Election Pledge Research Articles

2002∼2022년 지방선거 후보 결정에 대한 추적조사

This paper investigated the local elections from 2002 to 2022 and identified the candidate selection criteria. A total of six surveys were conducted, and the data was 3,706 people. Here, the independent variables are the person, external factors, party and pledge factors, and the parameters and dependent variables are reputation and image, and voting decision. The results of the study are summarized as follows. First of all, in the overall model, voting decisions are influenced in the order of person, party, pledge. On the other hand, as external factors such as kindred, academic background and regional ties have a negative effect, it can be seen that local elections reject nepotism. In addition, the criterion for determining candidates was direct interest in image and politicians, not advice from neighbors and reputation of residents. 1) In the 2002 local elections, the criterion for determining candidates was the character factor. policy had a negative effect on decisions. 2) In the 2006 local elections, the criterion for determining candidates was the character factor. 3) the criteria for determining candidates for 2010 are personalities and political parties. The evaluation of the candidate was more important than the evaluation of others. 4) the criterion for determining candidates in 2014 is the character factor. Election pledge is influencing through the image factor. 5) The criteria for selecting candidates for 2018 are pledges and political parties. Advice from neighbors and media evaluations of candidates are rather negative. 6) The criteria for selecting candidates for 2022 is the party factor. Person and pledge were not statistically significant influencing factors, and the image factor formed an important positive (+) relationship in voting decision.In conclusion, it is necessary to activate local politics, increase interest in local elections and turnout, and improve negative regionalism in order to make rational voting decisions for voters in Daegu and Gyeongbuk.

원전의 인허가 규제 관련 쟁점과 과제

The nuclear power plant construction project faced a major crisis due to the Moon Jae-in government's nuclear power plant policy. Construction of Shin-Kori Units 5 and 6 was resumed as recommended by the Public Deliberation Committee, but plans to build Shin-Hanul Units 3 and 4 in Uljin and Cheonji Units 1 and 2 in Yeongdeok were nullified. As a result, residents of areas scheduled for nuclear power plant construction, such as Uljin and Yeongdeok, had to endure disadvantages due to economic downturn, job loss, and infringement of property rights. The Moon Jae-in government's policy of nuclear power plant was raised in the form of a presidential election pledge to join the energy conversion trend of some countries, including Germany. This was a big event that changed the basis of the national energy policy that had been maintained for a long time, and caused controversy over whether it was desirable or not in terms of industrial and energy security. Korea is a country with absolutely insufficient endowed energy resources, where it is importing more than 95% of its energy from abroad, and where it is difficult to connect to the power grid with foreign countries. If Korea gives up nuclear power, it will not be able to secure a stable energy supply. It can cause serious problems in terms of energy security. Permission for nuclear power plant construction is related to the Basic Plan for Electricity Demand and Supply(BPEDS). Establishing the BPEDS, K-Water gets intent documents from power producer, and reviews whether or not to permit generation, then, it is reflected in the BPEDS. In other words, when a new nuclear power plant construction is reflected to the BPEDS in the licensing proceedings for construction of nuclear power plants. K-water establishes a basic construction plan, conducts an environmental impact assessment, and then applies for approval of the power source development project execution plan in accordance with Article 5 of the Power Source Development Promotion Act, finally receives a construction permit of the nuclear power plant. Seoul Administrative Court dismissed the appel because BPEDS was not the object of the appeal under the administrative disposition in the Decision 2018Guhap53344 Decided January 10, 2020. In the case of the 8th BPEDS, it is reasonable to admit its disposability because it can affect specifically individual rights and obligations immediately by just the plan was established. In principle, the BPEDS is an internal guideline for administrative agencies to establish various plans for electricity business, and is applicable only to administrative agencies. However, the cancellation of construction and suspension of construction according to the 8th BPEDS can be seen directly and concretely to affect the rights and obligations of the people, such as nuclear power plant partners, nuclear equipment manufacturers and suppliers, nuclear radiation safety management service companies, and merchants in the vicinity of nuclear power plants. The point to resuming the construction of Shin Hanul Units 3 and 4 is the environmental impact assessment. Shin Hanul Units 3 and 4 received an environmental impact assessment in 2016, but the evaluation period ended in August 2021 as its construction was halted due to the Moon Jae-in government's policy of nuclear power plant. Therefore, it is legally appropriate to conduct the environmental impact assessment again. In principle, it is correct to proceed with the environmental assessment again from the beginning. However, in the case of Shin Hanul Units 3 and 4, all procedures were suspended due to the government's decision to suspend construction, so there attribute a fault to the government. In addition, environmental impact assessment is to prepare measures to avoid, eliminate or reduce harmful environmental impacts by investigating, predicting, and evaluating the impact of the project on the environment in advance.

