Electoral Propaganda Research Articles

El rol de internet para romper el silencio: el ejemplo de dos casos en américa latina, Marcelo Freixo en Brasil y Sebastián Piñera en Chile

The media are a privileged space for society to talk to itself and about itself (Franca, 2012). Currently, most households have access to the Internet, the- refore, through this new mediawe can give visibility to events and events that the so-called traditionalmedia do not want to address or insist on silencing. From this perspective, and through two examples from Brazil and Chile, we seek to deepen on how the Internet can be used as a tool to break the silencein light of current democracies influencing public opinion (Miege, 2010). As Car- don (2010) points out, the internet widens the public space, transforming the very nature of democracy. Likewise, this reflection aims to revitalize the discussion on the role of online media in the face of cases of public interest, remaining at the frontier between power and citizenship. In the cases of Chile and Brazil, the above mentioned takes on a particular meaning since traditional media, throughout history, have been controlled by governments and corporations, so that social networks and the Internet appear as spaces of autonomy ( Castells, 2012). In this context, a semio-discursive analysis was applied (Charaudeau, 1995, 2011) to different media from the network that deals with two cases of political figures, a) the official account of Marcelo Freixo on Fa- cebook and b) the articles from an electronic newspaper in Chile (El Mostrador) that link Sebastian Pinera with the Papers. The first corresponds to the candidate of the municipality of Rio de Janeiro Marcelo Freixo of PSOL, who in 2016, managed to mobilize a good part of society to reach the second round of the elections, with only 11 seconds of electoral propaganda authorized on television and on the radios. The second case corresponds to the former Chilean president, Sebastian Pinera, who during the maritime negotiations in Chile and Peru in the Hague had made investments in Peruvian companies that were based in Panama using privileged information. The theoretical and methodological aspects followed by the analysis and the main results of this investigation are presented below.

Cultura popular e propaganda eleitoral no Rio Grande do Norte (Brasil): uma análise na perspectiva discursiva e folkcomunicacional

Este estudio investiga la estrategia política-electoral utilizada en la campaña para la elección mayoritaria del año de 2014 por el entonces candidato a gobernador del Estado de Rio Grande do Norte (Brasil), Robinson Faria (PSD). Esta estrategia se apodera de los aspectos simbólicos representativos del cotidiano en la cultura popular de Nordeste brasileño, cristalizando en forma de la mensaje popular la mensaje política en la propaganda electoral, camuflada por los aspectos de la comedia y la espontaneidade. Delimitamos el corpus de dos spots electorales transmitidos en la televisión durante la primera ronda de la elección y consideramos para el razonamiento las perspectivas teórico-metodológicas de la Análisis del Discurso francés (AD) y Folkcomunicación.

The Trump Campaign Computational Propaganda Challenge for the Indian Parliamentary Elections 2019

Digital technology tools like any computerized system have a viral tendency and what awaits the Indian Elections in 2019 is a Trump style sophisticated digital computational propaganda. Such tools are emerging as threats to democracies, especially like India, with a free media and a booming population, connecting to the web through smart hand-held devices, increasingly relying on social media for its news sources. The Indian landscape for digital privacy is also fertile with vast amounts of data being pilfered, hacked and legally accumulated. If carefully designed election propaganda based on fake news and bots is launched on the eve of the 2019 elections who will protect the pillars of Indian democracy? This qualitative study paper with a triangulation of two methods examines the role of computational propaganda in elections and undertakes to find the likelihood of its replication during the Indian general elections in 2019.

The significance of the "fear" campaign in the 2004 elections and the propaganda of the "danger" in Mexico in 2006

The purpose of this article is describing how the campaign of “fear” launched by ARENA during the last presidential election in El Salvador influenced over the electoral preferences. This essay emphasizes how this particular sort of electoral propaganda affected the Mexican presidential election in July.Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 109, 2006: 375-387

A indecisão consciente: análise qualitativa da indecisão eleitoral no pleito estadual de 2014

This is a study on specific characteristics of the undecided voter in relation to the Goiás governor poll, in 2014 elections. The opinion of these electors makes up an important reference to understand the formation process of electoral public opinion, mainly for its remarkable growth in recent years. This paper is based on data collected directly from undecided voters, in the context of a qualitative survey of television reception, developed through family mediation of public electoral propaganda of governor elections in 2014. From the data obtained, it was possible to understand that the process involving vote indecision is more complex and complete than it has been supposed, allowing the notion of “critical undecided voters” and specific arrangements that seek to describe the characteristics of the electoral indecision process.

