Dominant Leader Research Articles

Ideology, organization and the patrimonial regime

The view of the communist party as a tightly organized, highly disciplined, efficient political structure is largely a myth. The communist party which achieved power in the Soviet Union, and which was the prototype for this myth, was unable to generate high levels of organizational autonomy, integrity and coherence. Instead it developed as an instrument of a dominant leader and, internally, was structured on the basis of the patrimonial principle. This meant that organizational linkages between different levels of the party were weak. In this context, the ideology and the leader cult intertwined so as to sustain and reinforce the patrimonial structure of power within the party. This linkage of organizational structure, ideology and cult has created real problems for those like Khrushchev and Gorbachev who have sought to replace the patrimonial structure by one based more on the party's organizational norms.

Notes Illustrating the Military Geography of the United States, 1813-1880 (review)

BOOK REVIEWS283 other events of 1865," prodded Northerners toward the radical Reconstruction program of 1867 (p. 231). Carter pursues this theme to the further conclusion that the préexistant racist conviction of the white South as a whole was primarily responsible for the failure of self-reconstruction in the South. This is not a new thesis, but it remains a debatable one. While racism was certainly an overwhelming ideological heritage, it was also an integral part of a new struggle for power, profit, and place in the postwar South. In this reviewer's opinion, that integral relationship is not adequately considered. Carter does not explore the elitist nature of politics, or the function of racist propaganda, nor does he thoroughly analyze that familiar Southern tie between racism and a cheap, black labor supply. Carter's major interpretive concern appears to be the conflict between his own rejection of the principles of Soudiern white leaders and his struggle to understand dieir limitations and appreciate the difficulties diey faced. He becomes so immersed in die details ofdiis paradox diat he slides by a variety of intriguing interpretive questions that are raised. For example , after both condemning the Black Codes as racist and crediting them with being a revolutionary improvement over antebellum law, he faults the North for neglecting that latter fact. He does not, however, pursue the related implications. The failure to do so on this and other matters (including the impact of Andrew Johnson's policies) leaves his overall analysis incomplete. This same difficulty characterizes Carter's conclusion that Reconstruction alternatives did exist. Thus, while he persuasively rejects the viability of familiar radical alternatives, whether from the North or from within the South, he offers no developed alternatives ofhis own. This leaves hanging his own major conclusion that the policies of the dominant leaders of this period were, in fact, the best the white Soudi could offert This final speculative concern may be unfair, since it is the task of the historian to explain what did happen rather than what did not. Undoubtedly Professor Carter has provided us with a stimulating, detailed, and unusually appreciative account ofwhite leadership and policy problems in the early postwar South. His challenging analysis deserves an attentive response and it should be required reading for all serious students of Reconstruction history. Otto H. Olsen Northern Illinois University Notes Illustrating the Military Geography ofthe United States, 1813-1880. By Raphael P Thian. Edited by John M. Carroll. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979. Pp. 203. $17.50.) Raphael Thian's work on United States military geography, a fundamental source for military research, has long been unavailable to most users because it was published by die Adjutant General's Office in 1881 and not 284CIVIL WAR HISTORY reprinted until the appearance recently. Editor John M. Carroll and the University ofTexas Press have performed an important service for military historians by once again making its valuable data convenient to students of this discipline. The book is especially useful when used with R. B. Heitman 's Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, another indispensable reference book for military historians. Thian was born in France sometime in 1829 or 1830. This son ofa soldier of Napoleon was destined for a military career, but instead of serving his native country he sailed for America in 1850, going first to Canada. He dien enlisted in the United States Army in 1851 and served for sixty-one years, fifty of them in the Adjutant General's Office. Thian's military geography includes facts about military divisions, districts , departments, and Reconstruction districts. It includes the dates of their creation, their commanders, and their geographical boundaries. It associates states and territories of the United States with the military departments or districts appropriate to them. It includes a list ofexecutive officers, secretaries of war, generals-in-chief, and adjutant generals, and has an index of commands and an index of their commanders. It also contains four fold-out charts. Three are devoted to a chronological scale of all military divisions, districts, and departments from 1813 to 1880 that show the month and year of the creation of all military divisions, their commanders, and other...

