexical noun phrases

AbstractWe discuss an empirical study that suggests a finer categorization of pronouns versus lexical noun phrases in terms of their feature valuation. We argue that not all lexical noun phrases have their ϕ-features valued from the lexicon. By investigating Polish politeness markers, we demonstrate that certain noun phrases can have their features (specifically, the person feature) valued in a manner parallel to feature valuation in free pronouns. The proposal thus refines our understanding of the categorial distinction between different types of nominals, and suggests that in addition to known morphological and syntactic variation in the domain of pronouns and lexical noun phrases, there is a more fine-tuned classification of feature valuation types.

Adjunct control in German, Norwegian, and English

This paper presents an overview of adjunct control in German, Norwegian, and English, comprising adverbial infinitives, adverbial present and past participle constructions, as well as adverbial small clauses headed by the particle als in German, som in Norwegian, and as in English. We show that the height of the adjunction site (and thus, following scope-based adjunct theories, the underlying semantics of the adjuncts) determines the control possibilities. Based on a large set of data, we argue that event- and process-modifying adjuncts, i.e. adjuncts adjoined in the verbal domain (at the vP- or VP-level, respectively), display obligatory control (OC) properties, whereas sentence and speech act adverbials, which are adjoined at the TP- and CP-level, respectively, rather involve non-obligatory control (NOC). To capture these data theoretically, we propose a structural account that assumes that OC relations are syntactically licensed under upward Agree with PRO being the referentially defective probe that needs to be referentially identified in the course of the derivation by the controller, i.e. the goal. If the adjunct is adjoined in the verbal domain, such an Agree relation can be successfully established and OC is derived. If adjunction occurs in higher adjunction sites, i.e. outside of the verbal domain, feature valuation under Agree fails; as a last resort strategy, the control relation is then licensed on the basis of pragmatic factors, which yields NOC.

Value signals guide abstraction during learning.

The human brain excels at constructing and using abstractions, such as rules, or concepts. Here, in two fMRI experiments, we demonstrate a mechanism of abstraction built upon the valuation of sensory features. Human volunteers learned novel association rules based on simple visual features. Reinforcement-learning algorithms revealed that, with learning, high-value abstract representations increasingly guided participant behaviour, resulting in better choices and higher subjective confidence. We also found that the brain area computing value signals - the ventromedial prefrontal cortex - prioritised and selected latent task elements during abstraction, both locally and through its connection to the visual cortex. Such a coding scheme predicts a causal role for valuation. Hence, in a second experiment, we used multivoxel neural reinforcement to test for the causality of feature valuation in the sensory cortex, as a mechanism of abstraction. Tagging the neural representation of a task feature with rewards evoked abstraction-based decisions. Together, these findings provide a novel interpretation of value as a goal-dependent, key factor in forging abstract representations.

Case Valuation in Transitive Clauses: A Comparative Study of Punjabi and English Syntax

Case is a morphological realization on a noun phrase (NP) to represent the NP's grammatical relationship with the main verb of the clause. With respect to case, languages, in many cases, can be broadly divided into two alignment systems, i.e., ergative-absolutive and nominative-accusative. In the former type of languages, e.g., Punjabi, the subjects usually receive an ergative post position in transitive clauses (with perfective aspect) while in the latter type of languages, e.g., English, the subject, i.e., in nominative case receives, no post position. There has been a widespread controversy on whether ergative is a structural case or a lexical/inherent case and how the arguments are, i.e., subject and objects valued case in case of ergative clauses. With this ongoing debate in the background, this study aims to compare the marking of case on the arguments, i.e., subjects and objects in the transitive clauses of English and Punjabi. The study is conducted under the minimalist framework of Chomsky (2008), who emphasized on Strong Minimalist Thesis (SMT): language provides the best possible solution to the interface conditions imposed by other systems of the human mind, i.e., related to meaning and sound, which interact with language through their interfaces Conceptual Intentional (C-I) and Sensori-Motor (SM) respectively. In this framework, a feature valuation mechanism is induced by the probes, i.e., C and v*. The study finds that in split ergative languages (the languages which take both case patterns, i.e., nominative and ergative) like Punjabi, the EA, i.e., subjects of perfective transitive clauses are assigned the ergative case by the functional heads v* at [Spec-v*] while the IA, i.e., objects are valued accusative case by the same functional head v* under Agree operation. A consequence of this finding concludes that T has default agreement in such languages, which is possible because Punjabi (like its other South Asian counterparts, e.g., Urdu-Hindi, Bengali, and Kashmiri) is a pro-drop language. So, it is easy to assume that EPP and Agree features of T are an option

