Ethnic Federalism Research Articles

Ethnic conflict in Ethiopia: Federalism as a cause and solution

Adopted in 1991, ethnic federalism indeed paved the way for the recognition, accommodation, and institutionalization of ethnocultural diversity for the first time in the country’s history since its modern existence. What is equally important is, the practice of ethnic federalism complicated state-society and inter-group relationships creating a favorable environment for ethnic confrontation and conflict to take place in the country threatening national unity, eroded century-old values of coexistence, a hard ethnic boundary where administrative boundaries are served as political and ethnic differentiators like the Oromo and Somali conflict over contested boundaries. Territorial recognition, and institutionalization of ethnicity gave room for the emergence of ‘ethnic like and ethnic others’ thinking, made minorities in different regions victims of politics and failed to provide sound accommodation mechanisms from them, severely restricted people’s constitutional rights including the right to mobility and right to work, created room for the re-emergence of secessionist tendency. Hence, ethnic federalism while solving old problems of ethnic inequality and injustice; has created new problems of ethnic tensions and conflict across Ethiopia. It is the purpose of this study to investigate how and why federalism is being considered as the source of ethnic conflicts in the Ethiopian context. The study adopted a qualitative comparative approach while FGDs and key informant interviews were used to gather data. The finding of the study shows that though multinational federation plays an irreplaceable role to accommodate and institutionalize ethnocultural diversity, the notion and implementation of federalism instigate ethnic conflict in the Ethiopian context.

Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia: Reflecting on Diversity and Ethnic Identity

Ethiopia formed an ethnic federal system in 1991, which recognized ethnic autonomy entirely while ensuring the country’s unity. The new Constitution established a federal structure focused primarily on ethnic territorial units. The constitution ambitions to achieve ethnic freedom and equality by maintaining the state. Ethiopian politics has shifted to a federal liberal and plural system since the military dictatorship ended, as ethnic groups sought to exist under a federal structure that could preserve the country’s stability and diversity. The federal arrangement is noteworthy because its Constitution allows for the inheritance of every ethnic group. It supports an ethicised federal state with a secession mechanism and allows political parties to unite along ethnic lines. It is a worthwhile case study because it is an exception to the general trend in Africa. This paper examines how ethnic Federalism is a vital part of the Ethiopian Constitution and gives ethnic autonomy and identity in Ethiopian politics. Theoretical understanding of Federalism and ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia.

Political Transition and the Rise of Amhara Nationalism in Ethiopia

Ethiopia is currently undergoing a significant political transition, a transition that began with the ascendency of Abiy Ahmed as a new chairman of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and Prime Minister of the country. In a span of a little over a year, bold political reforms have been introduced. At the same time, these reforms have exacerbated ethnic tensions in the country. In a country that has experimented with ethnic federalism and where ethnicity is the main political organizing principle, the pressure towards ethno-national political movements is quite strong. This pressure has transformed the political identity of many groups, including the Amhara. Despite its longtime role as a major constituency for pan-Ethiopianist movements, many Ethiopians claim that the Amhara, the second largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, has recently exhibited a trend towards ethnonationalism. In this paper we explore two questions. First, is there evidence that an Amhara nationalism is emerging? And if so, what may be causing this? Using recent data from both the Afrobarometer and World Values Survey, we find a growing sense of defensive Amhara nationalism among Amhara respondents, although there is no indication of a general abandonment of the “Ethiopianist ( Ethiopiawinet)” ideal. We argue that this defensive nationalism is a product of a “security dilemma” dynamic facing the Amhara as the result of the continuation of the “Oppressor/Oppressed” narrative that has been adopted by the EPRDF regime. This ethnonational appeal resonates with young Amhara males, and those who believe that their group has been unfairly treated by the current regime.

