Bureaucratic Elite Research Articles

Policy education in South Korea and Japan: similar beginnings but different directions?

ABSTRACT Examining the evolution of public administration and policy education in South Korea and Japan, this study analyzes how such education in the two countries has developed in response to social needs as well as socioeconomic and political changes. In both South Korea and Japan, public administration and policy education originated as a type of law education, but policy education in Korea has developed as a subdiscipline of social science that focuses on improving the ability of social problem-solving, while policy education in Japan evolved under the umbrella of law education longer than Korea and focuses mainly on training elite bureaucrats with a high level of management ability and capacity. The results of this diachronic comparative study of professional and institutional development as well as academic characteristics (i.e., curriculum and students) indicate that different political and social environments as well as educational backgrounds of faculty members have been primary drivers of the divergence of policy education in the two countries.

Negotiating public service bargains in postrevolutionary times: The case of Iran's diplomatic corps

AbstractNew political regimes stemming from revolutions eventually find themselves confronted with the imperative to build upper bureaucratic apparatuses geared towards facilitating regime stability. This article examines the process of “re‐bureaucratization” in the Islamic Republic of Iran, whereby institutions are designed and reworked over time to accommodate distinct features of the reshuffled bureaucratic elite initially incongruous in a deregulated revolutionary environment. Precisely, it examines state institutions established to recruit and train postrevolutionary Iranian diplomats following the purges of state bureaucracies. Relying on qualitative and quantitative data, the article shows how such institutions allowed to outstrip loyalty‐driven politico‐administrative arrangements that are essentially short‐sighted, as once their aim fulfilled—asserting regime elites' control over the state—, they channel policy‐making deficiency. Conversely, their very designs craft a “Public Service Bargain” that concomitantly fosters diplomats' loyalty, expertise, and representativeness—which, for to the revolutionary canon, commingles diplomats' plebeianization and provincialization—into stabilized institutional arrangements.

Erkân-ı Erbaa: 30 Mayıs 1876 Bürokratik Darbesi'nin Organizatörleri

Sultan Abdülaziz’in hükümdarlığının son yıllarında sık sık sadrazam ile vükela değişikliği yaşandı ve Balkanlarda isyanlar görüldü. Tanzimat hareketinin gereği olan reformların devam ettirilmemesi Yeni Osmanlı muhalefetini doğurdu, kendisinin yerine alternatifler aranmasına yol açtı. Hem Abdülaziz’e karşı şahsi hınçları hem de devletin içinde bulunduğu kötü vaziyetin ortadan kaldırılmasını Abdülaziz’i devirmekte gören Erkân-ı Erbaa adlı dörtlü komite teşekkül etti. Karakter yapıları itibari ile birbirine benzemeyen ancak Abdülaziz’i devirme emelinde birleşen bu zevat, iktidar değişim aracı olarak darbeyi yeniden gündeme taşıdı. Medrese talebelerinin ayaklanması ile Seraskerliğe Hüseyin Avni Paşa, Meclis-i Vükelâ üyeliğine Midhat Paşa, Sadarete Mehmed Rüşdü Paşa, Şeyhülislamlığa ise Hayrullah Efendi getirildi. Bu durum devlette bürokratik olarak önemli mevkilere kavuşmuş olan Erkân-ı Erbaa’ya darbe emellerine ulaşmak için büyük bir fırsat verdi. Nitekim bu makamlara gelmelerinden on sekiz gün sonra tertipledikleri darbe ile Abdülaziz tahttan indirildi ve yerine Veliaht Murad padişah yapıldı. Erkân-ı Erbaa darbe konusunda hemfikir olsa da devlet yönetimi konusunda farklı düşüncelere sahipti. Bu görüş ayrılığı tahta geçirdikleri V. Murad’ın hastalığı ile birleşince siyasî ve idarî istikrarsızlık meydana geldi. Bu cümleden olarak darbe eyleminin tabiatı gereği, ortaya çıkan iktidar paylaşımı ve idarî düzenin yeniden kurulma meselesi beraberinde siyasî bir kargaşa meydana getirdi. Öte yandan 30 Mayıs 1876 Darbesi’nin bürokratik elit diye nitelendirilen Erkân-ı Erbaa tarafından başarılmış olması yakın dönem siyasi tarihimizde yaşanacak darbe hareketlerine ilham ve cesaret verecek kötü bir geleneği başlattı. Çalışmanın temel referans noktasını Abdülaziz’i deviren Erkân-ı Erbaa’nın kimler olduğu, darbe eylemine neden kalkıştıkları, bu eylemi nasıl gerçekleştirdikleri oluşturmaktadır. Bu bağlamda Erkân-ı Erbaa’nın kendileri ve darbe eylemine kalkışma nedenleri hakkında farklı görüşlere yer verilerek bir sentez geliştirildi. Makale sonucunda elde edilen bulgulara göre, 30 Mayıs 1876 Bürokratik Darbesi’nin Osmanlı Devleti’nde meydana gelen darbeler arasında benzer özellikler taşıdığı tespit edildi.