Polish politeness markers as a window into person-feature valuation

abstract: This paper presents novel evidence for Polish nominals being phases. The core of the argument comes from the interaction between the size of a nominal domain and the corresponding person-feature valuation. While an n P-size nominal structure only exhibits feature valuation within the narrow-syntax module, the DP-size nominal structure exhibits interface feature interactions. Since interface interactions can only arise during spell-out, the corresponding nominal domain, i.e., DP, must be a phase and D must be a phase head that triggers spell-out. The empirical focus of this paper is on a syntactic variation in the domain of politeness markers in Polish ( pan .m/ pani .f).

Derivation and Interpretation of Expressiveness Devices in North Hail Arabic: Minimalist Account

This paper investigates the interpretive properties of what are termed expressiveness devices, characterised as clitic, pronoun and demonstrative. In what seems to be cases of multiple expression of a single argument, the proposed investigation involves generative syntactic analyses to the interaction of a set of expressiveness devices with an associate DP, accounting for their interpretation at both LF and PF interfaces (Chomsky, 1995 et seq). Exploration of a set of North Hail Arabic (henceforth, NHA) data containing expressiveness devices, all of which agree in φ-features with the associate DP, it is shown that the expressiveness devices maintain rigid order in the left periphery of the clause, each generated for certain discourse-interpretive property expressing a distinct value of information structure, through establishing an Agree relation (Chomsky, 2001) with the associate DP. Amongst the insights the analyses show is that NHA allows for multiple probes agreeing with a single goal. In this way, a probing head probes through another c-commanded probing head, in which case the goal is visible to the upper probing head. Movement is therefore shown to be triggered in case where goal’s visibility, related to feature valuation, is not available, hence, movement presupposes agreement.

Labeling without Weak Heads

AbstractChomsky's extension of his Problems of Projection proposal retains the labeling algorithm and deduces EPP and ECP effects from labeling. However, the notion of weak heads, the crucial assumption in this extended proposal, is problematic both conceptually and empirically. Conceptually, the framework threatens to complicate Minimal Search, which ought to be simple, as an instance of the “third factor” in language design. Empirically, the framework cannot explain the derivation of English infinitival clauses, nor can it explain labeling in languages like Japanese. I resolve these problems by eliminating the notion of weak heads. In exploring syntax without weak heads, I reconsider Feature Inheritance. Given that a central argument for obligatory Feature Inheritance (involving simultaneity of feature valuation and Transfer) is invalid on Chomsky's approach, I propose that Feature Inheritance is an optional operation. Then, I revise a proposal that External Pair Merge of heads is involved in the derivation of verbs with a CP complement and in the passive construction. I pose two problems for this proposal, one involving theta roles and one involving the derivation of the passive of verbs with a CP complement. My framework derives not only instances deemed problematic under the External Pair Merge proposal but also the unergative and ergative constructions, whose derivations are otherwise unclear.

Particípios parasíticos em português? O caso do gerúndio composto

The compound gerund (gerund of the auxiliary + past participle) in Romance languages typically expresses an anteriority relation between the situation described by the (adjunct) gerund clause and the one described by the main clause, i.e. it locates the situation of the gerund clause before the one of the main clause. However, in Portuguese the compound form can also be associated with temporal relations of posteriority, overlapping and temporal underspecification (see Leal, 2001; Móia & Viotti, 2005; Lobo, 2006; Cunha et al., 2008 a.o.). This non-anteriority compound gerund exhibits certain peculiarities, namely (i) it can only occur to the right of the matrix clause, (ii) it can freely alternate with the simple gerund, without affecting the interpretation of the clause, and (iii) it can only co-occur with certain T heads in the matrix clause, namely with those containing an [+ ANTERIOR] feature. Wurmbrand (2012) describes a similar set of properties for the parasitic participles in Germanic languages and explains them through feature valuation in Reverse Agree. In this paper, I will argue that the Portuguese non-anteriority compound gerund is a product of the same syntactic mechanism and occurs due to feature valuation of the gerund T against the matrix T in Upward Agree.

