EU Relations Research Articles

ASEAN - EU Relations in the First Two Decades of the 21st Century and Some Impacts on Vietnam

In the first two decades of the 21st century, the Indo-Pacific region has emerged as the epicenter of power competition in the global geopolitical landscape, influencing adjustments in national security strategies of regional and global powers. Amidst the complex fluctuations of the modern world political situation, the EU is actively intensifying strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region for the benefit of its alliance. Among these efforts, ASEAN stands as one of the most crucial leading partners in the policies and strategies that the EU has been implementing in this region. The research findings are significant in elucidating the influencing factors and providing assessing ASEAN - EU relations in the first two decades of the 21st century and the impact of this relationship on Vietnam.

Switzerland: Political Developments and Data in 2023

AbstractIn 2023, Switzerland's profound integration into the globalized world was particularly evident, fundamentally challenging the notion of political sovereignty. Yet, this interconnectedness also means that Swiss domestic rules strongly reverberate around the world, such as in the case of policy failure regarding financial regulation. This article explores how global developments shape Swiss politics, from campaign dynamics ahead of the 2023 federal elections to externally imposed legislative agendas. Even the notorious “Swiss” direct democracy no longer solely reflects citizen‐initiated proposals as further evidenced that year. The article also underscores the inertia of Swiss‐style consensus democracy in gearing up its institutional design for polycrisis. It concludes with a discussion of two major political issues: the collapse of Credit Suisse, one of Switzerland's two leading banks, which marks the most far‐reaching shake‐up of the global banking sector since the 2008 financial crisis, and a potential break‐through in the longstanding stalemate in Swiss–EU relations.

The De-Europeanization of the Kurdish Question in Turkey and the EU

ABSTRACT Using an in-depth interview method, this study examined HDP deputies’ thoughts concerning Turkey–EU relations, its effect on Kurdish issues, and the HDP’s expectations of the EU, showing that the high expectations of the EU during the 1990s and early 2000s have faded and that the EU accession process no longer generates enthusiasm among the HDP deputies interviewed. The most notable finding of the interviews was the consensus that the EU has now lost its role as the driving force for Turkey’s democratization and, moreover, that the EU has ignored Turkey’s authoritarianism by remaining silent on AKP’s disobedience of the Copenhagen criteria and non-compliance with international agreements. The interviewees believed that the EU has become an accomplice of the AKP regime by indirectly supporting Erdoğan’s authoritarianism. Both the EU and Turkey’s loss of faith in Turkey’s full membership have caused the EU to lose its transformative power, encouraging the AKP government to more confidently jettison the values of democracy and human rights. Moreover, the recent developments in the Middle East, particularly the emergence of a Kurdish entity in Syria and Iraq, have resulted in a redirection of Kurdish attention towards the Middle East.

THE RATIFICATION OF THE ISTANBUL CONVENTION BY THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS EFFECT ON CANDIDATE STATES: SPECIFIC REFERENCE TO TURKEY

This research evaluates the process and consequences of the European Union’s recent ratification of the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention). The issue of violence against women persists as a global problem, and with the Union ratifying the Convention in June 2023 and its pledge toward actions to curb gender-based violence, this issue has gained ever more traction throughout Europe and its surrounding geographies. Analysing the hurdles within the ratification process, it can be said that ratification was a progressive move for the Union. Thus discussion of the obligations of Member States, particularly those that have not ratified the Convention, is necessitated. As a country historically controversial to gender-based violence, Turkey has gained much international and national notoriety in withdrawing from the Istanbul Convention in 2021. With the recent regeneration of communications with Turkey and the EU reaffirming Turkey’s candidate status, an examination of Turkey’s standing in fulfilment of its accession obligations is warranted. Consequently, Turkey’s legal framework is analysed and future steps are discussed. The findings show that Turkey’s lack of political willingness to implement and expand the existing legal infrastructure generates potential hindrance to EU relations.

Reconfiguring dynamics of bordering/debordering in EU-Eastern neighbours’ relations: The EU as locus of resistance

EU relations with its eastern neighbours have been pursued with the goal of building a ‘ring of friends’ contributing towards security and stability-building, through reforms’ implementation and the development of closer relations. This transformative agenda met, however, some criticism and resistance from Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. Russia’s full-scale invasion on 24 February 2022 changed profoundly the setting for these relations, including the accession requests coming from Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, along with the cut off of relations with Russia and Belarus. The implied debordering and rebordering dynamics taking place show the complexity of material and symbolic bordering practices. Through a critical border studies approach, this paper seeks to unpack these bordering dynamics and how they are reconfiguring the European space, arguing the EU has become locus of resistance for countries such as Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia assuring their European identity.