A estadística de la población en la América Latina Portuguesa, 1750-1820

Desde a década de 1720 que a administração ultramarina portuguesa produziu ordens régias com vista a recolher e organizar informações padronizadas sobre a população do império. Estes processos ganharam uma dimensão particular no Brasil, durante a segunda metade do século XVIII, mas foram transversais a quase todos os territórios (em África, no Índico e no Oriente), dando origem a um extenso corpus documental constituído por várias centenas de mapas estatísticos. Inspirando-se nos princípios da aritmética política e do fisiocratismo as elites políticas portuguesas entenderam a população como um recurso de Estado que se deveria calcular, regular e canalizar segundo as conveniências da Coroa. Este artigo pretende descrever os modelos de ordens e de mapas estatísticos, bem como a sua evolução. Na linha de autores pioneiros como Dauril Alden e Maria Luiza Marcílio defenderemos o seu enorme potencial no cálculo de estimativas demográficas para o período colonia

A History of Manners and Civility in Thailand by Patrick Jory

<i>A History of Manners and Civility in Thailand</i> by Patrick Jory

Creating entrepreneurs: National curriculum change in South Korea

This article explores national curriculum change initiated by the South Korean state by examining the 2015 curriculum reform. Relying on interviews with policy actors who participated in the curriculum-making process, I aimed to understand how certain reform ideas within an institutionalized, state-led curriculum change made—or failed to make—their way into official documents. Three main themes emerged from interviews: (a) entrepreneurial vision supported by elite bureaucrats and politicians, (b) education professors importing performance standards from the United States, and (c) parent-citizens empowered by education consumerism opposing elitism. Based on the data analysis, I argue cyclical South Korean national curriculum revisions, dominated by Korean elites, function as a social apparatus to disseminate and underpin neoliberal ideology. I also argue parent-citizens’ political activism—empowered by three decades of education consumerism policies—succeeded in challenging Korean elitism and demonstrated anti-neoliberalism potential. As a theoretical framework, I chose critical works addressing neoliberal education reform discourses. I conclude by discussing the future of national curriculum making in the continued process of neoliberalisation.

Russia — Honduras: what are we looking for in a far country?

The article is devoted to the Russia’s current relations with one of the most disadvantaged countries in Latin America – Honduras. The author aims to answer the question: does Moscow need to develop it? It turned out that it was not so easy to find the answer; to do this, it was necessary to study the political and economic situation in the country itself, assess its relations with the United States, find out who we are dealing with in the person of S. Castro, who came to power in 2022, and study the history of the establishment and development of Russian-Honduran relations. Only after completing these tasks it was possible to formulate clear recommendations, outline a possible future and identify &amp;quot;weaknesses&amp;quot; in the Russian-Honduran dialogue. The answer to the main question is still positive. Moreover, Russian-Honduran relations have good prospects for both sides, in particular, for their foreign policy and diplomacy. The author used a variety of sources: from reports of the Carnegie Endowment, the National Statistical Agency of Honduras, official documents of government departments to publications of ECLAC, the largest Honduran and world media, newspapers, scientific journals and special publications devoted to Honduras, its foreign and domestic policy. The key methodology used is an institutionalist and behaviorist approach, comparative analysis, as well as partially content and event analysis. The novelty of the article lies in the fact that the author writes for the first time in the scientific literature about the possible unfair use of US financial assistance programs to foreign states in order to enrich individual bureaucratic elites both in Washington and in Tegucigalpa.