When ‘street-level bureaucrats’ act as cultural brokers: The normative dilemmas and personal commitment of government officials in southern Ethiopia

Following the implementation of ethnic federalism in 1995, for the first time, government officials have been appointed from among the various ethnic groups rather than being only drawn from the central Ethiopian highlands. As such, they carry the responsibility of mediating and translating between two rather different worlds and value systems: those of the state and state law and those of the local population, many of whom continue to widely apply customary law. Many of these native government officials find themselves in a normative dilemma, as they have to balance the, often contradictory, expectations of the government and the local population.

Ethiopia: the Victory of the Sidama in the Longer Than a Century’s Struggle for the Self-determination

For the first time in the history of domestic Ethiopian studies, the article analyzes in detail the successful struggle of one of the Ethiopian peoples’, the Sidama, for self-determination. On the 20th of November, 2019 a truly historic event took place in Ethiopia: one of the country’s many ethnic communities, the Sidama, achieved self-government. At a referendum about 98% voted in favor of the creation of the Sidama state. This provoked a chain reaction in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region: already 13 ethnic communities – Wolaita, Gamo, Gurage, Kaffa and others – are demanding the creation of their own states. Centrifugal processes in the country have become noticeably more active. The present paper is divided in four sections. The first section, “Who are the Sidama?”, offers a detailed description of the Sidama and emphasizes the vitality of traditional social and cultural institutions, including ethnic stratification and the continued presence of castes of artisans. At the same time, it is noted that globalization and urbanization are introducing significant changes in the life of the Sidama. The second section, “The Sidama under ethnic federalism”, analyzes the positive and negative aspects of ethnic federalism and the reasons for the discontent of the Sidama, as well as the causes of Sidama’s grievances and conflicts over power and resources with other ethnic communities, which ultimately led to their struggle for self-government. The third section, “The Sidama’s struggle for self-government”, provides a detailed account of the Sidama’s struggle against the policy of Amharization during the imperial period, the discrimination in Derg rule (1974–1991) and, since 1991, during the period of ethnic federalism. The fourth section, “Referendum”, is devoted to a detailed description of this important event in the life of the Sidama and their victory: the difficulties and obstacles to organizing the referendum, the attitude of the federal government, the referendum itself and victory. Finally, in the fifth section, “The impact of the creation of the Sidama state on the situation in the region”, the author analyzes the Constitution of the new state. The creation of the new 10th state on the ethnic basis means the strengthening of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia. It is important to stress that the author has conducted several e-mail interviews with Sidama scholars and journalists – active participants in the Sidama movement for self-determination – on the topic of post-referendum events.

Российский этнофедерализм: становление и перспективы развития

Introduction. The authors analyze the peculiarities of the formation, evolution and prospects of Russian ethnofederalism, based on the achievements of Russian and Western researchers. Methods and materials. Along with classical approaches to the nature of ethnofederalism, the authors proceed from the concept that relations between the elites of the center and the regions in the Russian Federation are based on the so-called “incomplete contract”, which is characterized by the absence of guarantees for its implementation. Analysis. This political practice comes as a source of the elites desire to change the distribution of power and resources in their favor while the Constitution remains unchanged, the “pendulum” nature of relations along the “federal center – regions” line. In modern Russia federalism does not have a value dimension, both for the elites of the center and the elites of most regions, and it remains a purely instrumental concept. The authors build their analysis of interethnic relations and the prospects of ethnic federalism in Russia, proceeding not from any ideal model, but starting from the existing ethnic political reality with its already existing imperfect institutions of ethnic federalism. At the same time, a differentiated approach is used to assess the correlation between federalism and ethnicity. Results. The authors come to the conclusion that, despite the numerous shortcomings of the ethnic model of federalism (organizational complexity, special requirements for political elites, asymmetry with its inherent “injustice”, etc.), there is no real alternative to it in Russia.