The Derivation of Wh-Questions in Najrani Arabic

The study explores the derivation of wh-questions in Najrani Arabic and attempts to answer the following questions: (i) Can wh-questions in Najrani Arabic be derived in VSO or SVO or both?, and (ii) How can Najrani Arabic wh-questions be accounted for within Chomsky’s (2001,2005, 2013,2015 ) Phase approach? The objective of the study is to present a unified analysis of the derivation of wh-questions in Najrani Arabic and show the interaction between Najrani Arabic data and Chomsky’s Phase framework. It has been shown that Najrani Arabic allows the derivation of wh-questions from the argument and non-argument positions in VSO word order. Given this, we assume that VSO is the unmarked order for the derivation of wh-questions in Najrani Arabic. In VSO, the subject DP does not raise to Spec-TP because the head T does not have the EPP feature: the latter attracts movement of the former. The verb raises to the head T of TP, while the subject DP remains in-situ in Spec-vP. Moreover, in Najrani Arabic intransitive structures, the phase vP does not have a specifier because it does not have an external thematic argument whereas in transitive constructions the vP has. Concerning case assignment, the phase vP merges with an abstract tense af (fix) on the head T, which agrees with and assigns invisible nominative case to the subject wh-word man ‘who’. We assume that the phase head C is the probe and has the Edge feature which attracts the raising of the subject wh-phrase to Spec-CP. Besides, we argue that the light transitive head v has an Edged feature which attracts the raising of the object wh-phrase aish ‘what’ to be the second (outer) specifier of vP. Being the phase head, the v probes for a local goal and finds the object wh-phrase aish; the v agrees with and assigns accusative case to the object wh-phrase aish. As the TP merges with a null interrogative head C, the phase head C has an Edge feature that attracts the raising of the object wh-word aish to Spec-CP for feature valuation. Following this, the null copies of the moved entities left after movement receive a null spellout in the phonological level and, hence, cannot be accessed for any further operation.

Agreeing Adpositions in Avar and The Directionality-of-Valuation Debate

Given the central spot afforded to unvalued features in current theorizing, the directionality of feature valuation is the subject of a lively debate in the syntactic literature. The traditional conception of upward valuation, whereby the unvalued probe inherits features from a valued goal in its c-command domain ( Chomsky 2000 , 2001 , Carstens and Diercks 2013 , Preminger 2013 ), has to compete with downward valuation ( Zeijlstra 2012 ), Hybrid Agree ( Bjorkman and Zeijlstra 2019 ), and bidirectional Agree ( Baker 2008 ), among others.Here, using data from Avar, I discuss the crosslinguistically rare phenomenon of adposition agreement, whereby certain adverbs, postpositions, and locative case forms undergo agreement with an absolutive argument. I set the stage by sketching the mechanism of case assignment and argument-predicate agreement in Avar ( section 1 ) and introducing the phenomenon of adposition agreement ( section 2 ). I then show that the agreement morphology on agreeing adpositions is a result of agreement rather than concord ( section 3 ). In sections 4 – 5 , I explore the consequences of adposition agreement in Avar for upward and downward valuation, concluding that upward valuation is better equipped to account for the observed patterns. In section 6 , I summarize the results of the discussion.

ɸ-Features at the Syntax-Semantics Interface: Evidence from Nominal Inflection

I argue for a novel model of feature valuation in the CI interface and explore under what circumstances a syntactic feature is semantically interpretable. As the groundwork for the investigation, I propose an explicit Distributed Morphology model of Italian nouns of profession. The data provide evidence that the morphology accesses the narrow-syntax representation at two different temporal points within a phase: the earlier point (Spell-Out) returns a morphological realization faithful to feature values present in narrow syntax, while the later point (Transfer) allows for a narrow-syntax representation to be enriched by the CI component. Thus, there is no syntactic distinction between interpretable and uninterpretable features: a syntactic feature appears to be interpretable only if it has been licensed by the CI interface.