Дело американского консула Мозера 1915 г. в свете ранее не опубликованных документов из фондов Государственного архива Иркутской области

The history of Russian-American relations is full of various dramatic moments. There were periods of strategic partnership and alliance, but also those of aggravation of diplomatic and trade relations during the so-called Cold War. One thing persists from the moment the United States was formed in the 18th century to early 21st century: Russia and the United States have been allies in all military conflicts or maintained mutual neutrality. At the same time, as history shows, among political and bureaucratic elites of the United States, there have always been opponents of Russia as a geopolitical entity who provided direct assistance to its military opponents. One of these episodes occurred in 1915, when Moser, the American consul in the city of Harbin located on the territory of the Chinese Eastern Railway — a highway that ran along Manchuria and connected Chita with Vladivostok — found himself an object of cultivation of the Irkutsk Gubernia Gendarmerie Directorate. The article introduces into scientific use a document which permits to assess the degree of involvement of the American diplomat in the release of German prisoners of war, which caused a diplomatic demarche of Russia, expulsion of the consul, and, accordingly, a diplomatic scandal in Russian-American relations in 1915. This document is court opinion of November 6, 1915 of the investigator for especially important cases of the Irkutsk District Court M.S. Strazov based on secret survey of the captain of a separate corps of border guards, assistant to the head of the department at the gendarmerie-police directorate of the Chinese Eastern Railway A. M. Bokastov who had carried out the surveyance; on protocol of interrogation of non-commissioned officer Karl Schultz who fled the Russian camp in Western Siberia (in the city of Tara, Tobolsk gubernia) and was supported by the American diplomat; and on protocol of interrogation of J. E. Mandelstam accused of organizing this escape. Through the agency of their employees insinuated in groups of German officers who fled from the Russian camps in Siberia to China territories, the heads of gendarmerie directorate learned that the American diplomat not only supplied prisoners of war with money for escape, but also recommended them to makers of falsified documents and guides transporting runaways. Cultivation undertaken in 1915 by the Irkutsk Gubernia Gendarmerie Directorate resulted in arrest of Russian subjects of German and Jewish origin who, for various reasons, participated in organization of escapes of German and Austro-Hungarian prisoners of war from concentration camps located in Siberia and in the Far East.

&amp;quot;Jumping Out of the Historical Cycle&amp;quot; and Building a New Ideology at the Twentieth Congress of CCP.

The contents of CPC General Secretary Xi Jinping report to the CPC XXth Party congress is analyzed in the article. The conclusion is made that the core thesis around which the report and the strategy that are reflected in it, are organized around the idea of the possibility and the necessity of “jumping out of the history circle that leads toward decline of the state“ by undertaking the “revolution toward to oneself” by the Communist Party. During the the construction of new system of power the conscious effort of Xi Jinping is made that has three main goals: first of all, to fine-tune the system of control over party — state apparatus from below, from the “masses of people”, second, to execute the course for “governing of the Party with utmost rigidity”, according to which a severe struggle has to be waged against corruption and decay of the ruling elite and the third one — creation of the comprehensive ideological system that has to legitimize the right of the existing party — bureaucratic elite to rule over the country. When building of this system Xi Jinping is attempting to utilize the core elements of the old Chinese ideology of governing, as well as the ideas if Mao Zedong, theoretical legacy of Deng Xiaoping, “important ideas of “three represents” of Jiang Zemin and “the scientific concept of development” of Hu Jintao. By doing this Xi Jinping is striving to create new governing elite, armed with relatively complicated theory and specific language of government, that has to legitimize their right to rule in the eyes of the “broad masse of the people”.