A cisão discursiva do Pará nas campanhas televisivas do plebiscito em 2011

O estudo observou como se engendraram os discursos sobre a extensão territorial nas campanhas televisivas das frentes pró e contra a criação dos estados do Carajás e do Tapajós no plebiscito de 2011, no Pará. O Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral ocorreu de 11 de novembro a 7 de dezembro daquele ano. Ao todo, 80 programas foram produzidos, veiculados entre 12h e12h10 e entre 19h30 e 19h40. Neste estudo, trabalhamos com 20 programas, vistos a partir da análise do discurso na vertente dialógica de Mikhail Bakhtin e da disputa por legitimação e descredenciamento de discursos, de Eliseo Verón. A análise mostrou que as frentes de campanhas atualizaram discursos históricos sobre o reordenamento de territórios na Amazônia, vozes que debatem a unidade territorial e a reestruturação da região para o desenvolvimento.

Usos y resultados de las redes sociales como estrategia electoral: análisis del caso de cuatro municipios del gran Concepción (Chile) en la campaña de 2016

The process of disaffection in the political activity in Chile and the legal amendments to the electoral propaganda and the financing of campaigns in the country generated that parties and candidates could see social networks as an opportunity of dissemination and adverti- sing through the Internet. However, the practice shows that, despite its manifest importance, the activity has not reached an edge of professionalization yet. This explanatory research depicts the use of digital platforms specifically in four Chilean cities during the 2016 munici- pal election. Based on that information, there will be a critical reflection on the role of the journalist and social communicator in the design of relevant communication strategies in the electoral activity.

Mail-order Demagogues: The NSDAP School for Speakers, 1928–34

Between 1928 and 1933 Fritz Reinhardt trained 6000 propaganda speakers for the Nazi Party. He made it cheaper for the Party to train a speaker than to print a poster. Reinhardt allowed the NSDAP to project an image of strength, organization and coherence that no other political party in the Weimar Republic could match. Reinhardt’s promises were heard by more members of the electorate than those of any other Nazi, even Hitler. The speakers’ training course was taught by post. The material of the course beginning February 1931 has lain untouched in the archives since. Historians (such as Dietrich Orlow and Joachim Fest) who have made reference to the existence of the school, have dismissed it as ‘primitive’ and entailing only the learning by rote of stock phrases. This is not the case. Reinhardt expressly forbade his students from learning by rote. Rather they were required to learn Reinhardt’s line of reasoning and rephrase it in their own dialect using local issues to illustrate their points. This made the Nazis the most effective propagandists in the fractured polity of the Weimar Republic. This article shows how the speakers school taught and what it taught, in order to illustrate an, as of yet, un-described facet of Nazi electoral propaganda.

O discurso da mudança de Aécio Neves e Dilma Rousseff: uma análise da prática retórica entre diferentes, no retorno para o segundo turno às eleições de 2014

http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1806-5023.2016v13n1p6O objetivo do artigo é analisar a batalha discursiva entre diferentes candidatos à Presidência da República, Aécio Neves (PSDB) e Dilma Rousseff (PT), no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) no retorno para o segundo turno das eleições de 2014. De um lado, o discurso da “mudança”, da coligação “Muda Brasil”, contrário ao governo petista e, a partir de então, sustentado pela “imensa vontade de mudança do povo brasileiro”. De outro lado, o discurso da “mudança” com o refrão “Governo novo, ideias novas” em defesa de um programa que representa o “futuro”. Propomos trabalhar com os dados comparativos, destacados pelos próprios candidatos, que fecundam do tema economia e da desconstrução do projeto de governo adversário, conforme os recursos discursivos que intervêm na construção política pelo domínio da retórica, uma das categorias fundamentais para a abordagem teórica de Ernesto Laclau

Democracy as the negation of discourse: Liberalism, clientelism, and agency in Brazil

People enact democracy when they undermine their customary speech forms. This is evident in a small municipality in rural northeastern Brazil, where village-dwelling cultivators and town activists are abandoning the practice of displaying electoral propaganda on their private homes because it evokes the shrill voices of domineering politicians and haranguing neighbors. An analysis of local associations among propaganda images, unpleasant voices, and broader genres of political communication finds that the widespread abandonment of propaganda images dramatizes the tension between liberal and illiberal imaginings of democracy in contemporary Brazil.