Hungary and Refugee: From Historical to Legal Development

Abstract In 2015 refugee crisis, Hungary’s strict border controls and legal reforms drew international criticism, straining EU relations. This article employs the qualitative legal historical methodology to investigate the historical dynamics underpinning Hungary’s shifting refugee policies. The analysis uncovers a significant shift in Hungary’s approach to refugees. Following World War I, the Trianon agreement, which led to territorial loss and population displacement, posed migration challenges that Hungary addressed on a case-by-case basis. Furthermore, after 1989, Hungary aligned its legal systems with international standards. It ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention, marking the first official regulation of refugees under Decree 101. In 2007, upon EU accession, Hungary enacted the Asylum Act 2007, aligning it with the Dublin regulation and relevant EU directives, which formed the foundation for refugee crisis legislation in 2015. The study also examines the 2011 constitutional amendment, indirectly creating sociocultural barriers between Hungarian society and refugees.

Transatlantic relations between the US and the EU in the second and third decades of the 21st century - main challenges


 Historically, the development of new technologies has led to higher increase in productivity in Europe and the US compared to the rest of the world. This resulted in economic asymmetry in the global economy, which ultimately led to the geopolitical domination of Europe and the USA over Africa and Asia (Findlay, O'Rourke, 2007, p. 364). With the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, the European Union has taken a step towards playing a significant role in trade, environment and social issues (Van Langenhove & Marchesi, 2009; Rudloff & Laurer, 2017). The aim of this work is to present the main challenges and changes taking place in transatlantic relations between the EU and the USA in the second and third decades of the 21st century. To achieve this goal, the descriptive method was applied.
 The reforms carried out by the EU allowed it to act in the spectrum of international affairs. The conflict between Russia and Ukraine (in 2014 and 2022) showed that the EU is increasingly resorting to sanctions and conditionality instruments to promote its interests. In addition, the EU aims to create a common army. Despite the fact that these changes contribute to the increase of the EU's competitiveness in the world, US relations between the EU are extremely durable, and the transatlantic community is repairing mutual relations relatively quickly. Meanwhile, the EU's relations with China, the largest trading partner in 2021 (Eurostat, 2022), are confrontational.
 Despite improvement in transatlantic relations, the earlier lack of communication led to a lack of confidence in the US on the part of Europeans. Relations between the US and the EU in the third decade of the 21st century remain tense – it is worth mentioning the AUKUS defense pact (agreement between Australia, Great Britain and the United States) on the exchange of defense technologies in this respect (Borges de Castro and Ricardo, 2021; Morcos 2021 ). It resulted in deterioration of relations between Paris and the US to such an extent that they were close to breaking. At the same time, at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, transatlantic relations sought stabilization. President Biden's administration has reaffirmed its commitment to alliances with European countries. In addition, the US returned to the Paris Agreement (United States Department of State, 2021) and rejoined the World Health Organization (WHO) (Keaten, 2021).

Anti-sanction and sanction economic policy of Russia in 2022–2025. Part 1: Analysis and forecast of managing sanctions against Russia