РОССИЙСКИЕ БЮРОКРАТИЧЕСКИЕ ЭЛИТЫ ЦАРСТВА ПОЛЬСКОГО (1839–1918)

The article examines the evolution of the Russian bureaucratic elite of the Kingdom of Poland in 1815–1918. The basis of the prosopographic analysis was the database created by the authors, which included information about the service of 770 leading imperial officials of all institutions established on the territory of the Kingdom from the moment the former Duchy of Warsaw was incorporated into Russia until their evacuation during the First World War and complete liquidation in 1918. The authors analyzed the principles of personnel policy of St. Petersburg in the region. Political loyalty based on ethnic and religious affiliation was a priority when appointing to leadership positions in the region. Preference was given to candidates from the Russian and German-Baltic nobility, Orthodox and Protestants, but not Poles and not Catholics, which guaranteed the depolonization of the regional state apparatus. Over time, the number of persons of non-noble origin in the corps of Russian officials of the Kingdom increased. Professional training of functionaries was an important selection criterion, but it was inferior to the criteria of loyalty and origin. The concentration of power in the hands of these administrators, the shift of the decision-making center in the Kingdom of Poland from local institutions and the governor’s office in favor of the representations of the central Russian ministries, reflected the policy of Russification, the elimination of Polish autonomy and the gradual administrative, economic and cultural assimilation of Poland, the transformation of its regions into the inner provinces of the empire.

Как министр читает социалиста? Политический протест 1870-х гг. глазами участников межведомственных совещаний

The article is devoted to the governmental policy in relation to political protest during the reign of Alexander II of Russia. Based on the materials of interdepartmental meetings of the first half of the 1870s, it shows that the decisions that played a key role in the escalation of revolutionary violence and the emergence of political terrorism did not result from “fear” of revolutionary threat. On the contrary, they arose as a result of misunderstanding the nature of the new phase of youth protest, partly associated with the inertia of the perception of the incipient “going to the people” (khozhdenie v narod) by analogy with the European revolutionary movement, on the one hand, and earlier organizations, primarily the People’s Retribution (Narodnaya rasprava), on the other. At the same time, participants in interdepartmental meetings had to make decisions in conditions of knowingly incomplete information about the ideology of political protest and its specific manifestations. Under those circumstances they had to trust experts from the Third Section and the Ministry of Justice who prepared analytical notes on illegal communities, focusing on the interests of their own departments. Analysis of the materials provided for discussion, primarily texts attributed by the police as the writings of Kropotkin brothers, allows us to conclude that the Russian bureaucratic elite, who perceived socialism as “wild theories,” refused to consider youth protest as a serious threat and gave complete control over the solution to the problem to the relevant departments. This attitude was determined by contradictions within the government, where the struggle to form a further political course prevented the development of a coordinated policy regarding revolutionary movement.

Modernization And Ideological Divergence Among The Bureaucracy In The Late Ottoman Empire: Suggestion For A New Classification

The ideological divergence within the bureaucracy during the modernization process in the last period of the Ottoman Empire is mostly reduced to three different ideological orientations composed of Westernism, Islamism, and Turkism in the relevant literature. However, claiming that this model, which is formulated regarding the classical works of Gökalp and Akçura, could not adequately explain the actual ideological division between the bureaucrats of the period, this study aims to propose a new theoretical framework based upon an alternative tripartite model. For this, Anthony D. Smith’s infamous theoretical explanation about the ideological-strategic differences between the bureaucratic elites of various societies, which rise as a response to the experience of modernization, is re-evaluated and reformulated concerning the intellectual contribution revealed in classical and contemporary studies on the ideological and intellectual orientations within the late Ottoman elites. Accordingly, the first ideological orientation within the elite groups that fundamentally stood against any attempts in the name of modernization and advocated retaining the Islamic tradition could be entitled “traditionalism.” The second one, which could be named “Westernism” (Westernist modernism), asserted that the only way to capture Western civilization was following the same modernization path as the West, contrary to the previous orientation. “Conservatism” (conservative modernism), the third and final ideological orientation, made a distinction between the fields of culture and civilization and idealized to implement a conservative version of modernization by synthesizing Islamic tradition with the technical developments of the contemporary Western world.

