Electoral Lists Research Articles

Party strategies and performances in the 2019 Provincial Elections in Ecuador

This article investigates provincial elections in Ecuador and observes the degree to which they can be explained by national factors or whether these elections displayed their own (provincial) dynamics. Using a novel typology of parties based on their territorial dimension and the presence of provincial parties, it combines an analysis of the supply-side (electoral lists) and of the demand-side (voting behaviour) of these elections. The performance of the main political parties and alliances for the 2014 and 2019 provincial elections is investigated and regression analyses demonstrate that the type of party has a direct impact on its electoral performance. It concludes that provincial parties are important actors in the provincial elections in Ecuador. Provincial parties are the most successful stand-alone type of parties, and when they join an electoral alliance with other political parties, their benefcial effect on election results is reinforced.

Prevalence and factors associated with frailty among community-dwelling older people in rural Thanjavur district of South India: a cross-sectional study

ObjectiveThere is sparse data on the prevalence of frailty from rural parts of India. Our aim was to estimate prevalence of frailty among community-dwelling older people in rural South Indian...

Міжнародні військові навчання країн-членів НАТО за участю підрозділів Збройних сил України та програми Альянсу з підтримки миру в Україні

У статті розглянуто питання анексії РФ в Україні Кримського півострова та подальшого розгортання сепаратистського руху в південно-східних областях, який згодом переріс у збройний конфлікт на Сході України. Проаналізовано напрями і характер співпраці між Збройними силами України та військовими підрозділами Альянсу. Визначено ступінь практичної взаємодії в межах діючих програм двостороннього партнерства на рівні Україна – НАТО, включаючи військово-навчальну підготовку. Досліджено хронологію трансформації організаційних форм присутності української армії на Сході України від Антитерористичної операції до Операції Об’єднаних Сил і роль НАТО в цьому процесі. Безпосередньо вказано на складові елементи впливу Північноатлантичного Альянсу на реформування українського війська відповідно до вимог і стандартів, визначених Організацією. Відображено роль розташованого у м. Києві Офісу зв’язку НАТО та Центру захисту й обробки інформації. Окрему увагу приділено питанню боротьби з кіберзлочинністю та захисту інформаційних систем держави від впливу ззовні. Зокрема, мова йде про захист об’єктів критичної інфраструктури держави (атомні електростанції, стратегічні державні підприємства тощо), електронних реєстрів виборчих списків громадян, баз даних банківської системи держави. Зазначено про діяльність операційних центрів НАТО з протидії кіберзлочинам та створення подібних установ в Україні. Відмічено морську складову взаємодії у співпраці України та Організації Північноатлантичного договору, особливу актуальну на тлі загострення ситуації в Азово-Чорноморському регіоні протягом 2018 року, пов’язаної з проходом українських військових кораблів Азовської флотилії Військово-морських сил України Керченською протокою, яка перебуває під контролем окупаційних військ Збройних сил Російської Федерації, і викликаних цим так званих «прикордонних конфліктів», останній із яких у листопаді минулого року призвів до захоплення росіянами українських військових суден та полону українських військових моряків.

Does Non-Quota Strategy Matter? A Comparative Study on Candidate Selection and Women's Representation at the Local Level in Germany

AbstractThe intraparty mechanisms through which parties recruit, motivate, and select their candidates are central explanatory factors for the representation of women. This article analyzes the effects of intraparty factors on women's representation by measuring the impact of (1) parties’ non-quota strategies at the regional level—such as establishing women's sections, mentoring programs, or campaign funding for women—and (2) central party gatekeepers at the local level. Exploiting an original, newly compiled data set consisting of 1,475 electoral lists from the 2014 local council elections in the German state of Baden-Wuerttemberg, this article shows that parties’ non-quota strategies and central gatekeepers play crucial roles in determining the share of women on local party tickets. This means that who runs for office is, in this case, a question of intraparty dynamics. These dynamics are caused by different mechanisms of non-quota strategies and gender-biased candidate selection combined with interparty effects of local party competition and left-party strength. The almost consistent conditions that the subnational level provides show that the parties’ capacities (or lack thereof) for gendered recruitment is one major explanatory factor and should be tested at least in cross-national comparisons.

EPIDEMIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF THE PREVALENCE OF CORONARY HEART DISEASE IN AN OPEN URBAN POPULATION: GENDER DIFFERENCES

The aim. To determine gender differences in the prevalence of coronary heart disease in an open urban population.Material and Methods. For a one-stage epidemiological study in an open urban population, a representative sample of 25–64-year-old residents was formed from the electoral lists of the Central Administrative District of Tyumen (n=2000) using a “random” mathematical method. The response rates of the study were 85.0% among men and 70.3% among women. The conclusion about the presence of coronary artery disease was carried out according to strictly standardized epidemiological methods. Definite CHD (strict criteria) and possible CHD (lax criteria) were distinguished based on the extended criteria.Results. The prevalence rates of CHD in the open 25–64-year-old population were 12.4% in men and 10.0% in women. According to strict epidemiological criteria, the prevalence of painless ischemic heart disease prevailed in men; the prevalence of angina pectoris prevailed in women (predominantly at a young age). According to non-strict criteria, possible myocardial ischemia prevailed in men and women.Conclusion. The results can serve as a scientific basis for primary prevention of coronary artery disease and also necessitate identification of the gender differences in the study of the profile of conventional and non-conventional risk factors and their relationships with the prevalence of CHD in an open population of the urbanized Siberian city.

Między działalnością społeczną a wielką polityką. Maria Moczydłowska (1886–1969), najmłodsza posłanka Sejmu Ustawodawczego II RP

Maria Moczydłowska była najmłodszą spośród wszystkich posłanek Sejmu Ustawodawczego i jedną z trzech wybranych z listy narodowej (poza Gabrielą Balicką i Zofią Sokolnicką). Swój sukces wyborczy w dużej mierze zawdzięczała współpracy z księdzem Wacławem Blizińskim — współtwórcą Narodowego Zjednoczenia Ludowego. W swojej działalności dążyła do ponadpartyjnej współpracy posłanek i aktywnie działała na rzecz równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn. Do historii przeszła m.in. jako pierwsza kobieta, która zabrała głos w polskim Sejmie. Była orędowniczką wprowadzenia całkowitej prohibicji. Po zakończeniu kariery politycznej skoncentrowała się na działalności oświatowej.

The Consequences of Quotas: Assessing the Effect of Varied Gender Quotas on Legislator Experience in the European Parliament

AbstractThis article explores the consequences of quotas on the level of diversity observed in legislators’ professional and political experience. We examine how party system and electoral system features that are meant to favor female representation, such as gender quotas for candidate selection or placement mandates on electoral lists, affect the composition of legislatures by altering the mix of professional and political qualifications held by its members. Using data collected for all legislators initially seated to the current session of the European Parliament, one of the largest and most diverse democratically elected legislatures in the world, we find that quotas eliminate gendered differences in experience within the institution, particularly when used in conjunction with placement mandates that ensure female candidates are featured on electoral lists in viable positions. Electoral institutions can generally help to “level the playing field” between the backgrounds of men and women in elected office while increasing the presence of desirable qualities among European Parliament representatives of both genders.

Hak Pilih Penyandang Disabilitas dalam Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia

The birth of Law No. 7 of 2017, as compared to Law No. 42 of 2008 about the General Election of President and Vice President, includes a difference in Article 5. The requirement in Article 5 is not followed by an explanation of what are the requirements that must be fulfilled by persons with disabilities, and there is no mention of the requirement so as to raise the question of such requirements are contradictory to the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia more specifically those requirements are contradictory or not with Law Number 39 of 1999 Article 43 that every citizen has the right to be elected and elect in elections based on equality of rights through voting in accordance with the provisions of legislation. The research used for preparation of this thesis is juridical normative.This research uses legislative and analytical approaches. Persons with disabilities enrolled in the Special Electoral List may empower persons with disabilities to exercise their suffrage.
 Keywords: Suffrage, Disability and General Elections

선거제도의 구성요소와 소득불평등 : 선거공식, 비례대표성, 명부유형의 기계적 · 행태적 효과

선거제도의 구성요소와 소득불평등 : 선거공식, 비례대표성, 명부유형의 기계적 · 행태적 효과

Enduring liminality: voting rights and Tibetan exiles in India

ABSTRACT This paper examines the location and production of liminality with regard to voting rights of Tibetan exile community in India. Liminality is related here to the legal and bureaucratic ‘inbetweenness’ that characterises and orders the life of the Tibetan exiles in India. Tibetans born in India have been registered as voters in India’s electoral list albeit without an accompanying claim or path to citizenship. The paper argues that these voting rights are simultaneously contested and embraced by the Tibetan exile community. Responses of the exile community to voting rights are produced by the interaction between (a) the lived experience of statelessness and (b) complex constructions of cultural, political and legal identity. Both these factors are fundamentally informed by the liminal space that the exile community inhabits in India.