Principle A and feature valuation

Traditional binding theory is largely incompatible with minimalist assumptions. In this paper I propose an analysis of anaphoric binding based on a feature-checking mechanism (Pesetsky and Torrego 2007), by introducing the feature ⟨ρ⟩, a formalization of the reflexivity proposal of Reinhart and Reuland 1993. I argue that the ⟨ρ⟩ feature is responsible for establishing coreference between an anaphor and its antecedent, by being present and valued on reflexives while being unvalued on a higher phrasal head. Valuation of ⟨ρ⟩ under Agree results in the introduction of a λ -operator, which binds the reflexive variable, thereby establishing the coreference between an anaphor and its antecedent. I further demonstrate how this revision of binding theory can derive subject orientation of monomorphemic anaphors, Barss- Lasnik effects, and restrict at which moment of derivation binding theory can apply. In conclusion I show some novel asymmetries observed in wh-dislocated reflexives in English vs. Russian indirect questions.

Spell-out, Chains, and Long Distance Wh-movement in Seereer

Author(s): Baier, Nicholas | Abstract: In this paper, I examine novel data from long distance wh-dependencies in Seereer, an Atlantic language of Senegal. Seereer long distance wh-questions are characterized by (a) the presence of an obligatory pronoun at the edge of each embedded clause and (b) the presence of special morphology on each verb along the path of the extraction. Thus, Seereer provides striking evidence that long distance wh-movement proceeds successive cyclically through the edge of each clause. I argue that this verbal morphology spells out a valued wh-probe on C, which triggers the movement of a wh-phrase to its Spec. I show that the pronouns present at the edge of each embedded clause have the properties of copies and not of resumptive pronouns, and argue that they are in fact spelled out intermediate copies of the moved wh-phrase. I propose that such multiple copy spell out is possible precisely because they enter into a feature valuation relationship with C. Specifically, I propose that valuation of an wh-probe defines a copy as the head of an A’-chain. Thus, the application of successive cyclic movement does not result in one long chain, but instead in a series of smaller chains. This view of the structure of long A’-chains, when combined with the independently motivated principle of spelling out the heads of chains, results in the pattern of multiple copy spell out that occurs in Seereer.

The Loss of Grammatical Gender and Case Features Between Old and Early Middle English: Its Impact on Simple Demonstratives and Topic Shift

AbstractIn this paper we examine the relation between the loss of formal gender and Case features on simple demonstratives and the topic shifting property they manifest. The examination period spans between Old English and Early Middle English. While we argue that this loss has important discourse-pragmatic and derivational effects on demonstratives, we also employ the Strong Minimalist Hypothesis approach (Chomsky 2001) and feature valuation, as defined in Pesetsky & Torrego (2007), to display how their syntactic computation and pragmatic properties have come about. To account for the above innovations yielding the Early Middle Englishϸe(‘the’), we first discuss the formal properties of the Old English demonstratives which distinguish number, gender, and Case features. This inflectional variety of forms allows the Old English demonstratives to be used independently and to show the anaphoric and discourse-linking properties of topics. Crucially, the same properties characterise also German and Dutch demonstratives that manifest Case and/or gender morphology overtly, which shows that the syntactic distribution of LIs and their morphological richness should be considered as intertwined. The above properties are then confronted with the determiner system in Early Middle English, whose forms undergo inflectional levelling producing the invariantϸe/ðeform that loses its distributional independence and acquires the article status. The levelling process in question is argued to stimulate the shift of the [+ref/spec] feature from the formal to the semantic pole. This suggests that the Early Middle Englishϸeform no longer counts as an appropriate anaphor in topic shift contexts owing to its indeterminacy of Case, gender, and φ-features, which means that it cannot satisfy the Full Interpretation requirement at the interfaces.

THE SEMANTICS OF FOCUS CONSTRUCTIONS IN AKOOSE

This paper examines the semantics of focus constructions, with data drawn from Akoose. Each time a wh-phrase is used in the language, some material in the discourse is necessarily focused. Focusing in the language is complex, and two major types of focus phrases identified are those in which the wh-item moves to an XP containing a morphological focus marker on the one hand, and those in which an extracted wh-item moves to a matrix position where no focus morpheme is attested on the other. Given that the two constructions can be present in the same sentence, it becomes compelling to propose an empirical explanation of the phenomenon, with respect to the possible variance in the semantics of the structures. An issue of great concern that the paper attempts to bring to the fore, is that focus constructions have embedded semantic features that require sufficient empirical attention. Assuming the approaches adopted in Jackendoff (1972), Krifka (1992), Biloa (1992), E. Kiss (1998) and Aboh (2006), this paper re-orients discussions about the debate on focus constructions and meaning. It is argued that from a semantic point of view, Akoose differentiates two categories of Wh-fronting: topic focus and contrastive focus. The analysis also points to the finding that the feature specifications of these operations are different: while contrastive focus conveys independent presuppositions, topic focus does not. Even though the analysis has established a semantic dichotomy between the two operations, a theoretical insight of these phenomena predicts a uniform account. This is because the driving force for both types of constructions is to establish agreement relations between the probe and its goal, and thus satisfy feature valuation in minimalist terms. The paper concludes on the note that wh-expressions in Akoose denote different levels of focus operations, which have a distinct semantic bearing on the syntax of the language.

