Electoral Reform Research Articles

Electoral Reforms in India in the form of Digitisation and its Future Potential

The research paper discusses the impact of digitalization on electoral reforms in India, focusing on its potential to enhance transparency, voter engagement, and efficiency in elections. It also identifies challenges like misinformation and digital literacy gaps while proposing measures to improve electoral processes, such as strengthening cybersecurity and promoting voter surveillance.

The multiple patterns of factional influence: Evidence from the 2021 LDP presidential election

AbstractTraditionally, factions and seniority determined who became President of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and, thus, Japan's Prime Minister. Since the electoral reform of 1994, however, some scholars have argued that the role of factions has declined, and this has led to ongoing debates over the extent to which factions and other factors have helped determine who will become the leader of Japan's LDP. Using data from the 2021 LDP Presidential election, we find that it is not policy but factional affiliations that matter for LDP members in selecting their leader. In addition to this finding, we disaggregate faction and show that the influence of this political institution in LDP Presidential elections varies across different factions. We also find that electorally weaker LDP incumbents are more likely to support a candidate who is more popular among Japanese voters in general.

Does Proportionality Increase Turnout? A Study of Adaptation to Oscillating Electoral Systems

Does proportionality increase turnout? This article studies a national electoral reform in early twentieth-century Argentina that was implemented asymmetrically across districts, creating a natural laboratory in which some districts oscillated between electoral systems across elections. Leveraging this unusual variation in a difference-in-differences design, this article shows that a shift from multi-member plurality rules towards a slightly more proportional system—which removed one-third of the contested seats from the grasp of the dominant party—led to a four percentage point increase in turnout. An investigation into causal mechanisms indicates that more proportional rules, by increasing the odds that smaller parties obtain seats, promoted strategic party entry and intensified electoral competition, both between and within parties. These findings complement existing quasi-experimental results that focus exclusively on elections in European democracies, confirm that parties are able to adapt immediately to changes in electoral rules, and refute the belief that proportionality does not affect turnout in Latin America.

Electoral Systems and the Autocrat’s Trade-Off: Evidence from the Russian Duma

abstract: Legislative elections sustain authoritarian regimes, but distinct electoral systems simultaneously benefit and hurt the political prospects of those regimes. The author theorizes about a trade-off between electoral systems that facilitate information on local elite preferences, and systems that maintain legislative control. An electoral system can achieve either, but not at the same time. The author undertakes an empirical study of Russian federal deputies, half of whom are elected in single-member districts, the other half on a nationwide closed-party list. Candidates can register on both lists (N = 515), and district results determine final list affiliation. Electoral incentives change abruptly for deputies who are barely winning or losing their district, a fact that the author exploits to identify the effects of local representation on pro- and antiregime parliamentary behavior. The results support a trade-off: district-list deputies convey more information on local preferences in their speeches than party-list deputies do, but they oppose law proposals more frequently. How autocrats weigh this trade-off determines the electoral system and illuminates electoral reform in autocracies.

The Impact of the 2022 Electoral Reform on the Credibility of the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria

Over the years, Nigeria has faced serious election fraud, leading many Nigerians to lose confidence in the electoral process. In 2022, the new Electoral Act was introduced, creating more opportunities for the integration of technologies like BVAS and IREV to improve voter accreditation, result transmission, and real-time election viewership for all stakeholders. This development was welcomed by many Nigerians who hoped the Act would restore voter confidence in the country. However, the outcome of the elections, particularly the presidential elections, indicated that the Act failed to meet the expectations of Nigerians. This study therefore examined the Electoral Act 2022 and the election credibility of the 2023 elections. It explored why the Act failed to mitigate insecurity and ensure effective transmission and viewing of election results, which are key to free and fair elections. Using a mixed research approach to data collection and analysis, the study drew on direct responses from voters and stakeholders, scholarly literature, media reports, and findings from election observer groups. The results indicate that while the Act provides a legal framework for stronger elections in Nigeria, it has not sufficiently ensured a free and fair election in the presidential polls. The study concludes that the Act alone cannot guarantee transparent elections due to poor implementation by stakeholders and certain grey areas in the Act that were exploited for election manipulation. The researcher recommends revisiting or strengthening these grey areas to prevent manipulation by elites and ensuring effective implementation by all stakeholders. Specifically, the study suggests the integration of technological advancements, such as blockchain for secure voting, electronic voting systems to enhance accessibility, geospatial technology for better logistics management, and secure mobile applications for real-time results transmission, to further bolster election credibility and transparency in Nigeria.