Not as expected: the role of performance expectations in voter responses to election pledge fulfilment

Not only the content, but also the context of election pledges should affect how voters respond to broken and fulfilled pledges. Borrowing from other disciplines, the hypotheses in this study propose that voters with low expectations reward pledge fulfilment more than voters with high expectations, while voters with high fulfilment expectations punish pledge-breakers more severely than voters with low expectations. A survey experiment using real-life political events was designed where 2465 respondents first received information that either significantly raised or lowered their expectations of pledge fulfilment. They were then presented with the actual fulfilment status of the pledge, either confirming or disconfirming their manipulated expectations, and asked to give their perceptions of the governing party’s performance. Interestingly, the findings support the presence of a confirmation, not a disconfirmation bias, suggesting that pledge performance attitudes are formed more similarly to other political attitudes than evaluations of private/public goods or services. Combined with a negativity bias in media coverage of election pledges, this confirmation bias in voters provides a partial explanation of the low esteem voters generally hold of governments’ pledge fulfilment. The results have implications for our understanding of how pledge fulfilment matters to voters, and how governments are held accountable for their performance.

Retrospective pledge voting and mistrusting citizens: Evidence for the electoral punishment of pledge breakage from a survey experiment

Do voters punish government parties for breaking an election pledge? How do preexisting opinions affect retrospective pledge voting (RPV)? This study hypothesizes that pledge breaking entails a fundamental loss of confidence resulting in a lower probability to vote for a government party, and that mistrusting citizens punish pledge breakage more severely. A representative survey experiment (N ¿ 10,000) with a one-dimensional treatment, that is carried out in Germany, provides evidence for these hypotheses. These findings have major implications for our understanding of political representation and the voter–party-relation. The results of this paper stress the importance of promissory representation and provide evidence that the electorate keeps tabs on government parties, but they also hint at the crucial role of individual predispositions.

Анализ некоторых избирательных законов: ущемление демократии или гарантия стабильности конституционного строя?

The purpose of the paper is to analyze the competition of principles of electoral process democratic nature, on the one hand, and the principles of constitutional order stability, on the other hand. The authors consider several significant changes in Federal law “On basic protections of electoral rights and the right to participate in a referendum of citizens of the Russian Federation” of the 12th of July, 2002 No. 67-FZ, including the latest changes dated the 14th of March, 2022. Nearly before each election of federal importance, the amendments are being made to federal law No. 67; therefore, electoral law becomes an elastic policy instrument. About three hundred amendments have been introduced for two decades of this federal law action. The paper analyzes several most significant changes in the RF electoral legislation for the last decade, which most notably influenced the current appearance of the direct democracy in Russia: the election pledge abolition, mass reduction of the institution of direct election of heads of local self-government, the abolition of the institution of non-voting members of the electoral commissions (in electoral commissions of under-regional level), the reduction of powers of non-voting members of the electoral commissions in the RF Central Election Commission and election commissions of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation; the introduction of electronic voting in the election of all levels and types throughout the Russian Federation. The paper considers the consequences of these electoral laws for the principles of democracy and competing principles of constitutional order stability. The authors conclude on the priority of the principles of the constitutional order stability over the principles of democracy of the electoral process, although this priority has certain specific historical reasons, as well as the limits.

When Is A Pledge A Pledge?

