Disarmament Issues Research Articles

Historical and legal aspect of establishment and activities of Ad Hoc PAROS (Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space) Committee

The article examines the historical and legal aspects of the establishment and activities of the Ad Hoc PAROS (Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space) Committee, which operated from 1985 to 1994 as a subsidiary body of the Conference on Disarmament. The historical prerequisites for the creation of the Ad Hoc PAROS Committee and the resolution of the UN General Assembly together with the working documents of the Conference on Disarmament related to the activities of the Committee and the areas of its work were analyzed. Key functions of the Committee included processing proposals of regional groups, holding meetings, involving experts, and developing documentation on issues related to the prevention of an arms race in outer space. Emphasis was placed on the active involvement of delegations in the development of measures to prevent an arms race in outer space, with the aim of preserving its peaceful use for future generations. It was revealed that at the meetings of the Committee, delegations proposed to strengthen the support and the existing international norms and rules; to develop new international agreements that would regulate problematic issues of outer space activity; to create measures to increase transparency and trust between states, through the creation of monitoring international agencies; to promote cooperation and partnership in outer space exploration.
 The article justifies the importance of the Committee's contribution in providing an opportunity to states, which are seeking to settle the issue of disarmament not only on Earth, but also in outer space, to put forward proposals for strengthening confidence and to resolve the issue of the legal vacuum created by the incomplete regulation of the use of outer space. The opinion was expressed that the Committee had great potential to become a permanent body of the Conference on Disarmament and, despite the lack of a negotiating mandate, received the support of states for updating existing international treaties, creating confidence-building measures. However, subsequent historical events made their adjustments, and the Committee was not renewed.

India’s Foreign Policy during Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee

This paper examines Indian foreign policy under Atal Bihari Vajpayee in terms of realistic pluralism. It argues that since the 1998 nuclear test, India has developed a slightly different style of realistic foreign policy as a means to achieve its core interests. It is characterized by an emphasis on engagement with contemporary challenges such as neoliberal globalization, terrorism, the issue of disarmament, coping with the changing international order, the decline of multilateral institutions, and new regionalism, etc. To deal with all these issues, India adopted realistic pluralism to accelerate India's economic development and security interests, as well as enhance its status as an emerging power in the international system by continuously promoting its cherished values. This paper explains how a party with its rightist ideology occupies power at a time when Congress fails to deliver people's aspirations. It analyses the key arguments that have been presented in this framework and the way Bajpayee put them into practice. It concludes with the assessment of Bajpayee strategies and future prospects that it will deliver for Indian foreign policy.

Влияние Индии на формирование многополярного ядерного порядка

India’s decision not to join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty has led to its labelling as a state that is not fully aligned with the global nuclear order. This places it in the same category as other nuclear-armed countries outside these agreements, such as Israel, North Korea, and Pakistan. India’s nuclear weapons testing in 1998, followed by a similar move by Pakistan, has been viewed as a challenge to international security and the nuclear non-proliferation regime. This article aims to examine India’s stance on these treaties and its choice to become a nuclear-armed state in 1998 within the context of its efforts to influence the establishment of a fair global order that serves the interests of not only the major nuclear powers (USSR/Russia, Great Britain, China, the United States, and France) and their allies, but also the rest of the world. Delhi’s actions in the realm of nuclear arms control highlights the emerging multipolar world. Although India has refrained from actively participating in disarmament negotiations after the end of Cold War, its previous experiences remain relevant today. The breakdown of the U.S. – Russia nuclear arms control as well as crises over the nuclear non-proliferation and testing banning regimes have given weight to the arguments put forth by Indian leaders and diplomats. These arguments emphasize the urgency of reducing nuclear risks and exercising strategic restraint, including maintaining a moratorium on nuclear testing. Since 1998, India has adopted an approach different from its previous policy on various nuclear disarmament issues. This shift is evident in the country’s solidarity with other nuclear powers in opposing the 2021 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. However, India’s longstanding support for multipolarity in international security policy, particularly regarding nuclear weapons, remains unchanged.