Objective: to study the packages of anti-Russian sanctions, to analyze measures to counteract sanctions, and to formalize the current and future sanctions policy of Great Britain, the USA, and the EU.Methods: the author uses such techniques of abstract-logical method as analysis, synthesis, deduction, induction, analogy, formalization, and forecasting.Results: based on the analysis of scientific literature, as well as opinions of experts and officials, three main approaches to the assessment of Russia’s sanctions policy were identified: macroeconomic, sectoral and regional. The packages of anti-Russian sanctions and counter-sanctions by Russia in chronological order were assessed. The effectiveness of anti-Russian sanctions in terms of their impact on the Russian economy was assessed. Current trends in the sanctions policy of the UK, the US and the EU were revealed. The following questions were answered: who is the main objective of the sanctions (Russia or the EU); whether China will be drawn into the sanctions war; whether the official objectives of anti-Russian sanctions will be achieved; and whether the strengthening of sanctions will lead to a hot geopolitical conflict. The prerequisites and motives for the EU entry into the sanctions war were determined; the influence of the EU economic problems on the duration of the sanctions war was revealed. Scenarios for the development of the EU relations with Russia were constructed and the terms of the sanctions war unleashed by the United States were predicted.Scientific novelty: it was determined that the anti-Russian sanctions after their fifth package became in many respects demonstrative. The situational response of the Russian authorities to the sanctions was large-scale, corresponded to the current situation, was carried out thoughtfully and effectively. It was revealed that the focus of the UK and the US sanctions shifted to the EU, as well as the prerequisites of the EU-China conflict. It was found that if the sanctions policy intensity is maintained, the EU economy may significantly degrade in the next 10-15 years.Practical significance: the given data and conclusions may help in formalization and correction of sanctions and antisanctions economic policy of Russia.

Analyzing the Importance of International Law in Current International Relations Based on Linear Programming Models

Abstract International law is mainly the law between countries, which is the code of conduct for countries to conduct international interactions, and this paper researches the role of international law in international relations interactions. First of all, this paper combines the fuzzy set on the basis of the classical linear regression model algorithm, establishes the fuzzy linear programming model, and explores the fuzzy correlation analysis. Then, taking EU law as an example, the role of EU law in EU relations is analyzed through the theory of EU law, EU and the role of EU law in the EU embodied. Finally, based on the role of EU law, the importance of international law in international relations is studied through a fuzzy linear programming model, and the role of strengthening international law is considered. The results show that the countries consider the legitimacy of EU law to be above 0.9, and the countries’ participation in EU law also ranges from 0.9 to 1.0, and the countries’ self-identification increases by about 0.1 to 0.2 after the enactment of EU law. The correlation coefficients of international law on the construction of the identities of the 10 countries are all greater than 0.75, and the interests of the countries have increased by about 2.3, and international law promotes the order of international relations.

THE SWISS MODEL OF RELATIONS WITH THE EU AFTER THE YEAR 2021

In the article, the peculiarities of the Swiss model of relations with the EU are considered. The political and economic aspects are distinguished. The first category includes, among other issues, the alignment with the EU foreign policy, preserving, nevertheless, the own principles of neutrality and sovereignty, as well as an active participation in the EU programs. The next important feature of the Swiss model of relations with the EU is integration to a significant extent of the EU law into the Swiss legislation. The economic features include an active participation of Switzerland in the European Single Market, and politisation of issues of economic cooperation by the European Union. A possible impact of suspending the negotiations on the institutional framework agreement in 2021 at the Swiss initiative is studied. The author concludes that the mentioned impact has been so far quite small, as the relations are progressively developing. It can be explained by the theory of economic interdependence of R. Keohane. The scientific significance of the work lies in a small extent of investigation of the topic of the Swiss model of relations with the EU, as well as the study of the impact of long-term factors on the EU relations with third states. The chosen methods are content analysis and synthesis.

COVID-19 PANDEMICS IMPACT ON UKRAINIAN STUDENTS’ PERCEPTION OF THE EU, EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND SOLIDARITY

The youth opinion and perceptions of the EU and EU-Ukraine relations and aspiration of Ukraine towards the EU membership have always been under the particular interest of scholars, policy-makers and civil society. Through years of Ukraine’s independence youth has been defined as a key target audience for the public policy, hence it is critically important to understand their opinions and attitudes, positions, and perceptions. As unprecedented a challenge as COVID-19 pandemics turned out to be for European solidarity and values could not but affect the attitudes to the EU and European integration in Ukraine. The purpose of this study is to identify any possible transformations the concept of EU and European solidarity occurred in the minds of Ukraine’s undoubtedly most pro-European social group (student youth aged 18–25). The survey was held by Ukrainian Association of Professors and Researchers of European Integration through March–May 2020, under the turbulent first months of pandemics at the very height of quarantine limitations in both the EU and Ukraine. By means of content analysis, concept analysis and categorization of unique empirical data collected within the frames of the all-Ukrainian student essay contest focused on COVID-19 impact upon European integration and solidarity, this study traces shifts in Ukrainian students’ attitudes to the EU and Ukraine’s European integration process and, where possible, identifies the types of media discourse and sources influencing the target group’s opinions.