AbstractDespite the central role of election pledges in modern representative democracy, it remains uncertain how voters define pledges. We examine this by focusing on four rhetorical dimensions of political statements: the pledge giver, the formulation of commitment, the policy content and quantification. In three conjoint experiments on representative samples totalling around 6,000 respondents in the United States, Britain and Denmark, we find remarkably consistent results. On the one hand, voters consistently differentiate between statements in a highly focused manner: a promise is a promise if it is sincere and realistic – no matter who made it and whether it can be checked. On the other hand, voters are not willing to hold their party accountable for a given statement – even if they consider it an election pledge. We demonstrate that this is the perceptual logic of election pledges in Western democracies.

Which Promises Actually Matter? Election Pledge Centrality and Promissory Representation

Parties make hundreds of campaign promises but not all are seen by voters as central to a party’s offering. Studies of government promise fulfillment accept that not all promises are equivalent but in practice treat all promises equally because they lack an appropriate means of measuring promise centrality. To demonstrate the importance of accounting for pledge fulfillment, we develop a conjoint experiment method to measure public opinion about promise centrality which can be used to construct centrality weights. We demonstrate this approach’s utility by examining the 2017 UK Conservative manifesto. Centrality weighting reduces our assessment of Conservative promise keeping by 21 percentage points (1.3 standard deviations of typical promise-completion rates found in comparative studies). Weighting increases the centrality of EU promises sevenfold and immigration promises sixfold, and reduces the centrality of miscellaneous administrative promises by more than half. These results illustrate that pledge centrality cannot be ignored when assessing pledge fulfillment.

Welsh Conservative Party makes new community pharmacy contract election pledge

Welsh Conservative Party makes new community pharmacy contract election pledge

The policy-seeking voter: evaluations of government performance beyond the economy

Voters hold governments to account through elections, but which criteria are most important to voter evaluations of incumbent performance? While (economic) outcomes have long been central to studies of retrospective voting, recent studies have considered the influence of policy output—the policies implemented by incumbents to achieve their goals. Building on this promising development, this study identifies three ways in which policy output is expected to affect voter evaluations of incumbent performance—the congruence between implemented policy and (1) individual preferences; (2) public opinion; and (3) election pledges. A discrete choice experiment was designed to assess the relative importance of these three aspects of policy output in comparison to each other; as well as to two important economic indicators. Overall, the findings support the notion that policy output matters to voters even beyond outcomes. The findings also show that voters value congruence between policy and their personal preferences considerably more than policy congruence with public opinion; and election pledge fulfillment. This indicates that voters are egotropic in their evaluation of implemented policy, and more policy-seeking than accounted for in much of the empirical retrospective voting literature. These results inform our understanding of how policy output matters to voters, as well as of how voters hold governments accountable for their performance.

The Influence of Urban Planning-Related Pledge Budget on Local Election Votes: A City Case in Korea

Most election pledges require a significant budget for their implementation. In the case of a candidate for the head of a local government who presented his pledges related to urban planning by subdividing them into voting districts, we tested how the size of the budget committed to the voters affected the votes. Based on the urban planning-related pledged budget, the economic utility value of one vote was estimated to be about 2050 USD. In elections for local government heads, as the pledged budget related to urban planning increased, the vote percentage and the degree of competition for votes increased positively. Moreover, when the pledged budget related to urban planning exceeded a certain level, the slope of the vote percentage curve tended to be gentle. The slope of the curve is steep in the section up to the pledged budget of 50 million USD, and the slope becomes gentle in the next section. This study was based on a specific case that was limited in terms of space and time, and it was limited to analyzing only the election pledge and election result data without considering the socioeconomic background factors of the voters.