Unveiling the Apathy: Understanding the Causes of Student Disengagement in Student Governance

This study delved into the causes of student disengagement in any form of student-based governance of the University of Cebu College of Arts and Sciences Department's Student Body Organization (CAS-SBO) during the academic year 2023-2024. A descriptive phenomenological research design was employed, exploring participants' experiences in student governance, how these experiences influence their lack of total disengagement and the strategies that could revitalize their engagement and active participation in the said area. Data were gathered through in-depth interviews with twelve students selected via linear snowball sampling, focusing on those with prior governance experience who did not participate in recent CAS-SBO activities. Thematic content analysis revealed nine emergent themes: (1) Lack of Connection, Inequality in Representation, and Faculty Intervention as essential experiences in student governance; (2) Student Unfamiliarity, Feeling Unrepresented, and Unmet Expectations as reasons for disengagement; and (3) Inclusive Activities, Addressing Electoral Disparity, and Empowered Leadership as potential strategies to increase engagement. Based on these findings, the study recommends regular CAS-SBO general assemblies, teambuilding exercises, leadership seminars, and the election of representatives for each degree program to foster more vital student involvement and improve representation. The study also suggests future research topics, including electoral system reforms and former CAS-SBO presidents' experiences.

Toward Digital Election in Indonesia: Cost Effectiveness Analysis of IVORI (Internet-Voting Republik Indonesia) as an e-Voting System

The election in 2019 was held simultaneously, where people directly elected the DPR, DPD, Provincial/Regency/City DPRD, President and Vice President on April 17, 2019. All the changes in the implementation of elections in Indonesia since 1999, all of them are still carried out using paper. The history of the simultaneous elections in Indonesia in 2019, which were quite expensive, is a consideration for a more sustainable election process. Since the beginning of this century, internet voting has become the most straightforward and prevalent electoral reform adopted by many countries, with the goal of lowering voting expenses by enhancing convenience. This study aims to compare the Cost-Effectiveness Analysis (CEA) of conventional elections using paper ballots with digital-based elections using internet voting (I-voting) and we also developed a prototype of a digital election system called IVORI (I-Voting Republik Indonesia). The results show that elections using the I-voting system are proven to be 71% more cost-effective than conventional systems. IVORI is an internet-based digital election web application that offers two features, namely "VOTING" which will only be active on election day for voters who are eligible to vote and have been previously registered so that they can log in to the application using their ID number and voting station code and the "INFORMASI KANDIDAT" feature which can be accessed by voters during the candidate's campaign period which contains information about the background and work program plans of each candidate.

Electoral vulnerability and localism under two electoral regimes: the case of Chile

ABSTRACT This article seeks to test empirically to what extent localist behavior by legislators is influenced by electoral vulnerability in Chile, following a recent electoral reform. Our results show that such a relationship exists in the case of non-legislative speeches delivered in the Chamber of Deputies, but not in the case of personal meetings held by parliamentarians with constituents. Furthermore, we found that the relationship between electoral vulnerability and a focus on local issues depends on district magnitude. By examining pre- and post-reform periods, after district magnitude was increased while preserving proportional rules, we also show that incentives to cultivate personal votes are more nuanced under the reformed system.