Қарусыздану мәселесі және советтік мерзімді баспасөздегі «Батыстың» имиджі (1950 жылдардың екінші жартысы – 1960 жылдардың басы)

The article is devoted to the problem of representing the image of the "West" in the periodical press of the Soviet Union in the second half of the 1950s and 1960s through coverage of the issue of disarmament, which is one of the aspects of studying the international relations of the Soviet Union. During the period under review, it was the press that played a leading role in shaping a positive or negative image of foreign countries. The article attempts to analyze the transformation of the image of the “West” on the pages of the central periodicals of the Soviet Union. This period is presented in the Soviet press as a turning point in relations with Western countries. The amount of material devoted to disarmament is increasing. Unlike in the post-war decade, the main opponent of disarmament is Germany, not the United States. Also, Soviet propaganda increasingly divided the society of Western countries, separating the government and claiming the growth of supporters of the policy of the Soviet Union. The materials of the central periodical press of the Soviet Union led to the conclusion that in the second half of the 1950s, Western countries, led by the United States, continued to be presented as enemies on the pages of “Pravda” and "Izvestia." Despite this, the image of the enemy directly depended on the international situation and interstate relations and therefore underwent a certain transformation. The attitude towards Western countries has become more loyal in comparison with the post-war decade, and there have been fewer negative assessments.

International Legal Aspects of Disarmament in the Context of the League of Nations’ Activities

Since ancient times, disarmament has been considered as a prerequisite for getting rid of the threat of wars. At the turn of the 19th—20th centuries, as the arms race intensified, the idea of disarmament gained popularity in the legal literature, but it is impossible to talk about the effective implementation of this idea: until the First World War, disarmament issues were not an urgent task of international politics. The first serious attempt to develop legal obligations on disarmament at the universal level was made during the campaign for the creation of the League of Nations. The Charter of this organization, which consolidated the idea of collective security of all peace-loving States, reflected the awareness of a direct link between the policy of armament and the emergence of wars. The purpose of the article is to analyze international acts adopted by the League of Nations, which address the issue of disarmament as one of the measures to maintain peace and security, in order to identify the role of this organization in the formation of the international legal foundations of the universal system of collective security in the first half of the 20th century. Methods of scientific research: historical-legal, systemic, functional, formal-legal analysis. Conclusion: the idea of adopting disarmament measures at the universal level, which has been developing for many centuries, was legally consolidated only with the signing of the Charter of the League of Nations, Article 8 of which allows us to talk about the first attempt to institutionalize international relations in the field of disarmament; the approach enshrined in international acts adopted by the League of Nations, according to which priority over other obligations to maintain international security was used obligations on disarmament, has not gained the support of States due to the lack of a concept of universal peace acceptable to all States; Despite the fact that it was not possible to adopt a universal disarmament treaty, the treaty practice of the period under review indicates that States often made attempts to implement the legal installation enshrined in the Charter of the League of Nations on the need to reduce armaments.

The Soviet Union's Position and Practical Actions on UN Disarmament Issues in the 1970s

The Soviet Union's Position and Practical Actions on UN Disarmament Issues in the 1970s

Nuclear Disarmament: Some Aspects of International Legal Regulation

The subject of the study of this article is some aspects of the problem of nuclear disarmament, which are highlighted, among other things, from the perspective of the ongoing military special operation in Ukraine. The history of the creation of the nuclear disarmament regime is traced. The main documents regulating the procedure of nuclear disarmament are characterized. The ways of strengthening and finding a compromise in the issues of nuclear disarmament in the world have been identified. The analysis of the problem of nuclear disarmament, which is at the center of international relations and is relevant in the theory of international law, is given. The author has studied the international legal regulation of nuclear disarmament, identified its problematic aspects. The main documents in the field of legal regulation of nuclear disarmament are the Treaties on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, as well as the International Monitoring System created for its implementation. The existing international legal system of control over nuclear disarmament, non-nuclear testing, and the use of atomic energy exclusively for peaceful purposes does not always prove its effectiveness, as a result of which countries with unstable political situation possess nuclear weapons, which entails an additional threat to the world community. As a result of the analysis, it was concluded that the current system of international monitoring of nuclear tests and the system of international regulation of nuclear disarmament need to be modernized in order to eliminate the threat of proliferation and use of nuclear weapons. Currently, the development of technologies for the enrichment of radioactive substances, the emergence of new threats and other factors create significant obstacles to the preservation of the nuclear disarmament regime.