Devolution as a Panacea to Deeply Divided Multi-Ethnic (National) States: The Continuing Kenyan Experiment

The multiple designers of Kenya’s 2010 Constitution intended that devolution should address the many years of economic exclusion that many Kenyan communities had suffered. While this paper concedes that the design of the 2010 Constitution to a large extent achieves this role, the same constitution fails at engendering national multi-ethnic unity. This paper uses three broad approaches to assess Kenya’s devolution experiment under Kenya’s 2010 Constitution and ethnic unity: the first is Daniel Posner’s Institutional Politics approach, the second is Donald Horowitz’s Constitutional Ethnic Federalism approach, and the final one is Yash Pal Ghai’s Constitutional Autonomy approach. The author argues that limiting our focus to these three approaches as applied in this paper, there is no constitutional design that can easily achieve the lofty objective of national multi-ethnic unity in Kenya. This is because Kenya has had deeply ethnicised politics and social relations that are tied to ethnic political patrons and elites who are always at the forefront of constitutional design outcomes. This explains why even with the 2010 Constitution’s attempt to weaken the imperial presidency, many Kenyans still perceive ascendancy to the presidency as the zenith of social, economic, and political actualisation. The paper, therefore, concludes that the Posner and Horowitz approaches above have merits and demerits and have also been variously applied under the 2010 Kenyan Constitution. The Ghai approach has neither been contemplated nor applied in the 2010 Kenyan Constitution. It emerges that even if the demerits under the Posner, Horowitz, and Ghai approaches were eradicated, which might be quite difficult or even impossible, and yet the zero-sum competitive politics for the presidency persists, the politicisation of ethnicity and the conflicts that stem from this will persist.

Ideology and succession politics in Ethiopia: autocratic leadership turnover and political instability

ABSTRACT Recent scholarship on the institutionalization of politics in Africa has highlighted the consolidation of constitutional leadership turnover in electoral democracies. However, leadership turnover is not limited to democracies, and is increasingly also regularized in a subset of non-democratic regimes ruled by dominant parties. Why have some dominant ruling parties in Africa been able to facilitate leadership turnover while others have not? With evidence from a detailed case study of Ethiopia’s leadership transitions, we argue that the historical persistence of ideology and its institutional expressions are important drivers of dominant parties’ ability to manage leadership turnover. In Ethiopia, the ideology of ethno-national self-determination (forged in the 1960s) influenced political development for decades, culminating in the adoption of constitutional ethnic federalism and the creation of a ruling party alliance comprised of ethno-national parties. This institutional backdrop defined the contours of transitions in 2012 and 2018. It also explains contestations over the nature of federalism in Ethiopia, including the outbreak of conflict in Tigray in 2020. In addition to highlighting the role of ideology in African politics, this paper brings a comparative perspective to the study of Ethiopia, a country that is often studied in isolation.

Matrimony of Discordant: Developmental State and Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia, 2001–2018

Abstract Since the coming of Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (eprdf) into power, Ethiopia has oscillated with the trial of different economic models. In 2001, the regime adopted developmental state model along with ethnic federalism while abandoning liberalism. Taking these facts into account, this paper assesses the tension and compatibility between developmental state and ethnic federalism. The findings of this paper reveal that there are no problems associated with the developmental state in terms of rhetorical points of view. It can improve development if the governments strictly observe and implement the pillars that the developmental state needs to have. However, the marriage between developmental state and ethnic federalism incurs the possibility of the non-enforcement of the main pillars of the developmental state. The nature of the developmental state and the way Ethiopia’s federal system structured is incompatible, which I call such a relation the ‘matrimony of discordant’.

Comparative Federalism in Africa : The Classical and Contemporary Approach : The African Clime as a Case Study.

It is an undisputed premise that federalism is a compound theory of governance common to the African clime. . However, the question of “true federalism’ in practice save words ripples across federalist countries distinctively in Africa. Specifically in Nigeria, The debate and clamor over the utility of federalism in a multi-ethnic federation is interminable thereby making this paper a necessity to unveil the trends in this stance. More so, this paper offers a comparative study on federalism in Nigeria in consonance with other climes. Particularly, Ethiopia, South Sudan, South Africa with their distinguishing approaches to the federalist doctrine. Furthermore, it extends its horizon to the European and North American countries as an addendum to this study. Sequel to this comparative study, the article makes recommendations.