Devolution, “new politics” and election pledge fulfilment in Scotland, 1999–2011

The institutions of Scottish devolution were designed using the majoritarian Westminster system as a “negative template” with the hope that a more consensual “new politics” would emerge. The electoral system successfully prevented a single-party majority in the first three sessions of the Scottish Parliament. But did this bring about the desired changes in party behaviour? Research on the connection between campaign promises and government actions shows that it is strongest in the United Kingdom—where single-party majorities are the norm—and weakest in countries where multiparty coalitions are common. If new politics had succeeded in its aims, we would expect Scottish governments to fulfil a lower proportion of manifesto pledges than British governments. This study investigates the extent to which the 1999 and 2003 Scottish Labour-Liberal Democrat coalitions and the 2007 SNP minority administration fulfilled their campaign pledges using an original dataset containing 600 individual manifesto pledges. All three parties are found to have fulfilled pledges at a rate comparable to Westminster governments. These findings reinforce the notion that the reality of post-devolution Scottish politics fell short of its designers’ ambitions. Supplementary analyses provide further support for inferences made in previous pledge studies concerning the factors which contribute to pledge fulfilment.

A Study on the 2010 and 2014 Election Pledges and Inaugural Address of the Superintendent Using Language Network Analysis Method

이 연구는 전국동시 지방선거로 2010년 선출된 민선교육감과 2014년 선출된 민선교육감의 선거공약과 취임사를 분석하였다. 분석방법은 기존의 수사학이 분석할 때 발생하는 문제점을 보완한 언어 네트워크 분석을 실시하여 선거공약과 취임사에 출현한 단어의 빈도와 연결 중심성, 매개 중심성, 아이겐벡터 중심성 분석 결과와 네트워크 지도를 제시하고, 분석결과를 논의하였다. 이 연구를 통해 2010년 보수성향 민선교육감은 학력, 인성, 창의 등이 출현빈도와 중심성이 높은 단어였고, 진보성향 민선교육감은 혁신, 혁신학교로 파악되었다. 2014년에는 교육감의 가치지향과 관계없이 안전이 출현빈도와 중심성이 높은 단어였으며, 보수성향 민선교육감은 인재, 교육환경, 행복 등이고, 진보성향 민선교육감은 교육비, 교육복지, 무상급식, 무상교복 등이었다. 민선교육감들은 가치지향에 따라 선거공약과 취임사의 주요단어가 다르게 출현하였고, 선거공약과 취임사도 연관성을 나타냈으며, 시·도별 지방교육정책에도 반영된 것으로 파악되었다.This study analyzed the election pledge and inaugural address of the election on civilian superintendent elected in 2010 and 2014 of election nationwide. In this paper, we analyzed language network analysis method, and selected language network analysis to overcome the problem of analyzing existing rhetoric. In other words, the frequency, degree centrality, betweenness centrality, eigenvector centrality analysis results and network map of the words appearing in election pledge and inaugural address were presented and the analysis results were discussed in this paper. As a result of research, the conservative superintendent of ‘education’, ‘human resources’, ‘creativity’ were high frequency and centrality, on the hand progressive superintendent was identified as ‘innovation’ and ‘innovation school’ in 2010. In 2014, ‘safety’ was a high frequency and centrality regardless of the superintendent’s value orientation. The conservative superintendent used words of ‘human resources’, ‘educational environment’ and ‘happiness’, whereas the progressive superintendent was chosen words of ‘education expenses’, ‘education welfare’, ‘free lunch’ and ‘free school uniform’. The superintendents used the key words of election pledge and inaugural address differently according to their value orientation. The election pledge and inauguration were also correlated and were also reflected in the local education policy by city and provincial office of education.

ABOUT RESULTS OF ELECTION CAMPAIGNS AND CAMPAIGN FOR HOLDING A REFERENDUM IN 2018

Abstract: the revealed violations in practice of application of the legislation on an election of the president of the Russian Federation of 2018 regarding specification of the electoral register are stated. It is specified the imperfection of electoral laws allowing «double» vote when using a voting procedure in the location. In article the conclusion about not free election of the president of the Russian Federation is drawn. Results of carrying out regional elections in 2018 are analyzed. It is offered to refuse use of «the municipal filter» on elections of heads of regions and to return opportunity to pay an election pledge as the basis of registration of candidates on elections. It is offered to make changes in the law on areferendum of the Russian Federation in communication by unsuccessful result of holding a referendum on cancellation of pension reform. The attitude towards idea of adoption of the Electoral code of the Russian Federation which is supported by the Chairman of Russian Central Election Commission expresses.