Alienation Among Managers — The New Epidemic or the Social Scientists' Invention?

There has been a long and wide‐ranging literature on the problems of the individual's adjustment to the demands of work organisations. In the 1950s, Argyris and Merton argued that the needs of mature individuals and the properties of modern bureaucracies were incongruent. In a later work, Argyris argued that the larger the organisation, the greater the incongruence and the greater the suppression of individuality. Maslow argued that suppression was inevitable if two variables interacted: increasing size and uncertain environments. Methods of suppression also attracted attention in the 60s; Ziller noted the techniques included formality, mobility, conformity, dominant leaders and a paucity of information sharing.

Market segmentation: A classic solution for an industrial products company

ECOM, Inc., is our fictitious name for the industrial products division of a real Fortune 500 corporation. Over the past ten years the company, and indeed the whole industry, has witnessed little technological innovation and no significant developments in operations or strategic planning. ECOM operates in a highly competitive environment with no dominant market leader, and it has suffered operating losses for the past three years. While ECOM has recently divested itself of a medium‐sized plant, senior management continues to be concerned about the under‐utilization of the remaining four production facilities. The situation could seriously affect both profitability and employee morale.

Allison Redux: Three More Decision-Making Models

In 1971 Graham Allison offered a set of three models to improve our understanding of the decision-making process in government, with special reference to foreign affairs. Professor Kellerman has devised three more models that focus on the role of small groups, the impact of the dominant leader, and the effects of the "cognitive process" on decision making. Kellerman, like Allison before her, notes that still other models may usefully be made.

Foreign Policy and Development Policy: From Nonalignment to International Class War

FOREIGN policy is important to any new state, for it helps the state to reaffirm its independence and articulate its identity. But foreign policy is also rarely critical for a new state-especially an under-developed new state-for the first order of business is inevitably domestic. Foreign policy, except when the new state perceives a direct external threat, thus tends to be a kind of residual category, dominated not only by domestic politics but also by rhetorical and ideological preoccupations. Foreign policy rarely serves a single purpose; sharp lines between the quest for security, or aid, or trade, or status and prestige are frequently difficult to discern. The goals of foreign policy are also only rarely a matter of entirely free choice; what 'stands to reason' as a goal usually emerges from a very complex interaction between areas of constraint and areas of choice. The constraints are both external and internal. Externally, they include the nature of the international system, the kind of technology that exists, the intellectual models that provide the conventional wisdom and form the prevailing climate of opinion, and the nature of the contiguous envirornment (an especially crucial factor for new and weak states). Internally, they include the limitations set by size, the level of development, and the nature of the political system. For developing countries, constraints clearly dominate choices. What does get chosen, moreover, tends to be heavily conditioned by the personality and priorities of the dominant leader and his friends. Why (and to what degree) this is so needs to be carefully stated. Governments always have intentions. Whether they also have the capabilities to achieve their intentions is another matter. Developing countries are a classic case in point; as one study after another has demonstrated, they abound with organisational and informational deficiencies.' These deficiencies may be even more profound in foreign

The Effect of Evaluation on Dominance Characteristics: An Extension of Social Facilitation Theory.

Previous research in social facilitation has been limited to a relatively narrow range of responses. The present study has attempted to extend the effects of social facilitation to include more complex responses. A 2 × 2 factorial design was employed using high and low dominant leaders, as measured on the Dominance scale of the California Psychological Inventory, and the presence and absence of evaluation. Ss were 40 male college students, with an average age of 20 years, recruited from introductory classes. Results showed a significant interaction effect; that is, when evaluated, high dominant leaders behaved in a more dominant way, while low dominant leaders behaved in a less dominant way. Dominant behavior was measured by the amount of direct verbal commands given by the leader. An examination of direct commands and task performance indicated that the effects of evaluation were more pronounced for high dominant than for low dominant leaders.

The Single Party as a Subordinate Movement: The Case of Egypt

The single-party system of Nasser's Egypt belongs to a political genre widespread in Africa. It is a collaboration movement in which a nationally dominant leader enters into an “alliance” with regionally and locally influential persons; the party organization serves as a kind of “formal contract” between them. As a rule, the alliance is tacit in nature, based on each side's reading of political realities, and therefore tending both to be ad hoc and to involve a limited degree of direct interaction. The collaboration movement may be described as a transcendental organization with which individuals willing to deal with and support the regime may affiliate without necessarily making a total commitment to the movement.

