Abstract
Invalid votes in local government elections in Poland, in particular at the regional level, are among the most pressing problems of the electoral process. The number of invalid votes is so large that it serves political conflict in which accusations of election fraud are formulated. These are scarcely justified, though, since over 70% of invalid votes in local parliament elections lack an “x” next to the name of any candidate (rather than the addition of another “x” on the ballot). The analysis of this issue indicates that the reason for such a high percentage of invalid votes can be found in some elements of the electoral system. Large constituencies, sometimes of up to a dozen districts, mean political parties marginalize the smallest units (i.e. rural and urban-rural communities) when drawing up electoral lists and running election campaigns. The candidates on electoral lists for local parliaments very rarely come from rural regions, which does not stimulate the interest of their citizens in elections at this level. Consequently, it is the rural and urban-rural communities that have the largest proportion of invalid votes, accounting for 17.13% and 14.50% respectively. The number of invalid votes in the units which submit the largest number of candidates, that is in urban communities, amounts to 7.19% (such a low percentage results from the fact that no elections are run for county councils in towns with county status as city councils operate at this level of authority). These elements of the electoral system are not the only reasons for the phenomenon of invalid votes. It is also encouraged by Poles’ low civic consciousness and their ignorance of fundamental democratic mechanisms, including the principles of electoral law.
Highlights
Dodatkowa karta wyborcza w gminach powy¿ej 20 000 mieszkañców, ale niemaj1cych statusu miasta na prawach powiatu spowodowa3a, ¿e przy takiej samej formule wyborczej i takich samych okrêgach wyborczych, nast1pi3 wzrost odsetka g3osów niewa¿nych do ponad 5%
Innym mo¿liwym rozwi1zaniem ograniczaj1cym odsetek g3osów niewa¿nych w wyborach do sejmików województw to zmniejszenie okrêgów wyborczych, przy jednoczesnym zwiêkszeniu liczby wybieranych radnych
It is encouraged by Poles’ low civic consciousness and their ignorance of fundamental democratic mechanisms, including the principles of electoral law
Summary
Istnieje doœæ powszechny pogl1d, ¿e podstawowym kryterium demokracji s1 w pe3ni rywalizacyjne i cykliczne wybory. Formu3ê proporcjonaln wykorzystuje siê w wyborach do Sejmu RP, zaœ w latach 1998–2010 do rad gmin w jednostkach powy¿ej 20 000 mieszkañców (w tym miast na prawach powiatu) oraz rad powiatów i sejmików województw. Szczególne znaczenie w niniejszej analizie zajmuj jednak wybory do sejmików województw, gdzie odsetek g3osów niewa¿nych by najwy¿szy i wynosi3 12,06%, co przy ówczesnej frekwencji wyborczej oznacza3o, ¿e g3osy 1 744 609 osób uczestnicz1cych w wyborach samorz1dowych nie mia3y wp3ywu na ostateczny wynik wyborczy. Natomiast najni¿szy odsetek g3osów w wyborach do sejmików województw by w gminach miejskich (7,19%) oraz w tych województwach, w których gmin miejskich by3o najwiêcej (œl1skie, dolnoœl1skie, ma3opolskie, pomorskie, opolskie). Potwierdzeniem tezy o zwi1zku miêdzy wielkoœci okrêgu a odsetkiem g3osów niewa¿nych s1 dane z pierwszych wyborów do sejmików województw z 1998 roku, kiedy to okrêgi wyborcze by3y znacznie mniejsze ni¿ obecnie, co by3o spowodowane wiêksz iloœci radnych. Tabela 1 Okrêgi z najwiêkszym odsetkiem g3osów niewa¿nych w wyborach do sejmików województw
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