Progress and Left Ideology in the 2018 Superintendent Election Pledge

Progress and Left Ideology in the 2018 Superintendent Election Pledge

Separation of investigation and prosecution for implementation of presidential election pledge and national affairs

Separation of investigation and prosecution for implementation of presidential election pledge and national affairs

A Proposal Based on the Analysis of Each Party Election Pledge Related to Korean migrant workers

A Proposal Based on the Analysis of Each Party Election Pledge Related to Korean migrant workers

A Study on Policy Proposal through Analysis of Failure Case of Local Industrial Complex Focused on the prevalence rate of local industrial complex

산업단지 개발은 부동산개발 중에서 산업과 수출, 환경보전 등 국토균형발전, 지방의 산업분산, 지역경제활성화 나아가 국가발전을 주도하는 측면에서 아주 중요한 요소 중 하나이다. 그러나 당초의 취지와는 달리 지자체간 출혈 경쟁과 정부의 선심성 정책으로 문제가 심각해지고 있다. 특히, 지방자치 단체장의 선거 공약 및 치적거양을 위한 수단으로 사용되어 미분양으로 인한 지방재정 부담 가중으로 지방재정을 악화시키는 산업단지가 즐비한 현실이다. 전국에 우후죽순처럼 늘어나는 산업단지가 당초 입지적 조건과 기업체의 수요를 감안하지 않고 있는 셈이다. 산업단지의 분양을 좌우하는 사업성검토는 부동산개발사업의 매우 중요한 요소의 하나이다. 이명박 정부는 규제개혁을 국정과제로 삼았으며「산업입지 및 개발에 관한 법률」체계에서 산업단지를 개발할 경우 인허가 기간만 2~4년 이상 소요되어 산업용지의 원활한 공급에 차질이 우려되어 이를 극복하기 위해 개발계획과 실시계획을 산업단지 계획으로 통합하여 유사절차와 인·허가 의제사항을 확대한 특례사항을 적용하여 인·허가 절차를 간소화함으로써 6개월 이내에 인·허가를 완료하는 「산업단지 인·허가 절차 간소화를 위한 특례법」시행되어 산업용지 부족문제 해결, 복잡한 규제 간소화를 위하여 시행되었으나, 2008년 이후 산업단지가 크게 증가하는 것도 문제점의 하나이다. 지역의 산업단지 수요를 감안하지 않고 과다한 규모의 산업단지 개발은 지양되어야 한다. 그러기 위해서는 산업단지 지정에 있어 사업성검토 부분에서 수요와 적정성 검토가 면밀히 선행되어야 하며 정책적으로 그러한 산업단지 지정 검토를 하여야 한다. 산업단지 지정에 있어 중앙정부의 개입이 적극적으로 필요한 부분이다.Development of industrial complexes is one of the most important factors in the development of balanced development of the land including industrial, export and environment preservation, distribution of local industries, revitalization of regional economies and further development of national development. However, unlike the original intention, the problem is becoming serious due to the competition between the local governments and the government s eager policy. Especially, it is a fact that there are many industrial complexes that are used as a means of election pledge of local governors, and the aggravation of local finance due to excessive tax burden due to the increase of local finance burden due to unsold housing. An increasing number of industrial complexes throughout the country are not considering the initial conditions and the needs of enterprises. The feasibility study that determines the distribution of the industrial complex is one of the most important elements of the real estate development business. The Lee Myung Bak administration made regulatory reform a national task, and it took two to four years for the industrial park to develop its industrial park in accordance with the Industrial Establishment and Development Act. In order to simplify the approval and approval procedures by applying the special procedures for expanding the similar procedures and the approval and approval agendas by integrating the development plan and implementation plan into the industrial complex plan, ⋅ The Special Act for the Simplification of Permit Procedures was implemented to solve the shortage of industrial land and to simplify complicated regulations. In order to do so, it is necessary to closely examine the demand and appropriateness in the feasibility study for the designation of the industrial complex, and it is necessary to review the designation of the industrial complex by policy. The central government is actively involved in the designation of industrial complexes.