The representation of gender in the mind of Spanish-English bilinguals: Insights from code-switched Adjectival Predicates

This study examines bilinguals’ gender use strategies in code-switched agreement (i.e. the moon is bonita) and concord (i.e. la moon) structures. Thirty-five L1 Spanish-L2 English adult bilinguals and 43 L1 English-L2 Spanish adults with an intermediate (N=18) or advanced (N=25) level of proficiency in Spanish completed an acceptability judgment task in which they rated code-switched Adjectival Predicates and DPs. The results show that only the L1 Spanish-L2 English bilinguals prefer the Adj (in the case of agreement) or the D (in the case of concord) to be marked for the gender of the Spanish translation equivalent of the English N, but that all groups rate agreement structures higher than concord structures. Both of these findings corroborate previous work on intrasentential code-switching, however, this is the first study to offer an account for the contrast in processing difficulty between agreement and concord structures. We argue that this difference can be explained in terms of the way in which the features are valued in agreement and in concord. Under the double-feature valuation mechanism (Liceras et al., 2008) in agreement both features are valued in a single direction, while in concord the features are valued in two different directions. It is this unidirectionality of the feature valuation mechanism in agreement that makes code-switched agreement structures such as Adjectival Predicates easier to process.

Typing after syntax. An argument from quotation and ellipsis

The paper, assuming the general framework of Chomsky’s (2013a, 2015b) current version of the Minimalist syntax, investigates the syntax of quotation in light of ellipsis. I show that certain unexpected effects arising for quotational ellipsis are problematic for the standard feature valuation system and, especially, for the theory of phases. I discuss some effects of two possible interpretations of such ellipsis, as well as a constraint following from deviant antecedents, to show that the standard view on the internal syntax of quotational expressions should be reconsidered. The paper offers a new view on feature valuation, as well as the connection between the Narrow Syntax and the C-I interface, defined in terms of recursive typing taking place at the interface.

A processing investigation of the accessibility of the uninterpretable gender feature in L2 French and L2 Spanish adjective agreement

Lardiere (2009) hypothesizes that second-language (L2) grammar development involves the reassembly of features in the constraints of Universal Grammar. Feature reassembly assumes the domain-specific Agree operation, in which an (interpretable) feature on a probing node values an uninterpretable counterpart feature on a goal node, and spell-out computations, providing morphological expression to these nodes. Because features express class membership (e.g., feminine expressions), Hawkins and Casillas (2008) proposed that agreement in non-advanced L2 acquisition may involve co-occurrence between expressions, computed presumably according to feature compatibility (e.g., Shieber, 1986). These two types of agreement computations predict distinct processing profiles and grammar-processing relations. Results from a self-paced moving-window experiment targeting overt adjective agreement in superlative constructions revealed that L1-English L2-French/Spanish learners’ profiles appear more consistent with feature valuation. Form sensitivity lagged behind computational ability in low-proficiency learners, suggesting that L2 grammar acquisition is subserved by a universal parsing mechanism (e.g., Dekydtspotter, 2001; Schwartz, 1999).

Morphosyntactic variation and gender agreement in three Afro-Andean dialects

This paper presents an analysis of gender agreement in three little studied Afro-Andean dialects: Chinchano Spanish (Perú), Yungueño Spanish (Bolivia) and Chota Valley Spanish (Ecuador). Data is presented showing a variety of DP gender agreement configurations significantly divergent from standard Spanish. A unified account for these phenomena is proposed combining quantitatitative methodology and several forms of data collection with a Minimalist approach to data explanation and interpretation. The provided analysis charts evolution and variation of gender agreement, arguing that the parallel development of gender agreement in these three Afro-Hispanic contact varieties can be explained by an approach in which change takes place along paths set by universal properties of grammar (feature valuation, locality of agreement, gradience of fitness in grammatical development, etc.).