STRATEGI ELIT DAN PARTISIPASI MASYARAKAT DALAM PENYELENGGARAAN PILKADA MUNA TAHUN 2020

Abstract: The purpose of this research is to identify, analyze and understand the Elite strategies, community participation and the implications of elite strategies and community participation on the results of the Regional Election. The theory used in this research is the theory of social practice by Pierre Bourdieu, methodologically this research is a qualitative research by collecting the data using observation and in-depth interviews technique. The results of this study indicate that the TERBAIK candidate pair fully empowers political elites and party elites in socializing to become campaign teams, empowers volunteer teams and approaches religious elites and civil elites. The pair of candidates for TERBAIK has also built good communication so that they have the full support of two former Muna Regents who still have a strong mass among the Muna community, namely the former Muna Regent for the 2000-2010 period and the former Muna Regent for the 2010-2015 period and other bureaucratic elites in Muna Regency. While the RAPI candidate pair did not empower the political elite and their supporting/supporting parties in socializing, the RAPI candidate pair maximized the teams and volunteers that were formed long before the Regional Election stage began and approached the religious elite and the civil elite. Several traditional and religious leaders were involved in practical politics so that there was disharmony between communities after the determination of the winner. The increasing political participation in the Regional Election is because apart from the vigur of the two pairs of candidates, alsi because of material rewards. In winning a candidate pair, the communication that is built is unconsciously influenced by history and the agreement of the Ancestors, affected by the district (ghoera) and social stratification (kaomu and walaka). Keywords: Community Participation, Elite Strategy, Implications, Regional Election Results

Bureaucrats First.

In the 1980s, a fundamental shift took place in Dutch economic policy: Keynesian demand-management was exchanged for a neoliberal supply-side approach. The single most influential account of this transformation has focused on consensus among corporatist policymakers as key to the reforms. It is the origin story of the Dutch ‘polder model’. The problem however, is that there is surprisingly little evidence for corporatist consensus in the 1980s. Instead of consensus, we argue that there has been a conflict of ideas between Keynesians and supply-siders. And instead of corporatism, we point to bureaucratic elites as a crucial factor in the Dutch policy shift. From the mid-1970s onwards, an influential group of senior public officials emerged that successfully advocated for a supply-side policy, inspired by the industrialization policies developed in the 1950s. In so doing, we believe the Dutch case exemplifies the pathbreaking role of administrative elites as highlighted by Skocpol, Weir and Heclo, rather than corporatist consensus.

Pramoedya Ananta Toer's Novels on Independence Revolution from the Perspective of Journalistic Hegemony

The journalistic hegemony conceptual framework is an approach in the study of literary works in all genres. This framework functions on the principle that a literary work is a creative medium that comprises facts, data and reality that is fictionalized for the purpose of spreading information to its readers, similar to that of conventional media. Based on documentary research and content analysis, this study proves that Pramoedya Ananta Toer's novels on the theme of the Indonesian National Revolution (1945-1949)-Di Tepi Kali Bekasi (1951), Keluarga Gerilya (1955), Sekali Peristiwa di Banten Selatan (1963) and Larasati (2003)-are creative media intended to raise awareness among the Javanese marginal class. The focus of this study is to prove that Pramoedya Ananta Toer's novels are creative media designed to create hegemony and mental awareness, both intellectually and ideologically, in the social class he represents. The journalistic hegemony conceptual framework is based on the principle of comparative hegemony by Antonio Gramsci and the communication theory. The hypodermic needle theory places these novels on revolution by Pramoedya Ananta Toer as having the function of spreading information creatively in order to raise awareness and subsequently free the marginal class of false consciousness nurtured by the traditional bureaucratic elites and Dutch colonizers in Java.

Establishment of Highest Bureaucratic Elite in Russian Empire in 19&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt;— Early 20&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; Centuries: Education and Professional Qualifications

The issue of the role of education and professional qualifications in the establishment of the highest bureaucratic elite in the Russian Empire in the 19th — early 20th centuries is considered in the article. Particular attention is paid to the availability of special (profile) education for ministers and department directors of the main civilian departments. The connection between the attempt to differentiate the requirements for the educational qualification of officials de-pending on the type of service at the beginning of the 19th century, on the one hand, and projects to abolish civil ranks, on the other are analyzed. The results of a comparative analysis of information about education and service experience of representatives of the highest bureaucracy of various departments are presented. Special attention is paid to medical and “technical” departments, the leadership of which required special qualifications. It is shown that legal education has come to be considered a profile qualification not only for the judicial, but also for the administrative service. The age characteristics of Russian ministers at the time of their occupation of ministerial posts are given. It has been proved that the problem of raising the educational level of the Russian bureaucracy was largely solved for the upper and middle level of the Russian bureaucracy by the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, but the problem of professional qualifications still existed, although significant steps were taken to resolve it.

