Electoral Reform Research Articles

Even in the best of both worlds, you can't have it all: How German voters navigate the trilemma of mixed-member proportionality

The growing fragmentation of party systems confronts mixed-member proportional electoral systems with a trilemma. Combining the goals of proportionality and of a guaranteed representation of district winners makes it ever more difficult to also achieve a third goal: the fixed size of parliament. Against the background of electoral reform in Germany, this paper studies how citizens position themselves in this trilemma. Using original survey data, we find that all goals are popular and no combination of goals commands majority support. In a context where institutional reform becomes politicized, the trilemma is thus not only a logical, but also an empirical constraint. Moreover, abstract preferences in the trilemma systematically predict how voters evaluate the status quo and specific reform proposals. At the same time, voters are receptive to the logical constraints of the system: Informing respondents about the trilemma trade-offs in an experimental setting makes them more accepting of reform proposals.

Electoral Reform and Democracy in Malaysia ed. by Helen Ting M.H. and Donald L. Horowitz (review)

Electoral Reform and Democracy in Malaysia ed. by Helen Ting M.H. and Donald L. Horowitz (review)

Direct elections and trust in state and political institutions: Evidence from Indonesia's election reform

People's trust in state and political institutions is a key foundation of a well-functioning economy. The question of whether direct elections affect trust remains open, especially in developing countries, due to a scarcity of studies with robust identification strategies. We estimate the impact of direct elections on people's trust in state and political institutions, using a major political reform in Indonesia as the source of exogenous variation. Pre-2005, regents, mayors, and governors were elected by the local legislative assembly. Starting in 2005, they must compete in an open election where voters directly choose their preferred leader. The historically and institutionally driven staggered implementation of these local direct elections enables us to identify the causal impact of the reform. We find that direct elections increase trust in all state and political institutions, except for the police and political parties. We find that trust only increased in districts where the elections were held with no or low hostility, implying that trust is strongly influenced by political situations during direct elections. We find that elections did not really improve well-being or satisfaction, implying that the absence of election hostility is a stronger explanation for the higher trust.

Warding off Development: Local Control, Housing Supply, and NIMBYs

Abstract Local control of land-use regulation creates a not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) problem that can suppress housing construction, contributing to rising prices and potentially slowing economic growth. I study how increased local control affects housing production by exploiting a common electoral reform—changing from “at-large” to “ward” elections for town council. These reforms, which are not typically motivated by housing markets, shrink each representative’s constituency from the entire town to one ward. Results from a variety of difference-in-differences estimators show that this decentralization decreases housing units permitted by 20%, with similar effects on multi- and single-family permits. Effects are larger in whiter and higher-income towns.

Protecting Dayton’s Shared Governance by Countering Faux Narratives of Russia’s Influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina

It is well-known that Russia seeks to undermine the Western order in the Balkans, such as supporting Serbs in their rejection of NATO membership for Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, some assertions of Russia’s influence discussed here show no merit and seem to have been brought to delegitimize the Western installed peace order vital to the stability of the region: the 1-2-3 Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) with one state, two entities, and three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats). The meaningless assertions include disinformation against High Representative Schmidt as a Russia man; the misrepresentation of the U.S. -E.U. led electoral reform as the one benefitting Russia; the frequently repeated falsehoods that NATO and EU member state Croatia is aligned with Putin or that some U.S. officials embrace Russia’s values. Such disinformation narratives do not show the ties between the supposed Russian assets and Kremlin, nor do they demonstrate that the alleged pro-Russian actors pursue pro-Kremlin policies. Instead, they tend to be based on the ludicrous claims that the very support for the Dayton categories of ethnic power-sharing reflects the embrace of Russia’s values under President Putin. Striking at the core of the Dayton peace bargain, the anti-Dayton unitarists want the DPA to guarantee BiH’s external borders, while urging the international community to dismiss the DPA designed two-entity state structure (important to Serbs) or ethnic power-sharing (important to Croats) to impose a centralized, unitary state with a majority rule, or the so-called “civic state.” However, besides thwarting (Serb) secessionism and (Croat) separatism, the purpose of Dayton has been to prevent (Bosniak) majoritarianism. The intensity of the debate surrounding the disinformation activities discussed here shows that--though the DPA still remains relevant to the BiH postwar peace and the Western Balkans stability--the consensus on what Dayton is or should be is now collapsing.