How China Perceives European Strategic Autonomy: Asymmetric Expectations and Pragmatic Engagement

Abstract Intensified strategic competition between China and the US and the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine conflict have polarised international attention on the promotion and prospects for European strategic autonomy (ESA). This change in the international and regional environment raises an important question: How does ESA affect China–EU relations? Answering it requires clarification of the main impacts of ESA promotion on China–EU relations. These include: the EU’s reduced dependence on key materials and technologies from certain countries, and the formulation and expression, in line with core EU interests, of an independent stance and policies on China; China’s adjustment of its European Strategy; and persistent external pressure from the United States. Starting from its particular interests, the EU has, to some extent, independently assessed and accordingly refined its relations with China, having pursued cooperation in global public welfare governance and other areas of similarly low ideological significance, and pragmatically explored ways of moderating competition and enhancing cooperation with China. Fields highly sensitive to geopolitical influence, or which involve key technologies and globally important supply chains, are those wherein China is treated as a competitor. Upon analysis, it can be concluded that the EU’s most consistent approach to its goals of strategic autonomy is that of maintaining an alliance with the United States while avoiding full dependence on it, and competing with China in key areas that allow leeway for practical cooperation.

Russia-Europe: What we have in common and what distinguishes us: the answer to the question of Russian philosofas, historians and writers

Russia–EU relations are going through difficult times now. By its actions on the eve and during the Ukrainian crisis, the European Union has called into question its reputation as a reliable partner of our country. A serious blow to the relations was infl icted by unilateral sanctions decisions of the European Union, adopted to the detriment of mutual economic interests in the name of promoting the same geopolitical goals. The events of recent months have shown that the dynamically developing trade and economic ties between Russia and the EU have not yet developed into a genuine strategic partnership based on the principles of equality, indivisibility of security and mutual respect for interests. The outdated confrontational stereotypes of the Cold War, which instilled in the minds of European leaders the possibility of isolating Russia and abolishing Russian culture, are still making themselves felt. This article contains an answer to the question about the relations between Russia and Europe, which was previously heard from the lips of prominent representatives of the Russian creative intelligentsia, whose opinion is relevant today.

Now a systemic rival? Inklings of complex representations of the EU in public survey data of Chinese urban residents

China–EU relations have become more challenging recently, especially with China being labeled a ‘systemic rival’. We therefore examine Chinese perceptions of the EU, particularly to see if recent developments have led to changing representations of the EU. This article specifically attempts to discern nascent changes in the complex representation of the EU amongst the general Chinese public by analyzing and comparing original data from two surveys of 3000 Chinese citizens in six major cities conducted in 2010 and in 2020. Our study uncovers the Chinese respondents’ perceptions of the EU in a multifaceted way by providing evidence that they are reconstructing the image of the EU and reconsidering its global role. The overall assessment of China–EU relations by the Chinese public remains one of general goodwill. However, there are more discerning and critical opinions of the EU from the respondents as well, suggesting a much more differentiated view toward the EU. In highlighting the continuities and changes, and situating this discussion within the theoretical lens of two specific forms of complex representation, role and image theories, this study provides a timely and topical discussion of the emergence of a complex portrayal of the EU.

Chinese perceptions of the EU: the impact of social media use

With the rise of China and the deepening of China-EU interactions, it is crucial for both China and the EU to know the Chinese public perceptions of the EU and what factors influence the formation of perceptions, to enhance mutual understanding. Given the increasing role of social media in the political process, this study hypothesizes that social media use is a strong predictor for Chinese public perceptions of the EU and China-EU relations. We analyze the effects by utilizing original public opinion survey data collected in China in 2020. Our findings show that social media use as well as socioeconomic factors together predict Chinese public perceptions of the EU and China-EU relations. However, social media use effects vary across different social media platforms.

Switzerland: Political Developments and Data in 2022

AbstractIn 2022, Switzerland's notorious fame as an “island of bliss” was significantly challenged by a sequence of numerous unprecedented large‐scale crises. While the country has managed to phase out most COVID‐19 protective measures already in the year's early weeks, the 202 Russian invasion of Ukraine internationally discredited neutrality—that is, one of the traditional pillars of Swiss identity. This article traces how Switzerland muddled through crisis after crisis. Moreover, it shows how domestic politics was affected by the distinct interconnectedness of the federal and regional (i.e., cantonal) electoral arenas, an above‐average number of direct‐democratic ballot proposals, as well as by the resignation of two out of seven members of the Federal Council. The article concludes by discussing two major and highly controversial “elephant‐in‐the‐room” issues that are continuing to shape the Swiss political discourse: Swiss–EU relations and institutional reforms to gear up Swiss‐style consensus democracy for future crises.