Our Shared Future: Common Security 2022 and beyond+

The year 2022 marks the 40th anniversary of Olof Palme’s Independent Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues. The Commission presented its report in 1982, at the height of the Cold War. It developed the concept of common security – the idea that nations and peoples can only feel safe when their counterparts feel safe. By taking the concept of common security as its starting point, the Common Security 2022 initiative has analysed the world we live in and some of the great challenges facing humanity on the planet earth. At the time of 50th anniversary of the 1972 Stockholm Conference (Stockholm+50), the Common Security 2022 recommendations are indications, or steps forward for our shared future that would include addressing the climate change, a process of removing the threat of nuclear annihilation and turning around the ‘super tanker’ of war.

Disarming Arguments: Public Opinion and Nuclear Abolition

While many consider the threat posed by nuclear weapons to be greater than ever, the general public has largely lost interest in the issue of nuclear disarmament. To reinvigorate public support for a nuclear-weapons-free world, disarmament advocates have presented a range of arguments about the necessity of nuclear abolition. This article presents original data from a public-opinion survey of US citizens to examine the relative effectiveness of the most common pro-disarmament arguments. The study found that the least persuasive arguments had to do with the costs of maintaining a nuclear arsenal, the humanitarian impact of nuclear-weapons use, and the threats of nuclear terrorism and nuclear war. The most persuasive arguments related to nuclear-armed ‘rogue states’ and the possibility of nuclear accidents. Political stakeholders and civil-society actors might use these findings to more effectively frame their public messaging.

Russian-American Relations and Dialogue on Nonproliferation and Disarmament Issues

Russian-American Relations and Dialogue on Nonproliferation and Disarmament Issues

India and nuclear disarmament

Nuclear Disarmament has become a vital concern of all nations. It is essential not only for humanitarian and moral but also for economic and military reasons. India has made significant contribution to disarmament in the United Nations (UN) in terms of ideas, resolutions, amendments and action plan. India is the only nuclear weapon state willing to accept total disarmament within the time framework and the one to provide an unconditional, unqualified and unlimited no-first-use pledge. This presented study entitled “India and Nuclear Disarmament” divided into four sections. The first section, being introduction, gives a brief outline of the study, relating the issues of disarmament and nuclear policy both national and international arenas. The second section concept and history explores various adverse situation and reaction of nuclear disarmament. The third chapter entitled India’s nuclear disarmament initiative after 1998 elaborates with pertinent issues relating to nuclear proliferation with special reference to India. In addition, it focuses on the comprehensive initiatives taken by India for universal nuclear disarmament. The fourth section being a conclusion sums up of the study and summarizes the observations. Based on the study, it suggests twelve important steps to be considered for shaping up India’s nuclear disarmament policy in a better way and for attaining nuclear weapons free world.

From Germs Control to Arms Control: Security Negotiations in the Era of Coronavirus

Summary This essay focuses on three ways the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic influenced arms control and non-proliferation diplomacy. The pandemic affected the way diplomats were able to communicate with each other to negotiate on the arms control and disarmament issues. The initial response — postponing events or hosting them on makeshift platforms — was acceptable as a temporary solution but dedicated channels of communication will be needed to prepare for similar disruptions in the future. COVID-19 also had an impact on the implementation of the agreed arms control and non-proliferation accords. As on-site verification activities became impossible, remote monitoring proved its resilience, which could make it a more prominent arms control tool. Finally, the pandemic raised the profile of global health issues and led to their securitisation. This revived a discussion over international regulation of biological security through existing and new mechanisms.