The Emergence of a Hybrid Public Sphere in Myanmar: Implications for Democratisation

AbstractMyanmar was under a military government for almost six decades, during which time the state maintained an ‘authoritarian public sphere’ that limited independent civil society, mass media and the population's access to information. In 2010, Myanmar held flawed elections that installed a semi-civilian government and established a hybrid governance regime, within which civil, political and media freedoms expanded while the military's influence remained significant. In this paper, we examine ‘hybrid governance at work’ in the ‘hybrid public sphere’, that holds in tension elements of an authoritarian and democratic public sphere. The boundaries of these spheres are demarcated through legal means, including the 2008 military-created Constitution, associated judicial and administrative state structures and the actions of civil society and community movements toward political, military and bureaucratic elite actors. We develop our analysis first through an assessment of Myanmar's political transition at the national level and, then, in an empirical case of subnational politics in Dawei City regarding the planning of the electricity supply. We suggest that the hybrid public sphere enables discourses—associated with authoritarian popularist politics in Myanmar—that build legitimacy amongst the majority while limiting the circulation of critical discourses of marginalized groups and others challenging government policies. We conclude that for substantive democracy to deepen in Myanmar, civil society and media must actively reinforce the opportunity to produce and circulate critical discourse while also facilitating inclusive debates and consolidating legislated civil, political and media freedoms. On 1 February 2021, shortly after this article was finalized, a military coup d’état detained elected leaders and contracted the post-2010 hybrid public sphere, including constraining access to information via control of the internet and mass media and severely limiting civil and political rights.

Vernacular Capitalism and Intellectual History in a Gujarati Account of China, 1860–68

This article examines one of the earliest Gujarati travelogues concerning China, written by Damodar Ishwardas—a Hindu resident of Bombay and a clerk for a Sunni Khoja commercial firm—and published in Bombay in 1868. Based on a three-year trip to the port cities of southern China, Ishwardas's text runs close to 400 pages and was patronized by a prominent stratum of Bombay's Gujarati-speaking commercial and bureaucratic elite. The primary intervention in this article is to analyze Ishwardas's account as a neglected relic of vernacular capitalism and vernacular intellectual history. Furthermore, the text presents an opportunity to reexamine the history of the Indian intellectual and mercantile engagement with late Qing China, especially before anticolonial nationalism and pan-Asianism supplied new paradigms for Indian writing on East Asia beginning around 1900. It further points to the many unstudied Indian materials that have yet to be integrated into the study of modern capitalism in the regions from the South China Sea to the western Indian Ocean.

Review Essay: A “Countertenor’s” polyphonic rendition of the Constituent Assembly Debates

The Indian Constituent Assembly Debates is a remarkable deliberative document to create the written constitution of the democratic republic of India based on an open society. By its very nature the text is polyphonic and had multifarious voices with a dominant and uniting trend to create a liberal constitutional state with Indian features suited to Indian conditions. The intention, and rightfully so, was not to bring about a “revolution” in the nature of a Russian, Chinese or even the French variant, soon slipping into dictatorships of either party or bureaucratic elites or charismatic individuals; but was to create a democratic polity based on liberal constitutional values drawing from India’s history and cultural conditions. This rich text running into few thousand pages is being explored in some of its aspects in the present work. Though, the tone and tenor of the present work is not representing the dominant voice of a soprano but that of a countertenor who is castrated to reach the higher octave.

Nikolaj II, Sovet ministrov i pol'skij vopros letom 1916 g. (po novym dokumentam iz arhiva A. N. Yahontova)

The article based on an analysis of new sources from the archives of the assistant to the head of the Office of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire A.N. Yakhontova examines in details for the first time in scientific historiography the history of the preparation of the Manifesto on the granting of autonomy to Poland, dating back to the summer of 1916. The authors come to the conclusion that during this period the influence on the solution of the Polish question was exerted by Nicholas II and the Council of Ministers, as exponents of the political will of the bureaucratic elite, and not by the mythical “camarilla”.