Dative possessor variation in Romance: a formal feature account with special reference to Portuguese

Abstract

In this paper we address possessor dative structures (PDSs) in European Portuguese (EP) and in the Mozambican variety of Portuguese spoken in Maputo, which is mainly in contact with the Bantu language Changana. Focusing primarily on data from EP, we argue that PDSs show microvariation across Romance. We account for this microvariation by extending to Romance languages the distinction between nuclear and non-nuclear external possession structures originally proposed for Bantu languages, and propose that the value of the formal nominal feature [ipart] is the source of the observed variation. We argue that the derivation of PDSs in EP involves movement of the possessor from the specifier position of a small clause for formal feature valuation, which accounts for the common properties of give-type verbs and possessor dative structures, as well as for the incompatibility of both constructions. We further adopt a corpus-based approach and an exploratory elicitation task for the discussion of possessor datives in urban MozP. The findings support the role of the formal feature [ipart] in the acceptability of sentences which do not converge with EP, arguably as a consequence of contact with Changana, but also show that Mozambican Portuguese exhibits convergence with the VP structure of EP.