Abstract

Traditional binding theory is largely incompatible with minimalist assumptions. In this paper I propose an analysis of anaphoric binding based on a feature-checking mechanism (Pesetsky and Torrego 2007), by introducing the feature ⟨ρ⟩, a formalization of the reflexivity proposal of Reinhart and Reuland 1993. I argue that the ⟨ρ⟩ feature is responsible for establishing coreference between an anaphor and its antecedent, by being present and valued on reflexives while being unvalued on a higher phrasal head. Valuation of ⟨ρ⟩ under Agree results in the introduction of a λ -operator, which binds the reflexive variable, thereby establishing the coreference between an anaphor and its antecedent. I further demonstrate how this revision of binding theory can derive subject orientation of monomorphemic anaphors, Barss- Lasnik effects, and restrict at which moment of derivation binding theory can apply. In conclusion I show some novel asymmetries observed in wh-dislocated reflexives in English vs. Russian indirect questions.

Highlights

  • Capturing anaphor distribution within the Minimalist Program faces intriguing challenges

  • In this paper I demonstrate how binding theory Principle A can be reduced to Agree relation, and show how this approach accounts for the following properties: 1). c-command and locality restriction on binding; 2)

  • All features within the TP are valued and the derivation will not crash; TP can be sent to the semantic component

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Summary

Introduction

Capturing anaphor distribution within the Minimalist Program faces intriguing challenges. The subject DP is further raised into Spec,TP At this moment, all features within the TP are valued (including the φ -features on the reflexive) and the derivation will not crash; TP can be sent to the semantic component. Our theory predicts that in a language with monomorphemic anaphors, ρfeature must be placed on T, and not on v or V, and that results in binding being possible only from Spec,TP position. If the ρ -feature is placed on v, the derivation differs minimally from the case of transitive

DPDO λ x
Ivan told
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