SEGURANÇA PÚBLICA E DESARMAMENTO CIVIL NO BRASIL

O presente artigo se propõe a realizar uma análise sobre a questão do Desarmamento Civil a partir do contexto da segurança pública. É realizada uma análise dos motivos sociais, ideológicos, legais e políticos que levaram à criação do Estatuto do Desarmamento em 2003 e sua relação com o contexto histórico que permeou esse processo. O texto aborda também a questão do desarmamento civil em outros países. No final é realizada uma reflexão crítica sobre vários argumentos que pontuam o discurso sobre o desarmamento civil e a responsabilidade do estado na segurança pública, expondo assim uma aparente dicotomia entre segurança pública e segurança individual.

Змістовa організація та лексико-стилістичні особливості польської дипломатичної документації на адресу України, датованої груднем 1991 року

The article deals with the semantic structure and the most productive groups of the lexical stylistic devices that function in the Polish foreign diplomatic documentation addressed to the Ukrainian side in December, 1991, namely Statements of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Poland (1991/12/02), Note from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland (1991/12/27), Telegram of the President of the Republic of Poland Lech Wałęsa (1991/12/3). The methods of typological (a study of the structure of diplomatic documents), descriptive (an analysis of the semantic content), functional (a research of the purpose of a note, a statement, a telegram), comparative (comparison of the language, graphical, and informative content of documentation) and linguistic analysis have been used to reveal the content organization of documents. All of them have common features, namely the text elements that contain logical information chains of the Ukrainian Independence recognition. However, they differ in some content aspects: the statement additionally informs about the issue of disarmament and military reduction; the telegram implies domination of the emotionally-expressive content which is verbally emphasized by the superlative form of the adjective; the note represents the first steps of the diplomatic relationship development such as the exchange of ambassadors. The study has revealed that the structure of all the official documents under the study is traditional for this functional style. Moreover, it includes the relevant appeals (the note, the telegram), complimentary forms of conclusion (the note), signature (the note, the statement, the telegram), information about the date and location the document creation (the note, the telegram). On the lexical level, all documents contain the elements of literary vocabulary that are emphasized by nouns, less frequently by adjectives, participles, verbs, adverbial participles, diplomatic terminology and cliches. They are used to provide the text accuracy, clarity, logic, conciseness, standardization, courtesy and highlight the value of the information, its credibility, and the relevance of the international law norms

Сущностное содержание концепции разрядки: ключевые элементы подходов сверхдержав

The subject of the research is an essential theoretical understanding of the concept of détente, which is characteristic for the Soviet and American political elites. The relevance of the research is due to the crisis nature of the modern system of international relations, in the framework of which Russia is under pressure from Western countries, including the United States. In this regard, historical material relating to the cold war period can find its practical application, helping in the search for forms and methods of overcoming the current crisis. The methodology is based on historical-comparative and historical-system methods, as well as elements of linguistic, socio-psychological and semiotic methods. This work can be useful both for researchers whose field of activity is the study of the dynamics of Soviet-American interaction, and for political scientists interested in understanding the features of the modern system of international relations. The study highlights the contradictory nature of détente, as well as the relationship between its understanding by the political elites of superpowers and its viability. In addition, there are similarities in Moscow and Washington’s approaches to understanding the essence of détente, which helped the countries find common ground and make progress in developing a dialogue on disarmament issues.

Natural Science and Technical Peace Research: Definition, History, and Current Work

Scientific discoveries and technological innovations have always exerted a great influence on peace and security. New civil and military technologies are revolutionizing warfare. Particularly striking areas are cyber warfare and the rapid development of uninhabited weapon systems. Issues of nuclear disarmament, missile defence or space armament as well as chemical and biological weapons remain urgent. The conference SCIENCE · PEACE · SECURITY ’19 aimed for an accurate understanding and fruitful discussions of today’s and tomorrow’s peace and security challenges. This includes natural science/technical as well as interdisciplinary contributions, focusing on problems of international security and peace-building as well as contributions dedicated to transparency, trust-building, arms control, disarmament, and conflict management. This special issue presents selected contributions based on discussions at the conference.