Deceitful autocratization: Subverting democracy through electoral reform in Mexico

Deceitful autocratization: Subverting democracy through electoral reform in Mexico

Evaluating electoral reforms and its consequences in Indonesia and Thailand (2000–2023)

Evaluating electoral reforms and its consequences in Indonesia and Thailand (2000–2023)

A Racial Model of Electoral Reform: The Relationship between Restrictive Voting Policies and Voter Confidence for Black and White Voters

Abstract In Crawford v. Marion County (2008), the Supreme Court ruled that voter identification requirements are lawful on the grounds that, even if they do not prevent fraud, they can instill confidence in voting. However, this reasoning ignores the historical and contemporary racial biases in the enactment and administration of restrictive voting policies in the United States. This legacy likely colors the extent to which Black and white voters see reforms as deterring fraud versus increasing suppression, and as such, how confident they are in election outcomes. We examine how increasing voter restrictions affects voter fraud beliefs and voter confidence among Black and white voters. We find that the enactment of restrictive policies decreases fraud beliefs among white voters but has no effect on fraud beliefs for Black voters; however, Black voters are less confident in elections when conducted with more restrictive policies while white voters are not. Finally, we find suggestive evidence that the racial gap in the effects of restrictive voting policies on voter confidence is partially undergirded by racial elite signaling.

Measuring the Extent to Which Voter Fraud Beliefs Link Election Reforms to Voter Confidence in the United States

Abstract Proponents of restrictive voting policies argue that they are necessary to reduce fraud beliefs and instill confidence in elections. However, recent scholarship examining this dynamic in the United States finds that the effects of voting restrictions on fraud beliefs and voter confidence differ by party, suggesting the extent to which fraud beliefs undergird this relationship may also differ by party. Whether voter fraud beliefs tie voter restrictions to voter confidence is inherently important given the assumed role of voter fraud beliefs and voter restrictions in increasing voter confidence, an issue well highlighted in the 2020 election. This study contributes to this literature by measuring the extent to which voter fraud beliefs undergird the relationship between restrictive election policies and voter confidence among Republicans and Democrats. Findings suggest that voter fraud beliefs play a significant and substantive mediating role for Republicans but not Democrats, in line with prominent theories arguing that partisan elite signaling colors electoral reform perceptions.

Electoral reform and fragmented polarization: New evidence from Taiwan legislative roll calls

AbstractThis paper investigates how legislators respond to an electoral reform by adjusting their positions with respect to co‐partisans and rivals. Using cross‐sectional legislative roll calls over 20 years, we study how the dynamics of blue‐green confrontation are influenced by Taiwan's electoral reform from Single Non‐Transferable Votes (the SNTV) to Single‐Member Districts (SMD). Contrary to existing literature, our empirical evidence shows that the reform significantly fragmented legislator positions within their party and in relation to members from opposing parties, leading to an increase in contentious legislation and higher levels of both inter‐ and intra‐party distance. In the years following the reform, the political confrontation between the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party gradually diminished, eventually returning to levels seen before the reform. Moreover, our analysis reveals that the 2008 reform had heterogeneous effects on different parties, with each party displaying varying levels of resilience in response. This finding contributes to electoral system literature, providing policy implications for democratic countries contemplating electoral reforms.

A Study on Electoral Reforms and Their Effectiveness in Enhancing Democratic Participation in Indian Context

A Study on Electoral Reforms and Their Effectiveness in Enhancing Democratic Participation in Indian Context

Election Laws and Electoral Reforms in India and U.K.

This paper examines the election laws and electoral reforms in India and the United Kingdom, highlighting their evolution, current frameworks, and ongoing challenges. India, the world's largest democracy, operates under a legal structure largely defined by the Representation of the People Act, 1951, and is overseen by the Election Commission of India. The Indian electoral system, based on the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) model, has undergone significant reforms to address issues of transparency, voter fraud, and campaign finance, including the introduction of electronic voting machines (EVMs) and Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trails (VVPATs). In contrast, the United Kingdom's electoral system, rooted in centuries-old traditions, is regulated by laws such as the Representation of the People Acts and the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act, 2000. While the UK also employs the FPTP system, it faces criticism for not reflecting the proportionality of votes. Recent reforms in the UK have focused on improving voter registration, addressing electoral fraud, and debating alternative voting methods like the Single Transferable Vote (STV) to enhance democratic representation. The study identifies both similarities and divergences in the electoral processes of these two democracies, emphasizing the impact of their respective legal frameworks on electoral integrity and democratic participation. It also explores ongoing debates and proposed reforms aimed at enhancing the inclusiveness, fairness, and transparency of elections in both nations.