An anarchist take on royalty: Pierre-Joseph Proudhon’s evolving assessment of post-revolutionary monarchy, 1839–64. Part I

ABSTRACT The name recognition of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in France during the early twentieth century was used to rally left-wing syndicalists and right-wing neo-monarchists to the 1911–14 Cercle Proudhon, a small political organization whose creation was once considered to represent the origins of European ‘fascism’. Oddly, no scholars have examined what Proudhon’s actual ideas about monarchy were and how they might have related to his criticisms of existing forms of political representation. This first part of a two-part series examines Proudhon’s evolving consideration of royalty from the July Monarchy until his exile in Belgium in 1858. It explores how Proudhon’s ideas about monarchy were impacted by his hostility to French liberal and republican attempts at electoral reform from 1838 until 1848. It then looks at how his assessment of monarchy began to change after his experience of the Second Republic and the latter’s experiment in universal manhood suffrage. For Proudhon, the ill-fated 1848-52 regime showed how democratic voting could contribute to a dangerous Caesarist personalization of state power and facilitate a fluid transition from republic to empire. During the early years of the Second Empire, Proudhon sometimes expressed nostalgia for liberal ideas of constitutional monarchy fashionable during the earlier 1814–48 era. He did not advocate restricting suffrage again like during the pre-1848 period, however.

Where did Hyper-Presidentialism Go? The Origin of Bills and Laws Passed in Chile, 1990–2022

While the success of the president's legislative agenda is measured by examining the rate of passage of presidential bills (the batting average), the dominance of the president over the legislative process can be better understood by considering the share of presidential bills among bills introduced and laws enacted. Studies on the success of the president's agenda outnumber those on the dominance of the president, but the latter more directly address the debate on the proactive legislative powers of the executive. Reviewing the 13,358 bills introduced and the 2603 laws enacted in the eight legislative terms in Chile between 1990 and 2022, we associate the constitutional changes in 2005 and the electoral reform of 2015 with a decline in the legislative dominance of the president. There was a progressive decline in presidential dominance in legislative inputs and outputs long before the 2019 social upheaval weakened the Piñera government.

Jasper Miles. The Labour Party and Electoral Reform London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2023. Pp. 248. $115.00 (cloth).

Jasper Miles. The Labour Party and Electoral Reform London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2023. Pp. 248. $115.00 (cloth).

문재인 정부의 반부패·청렴정책 이행평가에 관한 연구

The purpose of this study is to identify the tasks that need to be implemented to advance a clean society by deriving the achievements and limitations of the anti-corruption and integrity policies through the evaluation of policy implementation centered on anti-corruption and integrity-related matters among the Moon Jae-in government's presidential election promises. The policy evaluation targets are 44 anti-corruption and integrity-related tasks (26 eliminating deep-rooted evils, 7 reforming power institutions, 3 reforming political and electoral systems, and 8 economic democratization) among the 19th presidential election pledges of the Democratic Party of Korea. Whether the presidential election promises are linked to actual national policy tasks was examined through matching with the Moon Jae-in government's five-year plan for national affairs. In addition, the verification of the fulfillment of the pledge was made using the information system of the National Assembly, the data of the National Legal Information Center of the Ministry of Legislation, and the press releases and media materials of the relevant ministries. As a result of the analysis, it was found that about 7 out of 10 presidential election pledges related to anti-corruption and integrity were reflected in national tasks, and about 5 to 6 were actually implemented. By field, “pledges related to the eradication of deep-rooted evils and economic democratization” were largely reflected in national affairs tasks and many tasks were implemented, but “pledges related to political election reform and reform of power institutions” were evaluated as relatively less so. The main achievements of the Moon Jae-in administration’s anti-corruption and integrity policy are “establishment of a system of checks and control over institutions of power,” “attempts to restore public-private governance,” “wide-of-government measures that break away from partition administration,” and “Improvement of integrity in the public service community.” Major limitations include “over-immersion in reducing the power of the prosecution, including the complete deprivation of the prosecution’s right to investigate, resulting in a backlog of priorities for other anti-corruption and integrity reform tasks,” “problems with the political independence of power institutions such as the prosecution and the Board of Audit and Inspection,” “failure to reorganize independent anti-corruption organizations,”“non-compliance with the principle of zero tolerance for corruption,” “insufficient personnel control system for social leaders,” “failure to strengthen management of public interest corporations,” “insufficient legal and institutional infrastructure to ensure sustainability of public-private governance,” and “practice of enacting allopathic legislation according to specific issues with large social impact.” In particular, given that the issues presented as limitations are immediate tasks that must be resolved in order for our society to move towards a society of integrity, either the conservative or progressive governments should focus more on the relevant issues and exercise their policy capabilities.