ATTITUDE TO PREVENTION OF HEART DISEASES AND STRESS IN THE FAMILY IN THE OPEN CITY POPULATION: PREVALENCE AND INTERRELATIONS

Objective: to determine the associations of attitudes towards their health and family stress in men and women of an open urban population.Material and Methods. To carry out a one-stage epidemiological study on an open urban population using the “random numbers” method, a representative sample of the population was drawn from the electoral lists of citizens of the Central Administrative District of Tyumen in the number of 2000 people, 250 people in each sex-age group (25–34, 35–44, 45–54, 55–64 years). The study was conducted with a response rate of 77.7% (85.0% among men and 70.3% among women) according to rigidly standardized epidemiological methods. As part of the cardiological screening for the WHO MONICAMOPSY program algorithms, a survey was conducted on the “Knowledge and Attitude to Your Health” questionnaire, and some parameters of the population’s attitude to their health and family stress were analyzed.Results.In general, in the Tyumen population, women demonstrated a more responsible attitude towards their health. In the presence of stress in the family, readiness for urgent measures in case of pain or discomfort in the heart area was ambiguous: higher among women in an emergency situation (with one or frequent conflicts in the family during the last 12 months, and also in the absence of conditions for home recreation ), and vice versa, in the situation of recurring conflicts (with several conflicts in the family during the last 12 months), the tendency to regular visits to the doctor under stress was observed among men.Conclusion. Analysis of the factors of chronic social stress in relation to the attitude towards the prevention of heart disease in the open population showed that the program of primary prevention of CVD, in addition to information technologies, should include correction of factors of chronic social stress, in particular, stress in the family among men and women of working age.

Levels of depression and life exhaustion in the open population of the middle urbanized Siberian city: gender differences.

The aim of the study was to determine the levels of depression and life exhaustion in men and women of the open urban population in the age range. A single-stage epidemiological study was conducted among people of both sexes aged 25-64 in Tyumen. A representative sample was formed from the electoral lists of citizens by the method of "random numbers" - 2000 men and women with a response among men 85.0%, among women - 70.3%. The study of depression was conducted according to the algorithms of the program of the world health organization "MONICA-psychosocial". The prevalence of depression in the Tyumen population and in the age and sex groups showed a predominance of the average level over the high, in the age categories 25-34 and 35-44 years - significantly higher prevalence of high levels of depression in women. The higher prevalence of the average level of men and women IN the open population was determined to be relatively high. The average level of LIFE significantly prevails in women in the older age categories and in the population as a whole, the high level of LIFE - at the age of 25-34 years in women and at the age of 55-64 years in men. Therefore, in the open population of the middle-urbanized Siberian city there is a need to form an integrated approach to the prevention of non-infectious diseases, especially cardiovascular diseases, as it is established that prevention programs lead to a reduction in the burden of depression and, and effective approaches to the prevention of psycho-emotional States at the level of individual communities include school-oriented programs to teach positive thinking among the population, starting from a young age.

Položaj žena u izbornom procesu u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1990. do 2014

An essential element of politics, political process and elections are women, without whom, neither human society nor political or electoral processes would exist. One of the essential elements which affects the position of women in politics and the electoral process itself and gender equality, are normative provisions by which the electoral process is regulated what may be noticed at many examples in many legislatures in the area of Europe, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and other states. The percentage of women at the political scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina had been negligible until OSCE's Interim Electoral Commission in Bosnia and Herzegovina normatively regulated the duty that all parties had to put at electoral lists at least three women among the first ten candidates respectively. Since then, at the first subsequent elections the situation has changed in favour of greater presence of women in politics and political institutions and so on.