Enhancing Capacities in Nonviolent Communication to Change Perceptions and Addressing Root, Proximate and Tertiary Causes of Ethiopia's Tigray Crisis

The postponement of the Ethiopia’s August 2020 elections (owing to COVID surge) has been said to be the beginning of the Ethiopia November 4 Violence between Tigrayan groups and the national defense forces. Other reasons cited include the mutation of the conflict from a struggle for territorial expansion into a class struggle. Ethnic federalism and a reaction of the massive oppression and exploitation of the people of Ethiopia are also cited as probable reasons for the Conflict. The contribution of leading scholars in influencing the existing literature highlighting to conflict has been not without a decry that they have overtime dominated the field oblivious of the need to promote the participation of young minds in such contribution. The U.S. Institute of Peace Generation Change Fellows-Youth Advisory Council provides a platform through which youth provide thought leadership and amplify their voices in peace building. The author, a member of the YAC, Kenya chapter, provides a detailed overview of the genesis and state of the Ethiopia conflict but moves ahead to provide strategic guidance on how nonviolent communication can be used to improve relations and achieve sustainable peace. This article is largely a desk review, convening thoughts from key C/PVE, International relations and security experts from the horn of Africa and beyond. The thoughts have been corroborated, compared, and contrasted but most importantly analyzed into critical lessons and recommendations for a better situation for Ethiopia. Excerpts from the views of the experts denote variated factors leading to the Tigray conflict; the postponement of the August elections, the ‘Federalism state’, a long struggle for perceived oppression among a section of aggrieved Ethiopians have been presented as causes for the conflict. The allying of Somalia to Ethiopia, the surge of refugees fleeing to Sudan but above all the hard stance by Ethiopia’s leadership on the situation are feared for escalation of the conflict’. The author highlights the five Pillars of Gandhian Nonviolence, managing negative and disruptive emotions, mending a dysfunctional communication ecosystem as well as anger management as key to addressing the Tigray Conflict. Like in the case of <i>Gachacha</i> courts of Rwanda, she appreciates the Oromia- the Ethiopian traditional justice System, rich customary practice which together with above could help change the situation.

Difficulties of Establishment of Ethnic Federations in Asia and Africa

Using the example of some countries of Asia and Africa, we considered the phenomenon of the development of federal states, experiencing the influence of the ethnolinguistic factor, which is of particular relevance in the era of global instability and ideological and political transformations. The goal is to evaluate the degree of stability or instability of state formations burdened by multi-ethnicity and tribalism. We analyzed both more successful (India) and less successful federations (Pakistan) in Asia, which do not formally tie their territorial and administrative division to the ethnic composition of the country. A description of the movement towards ethnic federalism by a number of states that faced ethnic conflicts under the influence of external and internal circumstances at the beginning of the 21st century (Nepal, Iraq) is given. The exceptional difficulties of state building on the African continent in the conditions of ethno-tribal hostility and tribalism are shown. The alternative ways of development of federations are given: with the help of careful disaggregation of the subjects (Nigeria) and on the basis of their declared ethnic organization and self-organization (Ethiopia). In the comparative-state study, a proposal is made to abandon radical experiments with ethnic relations in federations and to limit ourselves to more familiar schemes of territorial-administrative or mixed (territorial and national) organization of subjects, as in Russia.