Present Challenges in Indian Politics: An Overview

Indian politics faces a myriad of challenges in the contemporary era, which significantly impact the world's largest democracy. This overview highlights key issues that challenge the political landscape of India. Corruption remains a persistent issue, eroding public trust and hindering development. Political polarization is on the rise, fueled by religious and ideological differences, endangering social harmony. Economic inequality persists, with a vast wealth gap affecting millions. Regionalism continues to strain federal relations, posing threats to national unity. Inadequate governance and bureaucratic inefficiencies hinder progress, while populism often takes precedence over pragmatic policymaking. Electoral reforms are needed to address issues like money power and criminalization in politics. These challenges, while daunting, also present opportunities for India to strengthen its democratic institutions, foster inclusivity, and embark on a path of sustainable development. Solving these challenges will be pivotal in ensuring a brighter future for Indian politics and the nation as a whole.

Beyond the ballot: Understanding voters’ perception on electoral reforms and mass media influence in Nigeria

Elections are critical aspects of functional democracy and their perceived credibility ultimately affects the extent of public participation in political processes. As an underlying psychological process, perception influences how individuals arrange, interpret, and derive meanings from the information they encounter. This study examines electorates’ perceptions of electoral reforms as a prerequisite for credible elections in Nigeria and the perceived roles of the mass media in this regard. The study adopts the survey research method to sample the views of 384 registered voters in the 2023 Nigerian general elections using the multistage sampling technique. The collected data were analysed using the descriptive statistics of mean and standard deviation. Findings show that the respondents are very much aware of previous efforts aimed at electoral reforms in Nigeria, and they perceive such reforms as prerequisites for credible elections because they sanitise election-related activities and ensure that election results reflect electorates’ desires. Similarly, the respondents also perceive the mass media as key players in electoral reform efforts because they arouse citizens’ political consciousness on the need for electoral reforms by creating awareness of the defects in existing electoral processes and educating the masses on the need for adequate political involvement. The study recommends, among others, that Nigeria should sustain genuine electoral reforms until the ideal electoral system evolves, and Nigerians should continue to participate in all electoral processes as politics is too important to be left to politicians alone.

More Options, but Less Willing to Cast a Valid Vote: Evidence From Electoral Reform in Chile

How do large-magnitude proportional systems affect invalid voting? We evaluate a Chilean electoral system reform that introduced proportionality. Voting is voluntary, and legislative and presidential elections are held concurrently. We compare the invalid votes between different types of elections before and after the reform using various difference-in-differences strategies. We find that invalid voting increased in legislative compared to presidential elections (pre-trends were parallel). The increase in invalid voting is greater in post-reform districts with higher magnitude and is not due to pre-reform district characteristics. The results of heterogeneity analyses and a survey experiment suggest the mechanism behind these findings is the cognitive burden associated with a longer ballot. This research highlights an understudied aspect of electoral systems: higher district magnitudes may be demobilizing in terms of valid voting for citizens who are more vulnerable to cognitive burden, even among those motivated enough to vote in the first-order election.

Winners, Losers, and Voter Confidence in Response to Partisan Electoral Reform

Abstract In this article, we examine individual- and state-level voter confidence in Georgia from 2020 to 2022—an extremely contentious moment in Georgia politics. For the first time in 28 years, Georgia's electoral votes went to a Democrat, Joe Biden, in 2020. Then, in early January 2021, Democrats won both of Georgia's two U.S. Senate runoffs, giving their party majority control. In the wake of these surprising, historic, and consequential losses, Georgia Republicans’ voter confidence plummeted, and their party responded by passing comprehensive electoral reform in Senate Bill (SB) 202. Using survey data, we tracked voter confidence in Georgia before and after 2020, after passage of SB 202 in 2021, and after the 2022 midterm. Partisans’ voter confidence is greatly affected by the winner/loser effect in election outcomes. Also, SB 202 did boost Republicans’ confidence in Georgia's election system, which, in turn, increased their individual- and state-level voter confidence in the 2022 midterm. In contrast, Georgia Democrats overwhelmingly opposed SB 202; therefore, the bill did not have the same salutary effect on their voter confidence in the 2022 elections.