ASSOCIATION OF ISCHEMIC HEART DISEASE INCIDENCE AND LEVELS OF SOCIAL SUPPORT IN MEN OF OPEN POPULATION

A number of studies have shown that social support has a direct positive effect on health, since it plays the role of a buffer that alleviates psychosocial and physical stresses. The aim of the study was to establish associations of the prevalence of coronary heart disease and levels of social support in men of an open population of a mid-urbanized Siberian city. Material and methods . In order to conduct a one-stage epidemiological study on an open urban population using the «random number» method, a representative sample was drawn from the electoral lists among males aged 25–64 years of the Central Administrative District of Tyumen. The sample included 1000 people, four age categories by decades of life (25–34, 35–44, 45–54, 55–64 years). The response to cardiac screening was 85.0 %. Social support was assessed by the Berkman – Syme test in two positions: the close contact index (ICC) and the social link index (SNI). The conclusion about the presence of coronary artery disease was conducted according to strict and extended epidemiological criteria. The «defined» coronary heart disease, «possible» coronary heart disease and coronary heart disease have been allocated according to expanded epidemiological criteria. Results and discussion . In the open population of the mid-urbanized Siberian city (on the model of Tyumen), men of working age with the presence of coronary heart disease were found mostly low level of social support mainly due to the low social link index. The results obtained in the open population of Tyumen in relation to social support and its association with the prevalence of coronary heart disease can serve as the scientific basis for conducting targeted socially-oriented preventive measures among working-age men in other urbanmedium-sized Siberian cities.

Fragmentation Without Cleavages? Endogenous Fractionalization in the Brazilian Party System

This article investigates the causes of party system hyperfragmentation in Brazil. We ask why hyperfragmentation — understood as extreme multipartism that continues to fractionalize — occurs despite significant changes to social cleavages or to electoral rules. Using survey data from federal legislators, we rule out the possibility of new issue-based multidimensionality. Using new estimates of the ideological position of legislative parties, we show that new party entry was not driven by polarization or convergence among traditional parties. We advance an alternative explanation of “fragmentation without cleavages,” arguing that changing dynamics of electoral list composition, federal party funding, and coalition management have changed the context of political ambition. For strategically minded elites, it is more attractive than ever before to be a dominant player in a small party.

Implementation of the Quota System in the Regional Assembly Elections: the Analysis of Electoral Results in the Context of Women’s Epresentation on Electoral Lists

The following article concerns selected aspects of the implementation of the quota system in elections to the regional assemblies (Sejmik wojewódzki) in Poland. This comparative analysis concerns two elections: in 2010 (before the quota system was introduced) and in 2014 (after its introduction). The key questions the authors would like to address involve the number of women represented on the electoral lists in 2010 and 2014 respectively, and the number of mandates in regional assemblies awarded to women before and after the quota system was introduced, as well as the relationship between the position on the electoral list and mandates awarded to female candidates. The authors also focus on the personnel policies of political parties. Out of all regional elections, the regional assembly elections were characterized by the highest level of party dependency. Introducing the quota system resulted in an increase in the number of women represented on electoral lists, yet it did not help increase the number of mandates awarded to female candidates. One of the reasons for this situation was the strategy adopted when the positions on the electoral lists were awarded by the parties with the largest political support. The representation of women on the upper positions of the electoral lists is smaller than the quota of female representatives imposed by the electoral law, and the larger number of women on the positions further below on the electoral lists translates into smaller chances of these candidates gaining a mandate. The source data for this research analysis comes from the National Electoral Commission.

SOCIAL SUPPORT AS A FACTOR OF CHRONIC SOCIAL STRESS IN MEN OF OPEN CITY POPULATION (BASED ON THE MODEL OF TYUMEN)

The aim of the work was to establish levels of social support in an open urban population for men aged 25–64 years.Material and Methods. Cross-sectional epidemiological study was conducted in 1000 males using a representative sample formed by the method of «random numbers» taken from the electoral lists of the Central Administrative District of Tyumen, the response was 85.0%. Social support was evaluated using the Beckmann‑Sim test on the basis of the World Health Organization questionnaire «MONICA‑psychosocial».The results of the study showed that in an open urban population in men aged 25–64 years and in certain age groups, a predominantly low and medium index of close contacts was established. Men of working age are dominated by the medium-high and average index of social ties; in the sixth decade of life, the low index of social ties reaches an absolute maximum, a high index of social ties-an absolute minimum.Discussion. The scientific literature shows that people with high levels of social interaction have better health than those with low levels. Therefore, it is important to study the changes in the social support factor in the population as one of the protective social mechanisms that mitigate the negative consequences of stress. Conclusion. The patterns established in men of an open urban population according to the levels of social support are the scientific basis for planning socially-oriented preventive programs in medium-urbanized Siberian cities.