Political Preferences of Generation Y University Student with Regards to Governance and Social Media: A Study on March 2014 Local Elections

Abstract Governance denotes transparency, clarity, accountability, participation, effectiveness, respect to law and social responsibility. These aspects necessitate that everybody should be aware of their right and responsibilities and also claim them. Thus, a new citizenship consciousness has been developing. This consciousness symbolizes a new individual identity claiming their rights for problems and demanding high standards. In this context, the means of social media are getting used more and more by young publics to realize governance, especially Generation Y . Generation Y in Turkey has drawn attention during the Gezi Park protests emerged as an activist movement. Accused of being totally out of politics, even ‘apolitical’, Generation Y has shown that they have something to say about the world as well as the society they are living in and also they are not afraid of expressing their opinions. Social media are particularly preferred because of fast and easy access to the electorate, one-to-one and intimate communication opportunity, providing correct information spontaneously and preventing rumors. Particularly Twitter, as one of the means of social media, is preferred in election propaganda due to providing instant messaging and effective communication. The aim of this article is to manifest the way that the youth called Generation Y express their political preferences during a local election period through their use of social media. With regard to the hypotheses above pertaining to political source, political preference and political action, this study intends to present how effectively these young people demonstrate their political preferences as a way of expressing their political sources during March 24, 2014 local elections as well as their political action attitudes by comparing the election results and the discourses in social media. Thus, a research study will be implemented to Generation Y university students.

The Change of Ruling Parties and Taiwan's Claim to Multiculturalism before and after 2008

In recent years, female marriage migration from China and Southeast Asia has significantly increased the number of foreign-born citizens in Taiwan. This article is a preliminary investigation into how political parties responded to the growing multicultural makeup of the national community between 2000 and 2012. We examine the content of the Understanding Taiwan textbook, the election publicity of the two major political parties, citizenship legislation, and the results of interviewing immigrant women. The findings show that the change in the ruling party did make differences in terms of both parties’ projection of immigrant women in election propaganda and citizenship legislation. However, inward-looking multiculturalism is practised by the two main political parties in Taiwan to forge national identity and enhance national cohesion rather than to promote the recognition of immigrants’ different cultural heritage.

Critical Analysis of the Trivialization of Electoral Campaigns

The work is about banalization of election campaigns, addressing a critical analysis of political advertising before the democratic system. It studies the constitutional principles applicable in determining the informational purposes of electioneering as the normality and legitimacy of the election, the morality of the democratic state. It evaluates the ability of the electorate to make a choice within the election process, and discredits the political class, which generates a fertile field for the use of marketing techniques that cast candidates who can easily persuade people to vote for their proposals. It analyzes the possible existence of rules against the banalization of election campaigns, concluding by applying the principals of normalcy and legitimacy to the elections, to citizenship, to the shield of democracy, to fundamental human rights. It also evaluates whether the purpose of education and information within radio and television schedules, with respect to the and social values of the individual and his family are sufficient to prohibit practices which are commonplace in the electoral process. It discusses the concept of electoral propaganda criticizing the ethical role of political marketing. And finally, there are cited cases of banalization within electoral advertising which can be a challenge to the electioneering campaign time.

MASTERING THE ART OF SOCIAL MEDIA

Online communication has become a central part in the communication repertoires of political actors in Western mass democracies. In Switzerland, where broadband, internet use, and media literacy are amongst the highest in the world, all major political parties run their own website and are active on social media. This article seeks to show how Swiss political parties deal with social media, how they implement it and how they use social media. The study builds on empirical data from a structural analysis of party websites, the official Facebook sites, and Twitter feeds. These social media sites were analysed for their resonance, update frequency, and thematic clusters focusing on information, mobilization, and participation. A weekly assessment of the user numbers illustrates the development of user resonance throughout the 2011 election year. While political parties claim to appreciate the dialogue and mobilization potentials of social media, they mainly use social media as an additional channel to spread information and electoral propaganda. The overall resonance is still on a very low level. The data seem to sustain the normalization hypothesis, as larger parties with more resources and voters are better able to generate effective communication and to mobilize online than small and marginal parties.