경찰 관련 대선공약 검증과 바람직한 인력구조 개편 방향: 원내 주요 정당의 19대 대선후보자들을 중심으로

경찰 관련 대선공약 검증과 바람직한 인력구조 개편 방향: 원내 주요 정당의 19대 대선후보자들을 중심으로

Transcontinental Reflections on the American West: Words, Images, Sounds beyond Borders ed. by Ángel Chaparro Sainz and Amaia Ibarraran Bigalondo

Reviewed by: Transcontinental Reflections on the American West: Words, Images, Sounds beyond Borders ed. by Ángel Chaparro Sainz and Amaia Ibarraran Bigalondo Stephen J. Mexal Ángel Chaparro Sainz and Amaia Ibarraran Bigalondo, eds., Transcontinental Reflections on the American West: Words, Images, Sounds beyond Borders. London: PortalEditions, 2015. 424 pp. Paper, $22.90. For scholars of the American literary West, many of whom have long been invested in theories of borderless or "postregional" spaces, the events of 2016 must have felt like running full-tilt into an invisible wall. After England's vote to close its borders to the European Union or Donald Trump's election pledge to "build a wall" along America's southern boundary, it seems while scholars may be done with borders, borders are not yet done with us. Yet Ángel Chaparro Sainz and Amaia Ibarraran Bigalondo's edited collection of essays provides an opportunity for a global group of scholars to study the American West from a perspective that strives to be, as their subtitle has it, "beyond borders." For Sainz and Bigalondo, the borders in question refer not just to nation or region but to generic and disciplinary borders as well. The essays are united by this expansive sense of boundary crossing. It is in this spirit that Jesus Ángel González sketches the generic border crossings that connect Dashiell Hammett's hard-boiled fiction, the Western genre, and the many international film adaptations of Hammett's 1929 novel Red Harvest; that Krista Comer explores the theoretical borders between critical regionalism, feminist theory, and feminist activism; and that Luis Díaz Pulido studies the permeable cultural borders between America's Bush-era response to terrorism, Richard Slotkin's frontier myth, and the television program 24. The editors have assembled a global band of scholars. Many of the contributors are affiliated with the University of the Basque Country, some are at other universities in Spain, and still others are located in France, Italy, and the United States. Building on Neil Campbell's 2008 The Rhizomatic West (which is cited in nearly a third of the essays here), the contributors repeatedly make the case that the American literary West belongs not just to one type of text or nation. Instead, it is the product and purview of the entire world. But given such clear internationalist aspirations, the book is somewhat hampered by some missed opportunities. In defining [End Page 226] "borders" quite as broadly as it does—here, the generic boundary between a novel and a film is given roughly the same weight as the boundary between two nations—the book misses a chance to explore more fully the ways in which the American West has always been global. Some chapters do strive to uncover a legacy of transcontinental transmission. David Fenimore's chapter on Horace Greeley, Karl Marx, and the European communitarian influence on nineteenth-century western settlement is particularly strong. Similarly, Monika Madinabeitia's chapter on the history of the Basque diaspora and its connection to contemporary Basque music and identity in the American West is especially engaging. On the whole, though, the book stands as an important reminder that the academic study of the American literary and cultural West is not a small discipline, consigned to the dusty corners of a few regions of the United States, but rather a large one: the product and the subject of an expansive, interconnected world. Throughout, its contributors are tireless in their investigations of the porous disciplinary, generic, and political borders that limn the culture of the American West. Stephen J. Mexal California State University, Fullerton Copyright © 2017 Western Literature Association

What are A-levels for?

On achieving power, the coalition government was quick to fulfil its election pledge to abolish as many quangos as reasonable in the shortest possible time. Among the first to go was the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority. One of the principal roles of the authority had been to set the criteria which were used by the awarding organisations (AOs) to develop their A-level (and GCSE) specifications. The AOs themselves set the papers, arrange for them to be marked and make the awards. In principle, another quango, Ofqual, polices the system and, in particular, monitors the standard of the papers. However, Ofqual is underfunded and has no subject expertise. As a result, it is generally accepted that in physics standards have fallen, an observation easily verified by comparing current papers with those of two decades ago.