Battle for the Bay Revisited: The 2021 South African Local Elections in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality

The 2021 local election in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM) saw a change in the fortunes of the two leading political parties, the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), in the context of a low-turnout election. The DA lost its advantage from the 2016 election and fell back into a tie with the ANC in the number of councillor seats. The equal position of the two leading parties led to an outsized role for smaller parties, including a minor party, the Northern Alliance, currently holding the mayor’s office in an ANC-led coalition. The authors use the lens of Gavin Davis’s theory on race-based campaigning to analyse the election results and the “violent democracy” framework of Von Holdt to analyse the political situation in the townships, where violence coexists with relatively high levels of political pluralism and participation. Also analysed is the challenge of coalition governments at the local level, and suggestions for electoral reform are offered.

THE PARTISAN PARTICIPATION IN THE JORDANIAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS

Purpose: The study explores parliamentary elections, election laws, and party attitudes, using content analysis to understand their impact on electoral outcomes. It suggests recommendations for enhancing trust and promoting democratic principles.
 
 Theoretical framework: The study's theoretical framework may incorporate political science and sociology concepts, focusing on electoral processes, political parties, and democratic governance. It may explore institutionalism, party systems theory, democratic theory, and content analysis methodology to understand the impact of election laws, party behavior, and democratic norms on political outcomes.
 
 Design/Methodology/Approach: The study's theoretical framework may incorporate political science and sociology concepts, focusing on electoral processes, political parties, and democratic governance. It may explore institutionalism, party systems theory, democratic theory, and content analysis methodology to understand the impact of election laws, party behavior, and democratic norms on political outcomes.
 
 Findings: The study may have revealed the dynamic nature of the electoral environment, the impact of election laws on party behavior, partisan positions on electoral processes, the effectiveness of political parties in elections, trust in political institutions, and recommendations for electoral reform. These findings could help strengthen democratic governance and electoral processes.
 
 Research, Practical & Social Implications: The study provides empirical insights into party behavior and election laws, highlighting the importance of qualitative research methods. It can inform policymakers, political parties, and civil society organizations in electoral reforms, enhancing fairness, transparency, and inclusivity. The findings can also promote trust, civic engagement, and protection of human rights, fostering a more inclusive democracy.
 
 Originality/Value: The study provides valuable insights into evolving electoral dynamics, partisan positions, and electoral outcomes. It offers recommendations for improving trust and promoting democratic principles. The content analysis method provides a rigorous framework for analyzing textual data, enhancing the robustness of the findings.

Смешанная несвязанная избирательная система — оптимальный выбор при авторитаризме? (Кросснациональное сравнительное исследование)

Over the past 30 years, the mixed parallel electoral system has become one of the popular types of electoral systems used in elections to national legislatures. Curiously, it received the highest popularity in authoritarian regimes. The article attempts to identify internal political factors that contribute to the introduction of mixed parallel electoral systems under the conditions of electoral authoritarianism. To perform this task, the author uses the binary logistic regression method. In this study, the author makes an assumption that when implementing electoral reform under authoritarianism, the ruling elite is largely guided by the desire to maintain and strengthen its power. The study shows that the mixed parallel electoral system is most likely to be introduced during the period of regime transformation. At the initial stage of the consolidation of an authoritarian regime that allows multi-party competition, the ruling elite faces the challenge of institutionalizing electoral uncertainty. The effectiveness and durability of the political regime depends on how the risks associated with elections are neutralized. The mechanical combination of majoritarian and proportional representation principles opens up an opportunity to utilize the advantages of each of the electoral formulas conditional on the political situation, allowing the existing authorities to gain control over the sweeping majority of seats in parliament even when electoral competition is increasing and the support for the dominant party is falling. According to the author’s conclusion, the use of the mixed parallel system plays an important role in the consolidation of an authoritarian regime. Due to the mechanisms inherent in this system, the ruling elite can efficiently manipulate elections, ensuring the survival and stability of the authoritarian order.