A Cult of No Personality: W. T. Cosgrave and the Election of 1933

A Cult of No Personality: W. T. Cosgrave and the Election of 1933 Jason Knirck (bio) The funeral of W. T. Cosgrave, the first president of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State, took place in November 1965, thirty-three years after he had last held power in Ireland and twenty-one years after he had retired from politics altogether. The funeral cortege stopped briefly for a moment of silence as it passed the former buildings of the South Dublin Union, where Cosgrave had fought during the 1916 Easter Rising.1 Despite this tribute to Cosgrave’s military service, there was little else ostentatious about his state funeral. The Irish Times, in an editorial headed “Example,” noted that “when Mr. Cosgrave was laid to rest, he had no Tricolour . . . [though he] had fought in arms and had been sentenced to death for doing so. We are not without virtues in our public life today, but the cult of personality, even the cult of vulgarity, stands rebuked, and effectively rebuked.”2 Instead of a vulgar personality cult, a trait that the writer associated with the revolutionary generation, the funeral invoked “the example of the old virtues—wisdom, justice, fortitude, and temperance.”3 The correspondent’s assessment of the funeral as an admonition against Irish revolutionary personality cults meshes with the most common evaluations of Cosgrave. Unlike Collins and de Valera, each of whom gained adherents in part through force of personality, Cosgrave was a more unassuming figure, seen as competent but not charismatic by colleagues and subsequent historians alike. Despite this modest persona and a relatively low profile for a head of [End Page 64] government, Cumann na nGaedheal, the party headed by Cosgrave, placed Cosgrave himself at the center of its election propaganda in 1933 when Eamon de Valera’s Fianna Fáil party called a sudden election after only ten months in power. This was the most concentration on a single personality in Cumann na nGaedheal’s electoral history and marked a significant departure for the party in what turned out to be its last election before the merger that created Fine Gael. In highlighting the generally uncharismatic Cosgrave in its 1933 campaign, Cumann na nGaedheal plotted a return to power based on the same strategy that had propelled Fianna Fáil to office in the previous year: a charismatic leader, a foregrounding of economic issues, and a greater focus on the country’s future than on its recent Civil War. While Cosgrave may not have been as magnetic or popular as de Valera, Cumann na nGaedheal strategists apparently felt that his professed virtues of honesty, straightforwardness, and candor underscored de Valera’s perceived duplicity, vanity, and arrogance.4 In addition, by making the election a national contest, akin to a presidential election, Cumann na nGaedheal could mask some of its deficiencies at the grassroots level, where a perception often existed that the party was distant from local issues. Cosgrave’s positive qualities could also compensate for the unpopularity of policies pursued by such other Cumann na nGaedheal leaders as Ernest Blythe, Patrick McGilligan, and Patrick Hogan. This new strategy attempted to emulate Fianna Fáil’s broad electoral appeal. While this approach ultimately did not bear fruit for Cumann na nGaedheal, its deployment reveals much about a right-leaning party seeking to find its footing amid the growing authoritarian movements on the continent and the populist Fianna Fáil juggernaut in Ireland. The centrality of Cosgrave in 1933 is crucial to understanding the election, the declining fortunes of the Cumann na nGaedheal party in general, and the transformation of Cumann na nGaedheal into Fine Gael. The election of 1933 has been passed over by most historians, falling as it did between the transfer of power to Fianna Fáil in March 1932 and Cumann na nGaedheal’s merger with the semifascist Blueshirts in September 1933. John Regan’s nearly four-hundred-page book on [End Page 65] Cumann na nGaedheal devotes barely a page to the election.5 Major scholarly work on the Blueshirts generally ignores 1933 electoral propaganda, focusing instead on the internal transformation of the Army Comrades’ Association (ACA) into the Blueshirts as well...

Da expectativa de vitória à derrota: estratégias discursivas do PT em Curitiba e Porto Alegre em 2004

As eleições municipais de 2004 foram as primeiras depois que o PT chegou ao Governo Federal. Instigava saber a estratégia discursiva do partido que vinha numa trajetória de moderação discursiva. Para este estudo, tomamos como objeto as estratégias do PT nas eleições de Porto Alegre e Curitiba. A escolha das capitais está fundamentada no antagonismo dos cenários políticos e da inserção do PT nas disputas, na primeira ele era situação, enquanto na segunda era oposição. Adotamos uma metodologia inspirada na proposta elaborada pelo grupo coordenado por Marcus Figueiredo para o estudo dos spots eleitorais, adaptada por nós para a análise dos 'Horários Gratuitos de Propaganda Eleitoral' (HGPE). Podemos afirmar que não houve um discurso padrão do PT que foi derrotado. Mas, muitas semelhanças existiram entre as estratégias de seus adversários.