The Nuclear Ban Treaty and the cloud over Trudeau’s ‘feminist’ foreign policy

The Canadian Liberal government of Justin Trudeau claims to be ushering in a new era of a “feminist” foreign policy. While serious steps have been taken in this direction, this paper focuses on the government’s opposition to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a treaty that has been negotiated with a logic and language explicitly linking issues of disarmament and gender, reframing “security” as fundamentally a question not of state but of human (and environmental) security. Ignoring its own public statements that repeatedly link women with peace and security, the Trudeau government’s opposition to the Treaty exposes the hollowness of its claims.

ЯДЕРНЕ РОЗЗБРОЄННЯ УКРАЇНИ: ЧИ БУЛА АЛЬТЕРНАТИВА?

The article is devoted to the actual problems of nuclear disarmament in Ukraine and its consequences.The basic legal acts of the mentioned problem are analyzed, it highlightsthe historiography of the issue of nuclear disarmament, it grounded conclusions about the impossibility of restoring Ukraine's nuclear potential.The process of nuclear disarmament in Ukraine is being explored, besides the article analyzes the events that preceded the process of abandoning nuclear potential, identifies the main causes and consequences of the elimination of Ukraine's nuclear weapons, and determines an alternative to Ukraine. From the very beginning of the existence, the Ukrainian authorities have been pursuing a course of nuclear refusal by the state. Inheriting nuclear weapons and remaining nuclear power, Ukraine would have been tightly tied to the military-industrial complex of the USSR, because nuclear weapons were developed and created beyond its borders. Its control, maintenance and application centers would belocated outside of Ukraine’s borders. If Ukraine had left this weapon, our country would continue to be part of this complex, which would mean political, economic, and military ties to Russia. The author indentifies two main reasons for the Ukrainian nuclear establishment's consent to nuclear-free status and it is the fear of political pressure of Russia and the USА, as well as possible international isolation, and an idealistic vision of a future world without nuclear weapons. In recent years, discussions on the issue of nuclear disarmament in Ukraine and the implementation of the Budapest memorandum have intensified in Ukrainian society. The systematic violation of the Russian guarantees assumed by the Budapest memorandum has given rise to an active discussion about the possibility of reinstatement of the nuclear status that became practical after the Ukrainian-Russian conflict over the Tuzla Island in 2003. Cause of the fact that Russia is one of the countries of the Budapest Memorandum, which should guarantee Ukraine's sovereignty and security, doubts were raised about the real effectiveness of this agreement and the fulfillment of its conditions by the participating States.

Undergraduate disarmament and nonproliferation education: gaps, opportunities, and new approaches

ABSTRACTDespite living in a nuclear-weapon state, young Americans are generally ill-informed about weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and their means of control. The result is both widespread apathy toward nonproliferation and disarmament decision making among the general public and a looming personnel crisis within government sectors that enact policy in these domains. Considering that 67 percent of high school graduates in the United States go on to pursue a bachelor’s degree, exposing more undergraduates to nonproliferation and disarmament issues could contribute to addressing both of these challenges. The present study analyzes how these issues are already being taught at select US colleges and universities and explores ways to introduce them to more students that align with current priorities in higher education, such as interdisciplinary learning, digital humanities, and data-science learning. It also proposes concrete steps that the WMD policy community can take to help institutions of higher education integrate these topics more broadly into their curricula. The anticipated result is greater support for education in this important issue area across different stakeholders in academia, as well as increased engagement with these critical issues among a more diverse population of young people.

THE WAY FORWARD FOR INDIA’S NUCLEAR NON- PROLIFERATION STAND.

22Aug 2017 THE WAY FORWARD FOR INDIA'S NUCLEAR NON- PROLIFERATION STAND. Manish Kumar Yadav.