Dominant leaders among slum hotel residents.

Deteriorated single-room-occupancy hotels collect as tenants the destitute who are unacceptable anywhere else. There live addicts, alcoholics, the crippled, the elderly, and the mentally ill, without families. Rich and intimate group life emerges nevertheless. Dominant leaders of the groups provide a matrix of physical and emotional care. Three such leaders, their characteristics, relationships, and functions are examined.

Drug Abuse Problems of Identification

Drug Abuse Problems of Identification

Church and State in Peru and Chile since 1840: A Study in Contrasts

BY the late I830's the leaders of the Roman Catholic Church in Peru and Chile were beginning to repudiate the regalistic doctrines that many had accepted at the inception of the independence period.' No longer resigned to the dominance of the state over the Church that had prevailed throughout colonial times and that had been particularly marked in the late eighteenth century during the era of Bourbon reforms, churchmen began to want a bipolar power structure in which their ecclesiastical institution would be at least as powerful in the temporal realm as the state. In Peru clerical leaders gradually became convinced that the declining importance of religious values in the conduct of state affairs was the primary cause of the country's abiding political chaos.2 Stability could only be achieved, they asserted, if the Church became a major factor in the political realm. And in Chile churchmen were able to attribute the stability that had been attained beginning in I830 tO the fact that the dominant political leaders had recognized religion's indispensable contribution to the establishment of authority and institutional stability and had therefore encouraged the Church to become an imposing temporal force. Both in Peru and Chile the ire of secular liberal spokesmen was aroused by the clergy's mounting objections to state control and accompanying insistence upon the right to wield political influence. Liberals, moreover, were

Laboratory Studies on the Adult Behavior of Conophthorus coniperda(Coleoptera: Scolytidae). III. Flight

Adults of the white-pine cone beetle, Conophthorus coniperda (Schwarz), undertook spontaneous flight most frequently at temperatures between 27.5° and 35° C, Flight frequency was increased by exposure to dry air, although prolonged exposure resulted in water loss and cessation of flight. Preliminary exposure to light also increased flight frequency. On flight mills, beetles flew continuously for periods up to 5 hours, but the great majority of tethered flights were of only a few minutes' duration. In free flight the insects oriented to a point source of light; with diffuse light they were still photopositive, and tended to fly a horizontal course and to orient to dark silhouettes. These mechanisms would result in the movement of the beetles from their overwintering sites to the cone-bearing terminals of the trees. The mean duration of flight in the field is probably rather short, because the beetles would fly just above the mean crown surface and would orient to the dark silhouettes of the dominant leaders.

Scipio Aemilianus and Roman Politics

In the decade or so before the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus the Roman political scene was bristling with perplexing problems: the relation of Senate and People; the claims of the business classes; Rome's attitude to the allies; declining standards in provincial administration and military conduct; threats from Greece to traditional Roman ways of thought; deteriorating moral standards; the influx of wealth; the supersession of peasant husbandry by latifundia; land as an object of speculation; slave labour; the decline in the absorption of provincial corn by the armies abroad after 167 B.C. and its importation to Rome, which thus needed less from Latium; and behind all the changing conditions of agriculture was the steady decline after 164 of the free population, attested by the census figures, provided that these are admitted to have any demographical value at all. Although the first radical attempt to grapple with some aspects of this Hydra-headed monster was made by Ti. Gracchus, his was not the first mind to apply itself to the challenge even though it was his will and courage that first promoted resolute action. Earlier attempts at reform loom dimly through the mists that hide from us any proper understanding of the preceding years. The evidence is fragmentary, but one obvious way of trying to unify the surviving scraps of information is to try to view the period through the eyes of one of its dominant leaders: thus an examination of some aspects of the political career and thought of Scipio Aemilianus and his supporters and their attitude towards the problems of their day and towards reform, together with the views of their opponents, may help to throw some light on the revolution that flared up, with such apparent suddenness, in 133 B.C.