Постсоветские де-факто государства: траектории борьбы за суверенитет

The de-facto statehood is a multi-faceted phenomenon of the international politics. They are key elements of the ethno-political conflicts in the contexts of collapse of multi-ethnic federations, empires as well as processes of decolonization. In spite of growing scientific interest to this phenomenon de-facto states’ studies face a clear lack of interdisciplinary research. Most of papers are devoted to the conflict dynamics, issues of theory and international law issues or cover some particular country cases. The topical perspectives of de-facto states are often studied with no special attention to their historical background. The offered article examines the trajectories of the struggle for the sovereignty of Post-Soviet de facto entities. The author provides a comprehensive analysis of their evolution in the last years of the existence of the Soviet Union and in the period after of the USSR dissolution. The article offers a typology of de facto states. From the author’s point of view, we can talk about two generations of such formations. If the first generation was a result of the once single state collapse as well as growing fight for revisiting statuses of former union and autonomous entities, the second one was a consequence of the crisis of nation-building in the newly independent states and the growing competition between Russia and the West for influence in Eurasia. The article presents the evolution of the trajectories of the de facto states struggle for sovereignty in the context of three successive Post-Soviet regional orders. According to the author, all the Post-Soviet unrecognized republics were formed in the conditions of the destruction of the constitutional consensus of 1977–1978. However, then the trajectories of asserting and protecting the sovereignty of the de facto entities diverged significantly. The author evaluates the general and special features of these processes. In his view, this dynamic has depended on the regional context changes (revision of “the Belavezha order”) but at the same time, changes within de facto states seriously influenced the international environment.

Enhancing Capacities in Nonviolent Communication to Change Perceptions and Addressing Root,Proximate and Tertiary Causes of Ethiopia’s Tigray Crisis

The postponement of the Ethiopia’s August 2020 elections (owing to COVID surge) has been said to be the beginning of the Ethiopia November 4 Violence between Tigrayan groups and the national defense forces. Other reasons cited include the mutation of the conflict from a struggle for territorial expansion into a class struggle. Ethnic federalism and a reaction of the massive oppression and exploitation of the people of Ethiopia are also cited as probable reasons for the Conflict. The contribution of leading scholars in influencing the existing literature highlighting to conflict has been not without a decry that they have overtime dominated the field oblivious of the need to promote the participation of young minds in such contribution. The U.S. Institute of Peace Generation Change Fellows-Youth Advisory Council provides a platform through which youth provide thought leadership and amplify their voices in peace building. The author, a member of the YAC, Kenya chapter, provides a detailed overview of the genesis and state of the Ethiopia conflict but moves ahead to provide strategic guidance on how nonviolent communication can be used to improve relations and achieve sustainable peace. This article is largely a desk review, convening thoughts from key C/PVE, International relations and security experts from the horn of Africa and beyond. The thoughts have been corroborated, compared, and contrasted but most importantly analyzed into critical lessons and recommendations for a better situation for Ethiopia. Excerpts from the views of the experts denote variated factors leading to the Tigray conflict; the postponement of the August elections, the ‘Federalism state’, a long struggle for perceived oppression among a section of aggrieved Ethiopians have been presented as causes for the conflict. The allying of Somalia to Ethiopia, the surge of refugees fleeing to Sudan but above all the hard stance by Ethiopia’s leadership on the situation are feared for escalation of the conflict’. The author highlights the five Pillars of Gandhian Nonviolence, managing negative and disruptive emotions, mending a dysfunctional communication ecosystem as well as anger management as key to addressing the Tigray Conflict. Like in the case of Gachacha courts of Rwanda, she appreciates the Oromia- the Ethiopian traditional justice System, rich customary practice which together with above could help change the situation.

Quest for Identity: Re-Examining the Process of Federal Restructuring of the Nepali State

The agenda of restructuring the state has been the most deliberated issue for all intellectuals, political leaders and civil society activists in Nepal. The restructuring of Nepali state became a central component of the 2006 peace deal. Federalism was, however, included in the interim constitution as a binding principle for the Constituent Assembly on the verge of violent protests in the Tarai in 2007. The fundamental question during the Maoist insurgency remained whether federalism based on ethnic affiliation will be materialized. But after the Madhesh mutiny, the question that dominated the public discourse was whether “ethnic federalism” can be materialized as a mean to achieve more inclusive, institutionalized and sustainable democratic polity in Nepal. This article re-examines the process of federal restructuring of Nepali State on the backdrop of contemporary politics of identity.