Taking the Pulse of Georgia Local Election Officials After Senate Bill 202

In the aftermath of Republicans’ stinging losses in 2020 and 2021, which contributed to relinquishing the presidency and U.S. Senate majority, respectively, Georgia’s GOP lawmakers passed comprehensive electoral reform in Senate Bill (SB) 202. In this Field Note, we outline SB 202’s major provisions, and then present results of a survey querying Georgia local election officials (LEOs) to assess how SB 202 affected administrative performance in the 2022 midterm elections. Unquestionably, SB 202’s raft of reforms greatly altered Georgia’s administrative apparatus, but it is anything but clear that these changes in the aggregate either improved or detracted from the system it replaced. Indeed, the most credible judgment rendered from LEOs, is that administrative performance is case-specific, and therefore highly contingent upon the reform of interest.

Electoral Reforms in Pakistan During the PPP 4th Regime and Its Implementation Status: A Reappraisal

Elections are an essential element of modern democracy. For fair, free and transparent elections conduction, electoral reforms are necessary. However, the implementation and enforcement of these electoral reforms are more important, and for implementation of continuity of democratic transition is of far greater importance. This paper attempted to highlight electoral reforms, both in law and constitution, made during the 4th regime of the Pakistan People’s Party. This brief paper investigates to what extent the constitutional amendments brought the election process in line. The paper also points out the implementation of these renewed efforts of election reforms in the 2013 general elections. This paper will be beneficial for scholars, Political Science and Pakistan Studies students and researchers. Data is mostly collected through secondary sources like books, journal articles, reports and reliable newspapers articles. For data application, the qualitative method is selected. The descriptive model of research is used to describe the facts of electoral reforms in Pakistan during the 4th regime of the PPP and its implementation in the 2013 general elections. The electoral reforms in Pakistan during the PPP government (2008-2013) did not guarantee good results; however, its implementation and enforcement in the 2013 elections are important.

Effect of the electoral system on women's representation: Evidence from national elections of Nepal

The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of the electoral system on women's representation in Nepalese elections. The article utilizes a questionnaire-based approach to gather data on women's representation in Nepalese elections. The questionnaire is distributed to individuals from diverse backgrounds and aims to assess the influence of the electoral system on women's success in elections. The obtained data is analyzed to determine the correlation between the electoral system and women's representation. The study reveals that the use of the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system in the initial six elections resulted in limited success for women candidates. The proportional representation (PR) system, employed in the last three elections, led to a significant increase in women's representation. In the CA elections of 2008 and 2013, over 48 percent of women were elected through the PR system. Furthermore, in the 2017 House of Representatives (HoR) elections, more than 76 percent of female candidates emerged victorious. These findings emphasize the crucial role that the electoral system plays in promoting women's representation. This underscores the importance of selecting an electoral system that promotes gender equality and facilitates increased women's representation. The findings of this study have practical implications for electoral reforms in Nepal. Policymakers and electoral authorities should consider the impact of the electoral system on gender equality and design mechanisms to promote women's participation and success in politics. By implementing a more women-friendly electoral system, Nepal can strive towards achieving greater gender parity and inclusivity in its political landscape.

Do Recall Elections Undermine Political Support? Insights from the Recall of the Mayor of Frankfurt in 2022

ABSTRACT Concerns about the impact of recall referendums on political support have not been empirically examined so far. For this purpose, we conducted a post-election survey of around 800 respondents in Frankfurt after the mayoral election in March 2023 which followed a successful recall in November 2022. First, there is overwhelming support for recall elections, with 87% of respondents in favour. Even supporters of the recalled candidate rarely dislike the instrument and see little need for electoral reform. Second, only a few respondents are concerned about the impact of recalls on political support, but when they are, it often leads them to disapprove of recalls. Third, political support by the recall electoral losers – as measured by satisfaction with democracy and turnout in the successor election – is at worst only slightly reduced. Taken together, these findings do not suggest that recalls damage people's views of the political system.