Quotation markers as intertextual codes in electoral propaganda

This article explores the intertextual nature (as defined by Kristeva) of linguistic markers used to denote quotations (quotation markers) in the 1999 Israeli televised electoral campaign. Three kinds of quotation markers were identified: source markers (references, qualifiers), describing the source; speech markers (lexical, graphical), attesting to speech production; and circumstance markers, describing the context (time, place, participants, background) in which the quotation was produced. It was found that, in addition to their overt role as references to the quotation, quotation markers also encode the ideological and argumentative value attributed by the parties to the quotations and their sources. Source markers serve to affiliate the sources with the positively regarded “we” group, to exclude them, or to establish them as neutral; speech and circumstance markers serve to affiliate quotations with the positively regarded ideological text of the party, to exclude them, or to mark them as neutral. Moreover, these three markers serve to reinforce the reliability of quotations that fulfill a corroborative role. These values are encoded by the mere presence of the markers, as well as by such devices as variation in the frequency of the markers, their content, emotive connotations, grammatical forms, and incorporation in recurring patterns.

The SAGE handbook of political advertising

List of Tables List of Figures Acknowledgments Part I. An International Context for Political Advertising 1. Political Advertising in International Comparison - Christina Holtz-Bacha and Lynda Lee Kaid 2. Methodologies for the Study of Political Advertising - Anne Johnston Part II. Political Advertising in Commercial Broadcasting Systems 3. Political Advertising in the United States - Lynda Lee Kaid Part III. Political Advertising in Public Television Systems 4. Political Advertising in the United Kingdom - Margaret Scammell and Ana Ines Langer 5. Election Broadcasts in France - Lynda Lee Kaid and Nathalie Gagnere 6. Political Advertising in Spain and Portugal - Colleen Connolly-Ahern and Julio Cesar Herrero 7. From Electoral Propaganda to Political Advertising in Israel - Dan Caspi and Baruch Leshem 8. Political Advertising and Democracy in Brazil - Mauro P. Porto 9. Political Advertising in Chile - Markus Moke Part IV. Dual Systems of Public and Commercial Political Advertising 10. Political Advertising in Germany - Christina Holtz-Bacha 11. Political Advertising on Television in the Nordic and Baltic States - Tom Moring 12. Polispots in Greece: Between Partisanship and Media Logic - Athanassios N. Samaras and Stylianos Papathanassopoulos 13. Sure to Come, But Temporarily Delayed: The Netherlands in Search of the Political Ad - Kees Brants 14. TV Political Advertising in Italy: When Politicians Are Afraid - Gianpietro Mazzoleni 15. Political Advertising in Mexico - Jose-Carlos Lozano 16. Political Advertising in Australia and Zealand - Julianne Stewart 17. Political Advertising in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan - Jinyoung Tak Part V. Political Advertising Developments in Evolving Democracies 18. A Spiral of Post-Soviet Cynicism: The First Decade of Political Advertising in Russia - Sarah Oates 19. Political Communication and Advertising in Poland - Wojciech Cwalina and Andrzej Falkowski 20. Political Advertising in Hungarian Electoral Communications - Jolan Roka 21. Fifteen Years of Televised Political Advertising Developments in Bulgaria - Lilia Raycheva 22. Political Advertising in a New Democracy: The Czech Republic - Jan Jirak and Otakar Soltys 23. Persuading Voters and Political Advertising in Turkey - Baki Can 24. Political Advertising in Emerging Democracies: The Philippines, Hong Kong, Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia - Lars Willnat and Annette Aw 25. Deficient Democracies, Media Pluralism, and Political Advertising in West Africa - Frank Wittmann and Baba Thiam 26. Political Advertising in South Africa - Ruth Teer-Tomaselli Part VI. Comparisons and Conclusions 27. Television Advertising and Democratic Systems Around the World: A Comparison of Videostyle Content and Effects - Lynda Lee Kaid and Christina Holtz-Bacha Index About the Authors

The Media Campaign in the 2003 Israeli Elections

The main characteristics of the media campaign in the 2003 Israeli elections include the coverage and implications of political scandals and a limited retreat from postmodern campaign communication...

Inter-Party Competition in Taiwan since the 1990s

This paper compares the state of party competition before and after the change of ruling party in Taiwan in 2000. First the balance of power between Taiwan’s main political parties is discussed—the KMT’s electoral hegemony has come to an end, the DPP has won two presidential elections and become Taiwan’s largest parliamentary party. However, there is much continuity in Taiwan’s party politics, with the same two parties electorally dominant today as at the outset of multi-party elections in the late 1980s. The second part of the article analyses election propaganda to consider how the policy content of party competition has changed and proposes that there have been more signs of continuity than change in party issue emphasis over the last four years.