Establishment, Breakup, and Amalgamation of Ethnic Local Governments in Ethiopia: Towards Understanding the Legal And Political Matrix

Abstract Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism manages the diversity problem by giving ethnic territorial homelands to the constituent ethnic groups. This, in ethnically diverse regions, has meant the establishment of ethnically defined local governments. However, as the clear mismatch between available local governments and the number of constituent ethnic communities demonstrate, many are left without a local government of their own – resulting in rife inter-communal tensions. This has also proved to be a fertile ground for competing ethnic nationalisms to flourish and proliferate at sub-regional levels. As a result, some local governments were broken apart after their establishment to arrest ethnic conflicts that followed while others were amalgamated to maintain regional territorial integrity. By using the snnp region as a case study, this article argues that the political atmosphere, propelled by political exigencies, dictates the establishment, breakup, and amalgamation of ethnically defined local governments, while constitutional principles are side-lined.

Ethnic emancipation and conflict escalation in Uganda

This article examines why the emancipation of ethnic groups has failed to address ethnic conflicts in Uganda. Successive Ugandan governments, especially the current regime of President Yoweri Museveni, have attempted to end the country’s history of ethnic strife by creating separate constituencies, separate districts and separate kingdoms for marginalised ethnic groups to free them from the domination of powerful ethnic groups. Focussing on the Rwenzori area of western Uganda where ethnic violence is severest, I show how the approach of ethnic emancipation reproduces ethnicity as the basis for political inclusion and escalates rather than abates ethnic contestations. This study should shed more light on the challenge of ethnic federalism in other countries like Ethiopia and Nigeria.

SWITZERLAND AND INDIA AS DIFFERENT MODELS OF ETHNIC FEDERALISM

The ethnic factor is important in the development of federalism. ethno-linguistic architecture and cultural-religious structure are the main elements. Switzerland and India are diff erent models of ethnic federalism. The Swiss model of federalism is cantonal-communal. Switzerland consists of 26 cantons; there is a multi-ethnic composition of the population. Switzerland escaped ethnic separatism. The state has centuries of experience in reconciling linguistic and cultural diff erences. The Indian model is postcolonial. The state is multi-ethnic. Indian federalism is highly centralized. India has a unique ethnic, linguistic and religious composition.

Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia: Foundations and Institutions

Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia: Foundations and Institutions

Nexus between Ethnic Federalism and Creating National Identity Vis-À-Vis Nation Building in Contemporary Ethiopia

The current regime of Ethiopia (EPRDF) implemented ethnic federalism and reshaped the state along ethnic lines as soon as it assumes political power in 1991. As an exception to the general pattern in Africa the Ethiopian government, though not explicitly, encourages political parties to organize beside ethnic lines, and champions an ethicized federal state with a secession option, it is a worthy case study. This desk study, used secondary sources of data got from numerous literatures, aims to identify the nexus between ethnic federalism in creating national identity in relation with nation building. Although the Constitution embodies a doctrine of balance between unity and diversity to build one economic and political community by rectifying” past injustices”, politicization of ethnicity under the context of ethnic federalism has encouraged ethnic cleavages by forming distinctiveness and differences which is a backlash against nation building and shared aspirations. Therefore, there is the need for visionary thinking outside the box of past injustices so that the antithesis for these injustices is not taken too far to the extent of derailing shared identity and shared aspirations. Ethnic Federalism may lead the country into never-ending ethnic wars and eventually to disintegration. Thus, ethnic conflicts prevailing in Ethiopia may be caused by such technicality problems and the ethnic federal arrangement in Ethiopia needs an urgent reconsideration before the case moves to the worst scenario.