The Media and the Administration of Elections in Cameroon

One of the critical ways to determine the degree of democracy in a country is to see how free its press is. However, it is not only about seeing how the press is free but also how well it is participating in the political process, including the administration of elections. This paper argues that in Cameroon, the political liberalism of the early 1990s was associated with the emergence and proliferation of press freedoms. This 'new' media has been involved in the administration of elections in two fundamental ways: political communication and political socialization. The mass media in Cameroon has contributed to providing Cameroonians with political facts, raising public awareness and, to some extent, keeping the government responsive to demands for electoral reforms. The print newspaper, TV, and radio combined have emerged as prominent political communication and political socialization forces in the political landscape. However, they have not really operated without partisan tendencies. They continue to grapple with some challenges, which are mostly connected with door-to-door, face-to-face, limited/disproportionate outreach and coverage, government control of media and social media.

Even in the best of both worlds, you can't have it all: How German voters navigate the trilemma of mixed-member proportionality

The growing fragmentation of party systems confronts mixed-member proportional electoral systems with a trilemma. Combining the goals of proportionality and of a guaranteed representation of district winners makes it ever more difficult to also achieve a third goal: the fixed size of parliament. Against the background of electoral reform in Germany, this paper studies how citizens position themselves in this trilemma. Using original survey data, we find that all goals are popular and no combination of goals commands majority support. In a context where institutional reform becomes politicized, the trilemma is thus not only a logical, but also an empirical constraint. Moreover, abstract preferences in the trilemma systematically predict how voters evaluate the status quo and specific reform proposals. At the same time, voters are receptive to the logical constraints of the system: Informing respondents about the trilemma trade-offs in an experimental setting makes them more accepting of reform proposals.

Electoral Reform and Democracy in Malaysia ed. by Helen Ting M.H. and Donald L. Horowitz (review)

Electoral Reform and Democracy in Malaysia ed. by Helen Ting M.H. and Donald L. Horowitz (review)

Direct elections and trust in state and political institutions: Evidence from Indonesia's election reform

People's trust in state and political institutions is a key foundation of a well-functioning economy. The question of whether direct elections affect trust remains open, especially in developing countries, due to a scarcity of studies with robust identification strategies. We estimate the impact of direct elections on people's trust in state and political institutions, using a major political reform in Indonesia as the source of exogenous variation. Pre-2005, regents, mayors, and governors were elected by the local legislative assembly. Starting in 2005, they must compete in an open election where voters directly choose their preferred leader. The historically and institutionally driven staggered implementation of these local direct elections enables us to identify the causal impact of the reform. We find that direct elections increase trust in all state and political institutions, except for the police and political parties. We find that trust only increased in districts where the elections were held with no or low hostility, implying that trust is strongly influenced by political situations during direct elections. We find that elections did not really improve well-being or satisfaction, implying that the absence of election hostility is a stronger explanation for the higher trust.

Warding off Development: Local Control, Housing Supply, and NIMBYs

Abstract Local control of land-use regulation creates a not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) problem that can suppress housing construction, contributing to rising prices and potentially slowing economic growth. I study how increased local control affects housing production by exploiting a common electoral reform—changing from “at-large” to “ward” elections for town council. These reforms, which are not typically motivated by housing markets, shrink each representative’s constituency from the entire town to one ward. Results from a variety of difference-in-differences estimators show that this decentralization decreases housing units permitted by 20%, with similar effects on multi- and single-family permits. Effects are larger in whiter and higher-income towns.