Evaluation of long-term effect of pedestrian signage with time travel indication in Grenoble city (France)

Background:French population does not achieve recommended physical activity (PA) level. Promoting walking as an active transport mode through urban environment is a recommended strategy to maintain health. This study assessed long-term effect (1 year) of pedestrian signage in the city of Grenoble (France). The first part of our study focused on the attendance of general population living in Grenoble on two important crossroads in a neighborhood equipped with pedestrian signage. The second one studied the receptiveness to this signage of low to moderate socioeconomic status Grenoble citizens living in this neighborhood. In addition, we tried to evidence the potential impact of this signage in the latter population in term of walking activity, cardiometabolic health and motivation toward PA.Methods:For the first part of the study, we compared the attendance (number of passages manual counting) in Grenoble general population on 2 crossroads in a neighborhood equipped with signage (PSN) with 2 crossroads of a similar neighborhood not equipped (CN). For the second part of the study, we planned to specifically recruit 140 subjects (electoral lists, brochures, phone calls and mailing) in these two neighborhoods (pedestrian signage group: PSG; control group: CG). These subjects were proposed to participate in a follow-up of their health during one year. We asked if they have seen the pedestrian signage and compared these groups on daily steps number (pedometer), cardiometabolic risk (SCORE) and motivation toward PA (Self-Regulation Questionnaire for exercise) over one year period.Results:For the first part of the study, the attendance slightly increased between June and December (effect size: 0.5;p < 0.05) in PSN suggesting a transitory effect of the signage in general population. For the second part, only forty-two subjects (22 in PSG and 20 in CG) accepted to participate in this study. We failed to include low to moderate socio-economic citizens. Seventy percent of the recruited subjects did not see the pedestrian signage. This sample did not change its walking activity level, cardiometabolic risk as well as PA motivation.Conclusion:On the basis of attendance study, such a pedestrian signage might be incentive to increase PA in general population but this needs confirmation. The effects of a larger specific communication associated with this urban environment targeting particular population groups deserve to be studied.

Głosy nieważne w elekcjach samorządowych

Invalid votes in local government elections in Poland, in particular at the regional level, are among the most pressing problems of the electoral process. The number of invalid votes is so large that it serves political conflict in which accusations of election fraud are formulated. These are scarcely justified, though, since over 70% of invalid votes in local parliament elections lack an “x” next to the name of any candidate (rather than the addition of another “x” on the ballot). The analysis of this issue indicates that the reason for such a high percentage of invalid votes can be found in some elements of the electoral system. Large constituencies, sometimes of up to a dozen districts, mean political parties marginalize the smallest units (i.e. rural and urban-rural communities) when drawing up electoral lists and running election campaigns. The candidates on electoral lists for local parliaments very rarely come from rural regions, which does not stimulate the interest of their citizens in elections at this level. Consequently, it is the rural and urban-rural communities that have the largest proportion of invalid votes, accounting for 17.13% and 14.50% respectively. The number of invalid votes in the units which submit the largest number of candidates, that is in urban communities, amounts to 7.19% (such a low percentage results from the fact that no elections are run for county councils in towns with county status as city councils operate at this level of authority). These elements of the electoral system are not the only reasons for the phenomenon of invalid votes. It is also encouraged by Poles’ low civic consciousness and their ignorance of fundamental democratic mechanisms, including the principles of electoral law.

“Gender Quotas” in French and Italian Public Law: A Tale of Two Overlapping and Then Diverging Trajectories

AbstractThis Article compares the French and Italian experiences with gender quotas—understood as mechanisms intended to increase women's participation in public life, including but not limited to, the reservation of seats in certain positions and the modulation of electoral lists— in public entities such as legislative and executive bodies (including political parties), the judiciary, and public universities. The comparison between France and Italy demonstrates that even between two countries whose constitutional history and trajectory with regard to gender quotas has been portrayed as being essentially identical, a closer analysis of the recent developments in both countries’ constitutional and administrative case law shows a slightly more nuanced picture. Using Rodolfo Sacco's approach of legal formants, this Article argues that the difference stems mainly from the different attitude and interpretation of equality by the judicial formant.