Resilient states vs. resilient societies? The ‘dark side’ of resilience narratives in EU relations with authoritarian regimes: a case study of Belarus

ABSTRACT The present article maps and analyses the different meanings of the EU’s resilience narratives in its neighbourhood policy towards authoritarian regimes. While a large part of the existing literature has placed an emphasis on the role of resilience in EU foreign policy more generally, the specific use and representations of resilience in EU policy towards authoritarian regimes remains ill-explored. However, it is specifically in the context of the EU’s relations with authoritarian regimes, that references to resilience, and especially ‘state resilience’, are highly problematic. Focusing on the EU’s neighbourhood policy and the case of Belarus, we present a discourse analysis of the different uses of the term resilience in the official discourses of key EU institutions. In a first-order critique, we examine how the EU’s narratives construct resilience, and in particular for whom, what, when, where, and why. We show that the EU’s resilience discourses are inherently state-centric and present highly contradictory goals of resilience-building. In a second-order critique, we demonstrate the problematic political implications of the EU’s usage of the term resilience, including the omission of ‘everyday forms of resilience and resistance’ from the EU’s narratives.

An Appraisal of EU and BRICS Relations: Lessons for BRICS

An Appraisal of EU and BRICS Relations: Lessons for BRICS

Re-scaling and Globalizing EU-Turkey Bilateral Relations in the Changing Global Political Landscape

By putting scale and (re)scaling at the center of its analysis, this paper aims to grasp the scalar process of EU-Turkey relations from historical, political and social perspectives. In doing so, this paper will first overview the existing theories on scale and re-scaling concerning their use in political geography and IR. The second task of this paper will be to examine the relevance of scale in EU relations from historical, political, and social perspectives. In the third part, as a first step, this paper investigates whether the EU and Turkey can redefine and reconstruct a new EU-Turkey space. As a second step, it assesses whether globalizing EU-Turkey relations is possible in new global policy areas such as climate change, sustainable development, and trade & economics.

Сучасні тренди відносин ЄС-Грузія та російський чинник

The presented article provides an analysis of Georgia-EU relations and the impact of Russian military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine in accelerating the process of Georgia’s European integration. This topic is a defining issue of Georgia’s political agenda at the modern stage, as integration into the main European institutional structure is a political priority for Georgia which has no other alternative, that, accordingly, is reflected not only in the resolution of the Parliament of Georgia and the government program, but it has also become a constitutional obligation. The paper briefly discusses the dynamics of the development of Georgia – EU relations – starting with agreements on partnership and cooperation and ending with giving Georgia a European perspective, and identifies the factors causing the problems during Georgia’s relationship with the European Union; Difficulties in the process of Georgia’s European integration are highlighted and Georgia’s efforts are presented to ensure that the European Union pursues an individual policy towards itself. When the European Union defined priorities in the Transcaucasus, Georgia’s self-identification, according to which it culturally and historically belongs to Europe, was not taken into account. Georgia has always distinguished itself among the states of the South Caucasus with its European aspirations, and since the day of independence, the European idea has never devalued; While the other two states of the South Caucasus – Armenia and Azerbaijan – were very inconsistent in defining their self-identification: Armenia was officially a strategic partner of Russia, and Azerbaijan maintained balanced relations with both Russia and the West. Among the modern challenges of Georgia’s integration into the European Union, in addition to the Russian factor, such issues as the absence of a single consensus in the European Union, and the current inefficient format, which needs to be replaced by more flexible mechanisms, are discussed; The role of Russia’s military intervention in Georgia and Ukraine in increasing the degree of "securitization" of foreign policy in the European Union and promoting geopolitical priorities is evaluated; The prediction of new perspectives on Georgia’s European integration related to the Russia-Ukraine war is given, which is linked with the further evolution of the European Union and the possible impact of this evolution on Georgia’s EU accession policy.