Diplomatic Form Research Articles

Responding to his Critics: A New Account of Origen's Peri Archon

Abstract: Why did Origen write Peri Archon ? The standard view, often tinged with triumphant hues, envisions him as a "man of the church," embarking upon a bold research agenda while laying waste to his heterodox opponents. But I believe this picture misses the mark. It was really Origen—and not these heretics—who was in the dock. And it was those whom he regarded as his fellow Christians in Alexandria, including his bishop, who made up the prosecution. In this essay I argue that Peri Archon was Origen's response to these in-house critics, who increasingly regarded his views on select issues as heretical, or at least, less than orthodox. This essay has two parts. In the first, I examine Origen's self-portrait in the preface of Peri Archon , demonstrating how he shrewdly maneuvered his project into orthodox waters. In the second, I explain why he adopted this tactic. I spotlight five issues from his earlier writings where he challenged positions adopted by most Christians in his day, including prominent church leaders. These controversial stances surface again in Peri Archon but often in a diplomatic form and always in an orthodox frame. Peri Archon was Origen's apologia to fellow Christians.

НАДНАЦІОНАЛЬНІ МЕХАНІЗМИ ЕКОНОМІЧНОЇ ДИПЛОМАТІЇ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО СОЮЗУ

The article defines the essence of economic diplomacy, as a system of instruments for the implementation of foreign economic policy based on peaceful methods, which includes economic content and diplomatic form. The properties and features of economic diplomacy are outlined, including systemic character, direct and direct connection with foreign economic policy, peaceful and peace-making nature. Emphasis is placed on the peculiarities of the construction of economic diplomacy in the European Union, macro-indicators of its economic development are determined, which reflect a powerful economic system that is constantly growing and ranks third in the world. It was concluded that the European Union does not provide direct and targeted diplomatic support to business entities of member countries. Measures to promote the commercial interests of the countries themselves belong to the sphere of national competences. Commercial and microeconomic diplomacy are actually not used in EU practice. Its only dimension is the macro level. It is noted that EU economic diplomacy can meaningfully be defined as a framework procedural simplification of trade and financial transactions. In terms of form, this is manifested in the participation of a supranational association in international negotiations on trade, cross-border movement of factors of production, regulation of financial markets, protection of intellectual property rights in the international exchange of knowledge, etc. It was found that the most widely supranational mechanisms of economic diplomacy are implemented in the union in the field of international trade, in relation to direct investments, supranational bodies have not yet created mechanisms for implementing their exclusive powers. It is noted that the process of applying mechanisms of economic diplomacy in the EU is reinforced by its own diplomatic service – the European Service of Foreign Affairs. It is emphasized that EU supranational bodies take part in relevant processes along with national agents of economic diplomacy, but in practice the role of Brussels is reduced to restraining the initiatives of EU member states. In order to form a coherent system of European economic diplomacy and increase the effectiveness of supranational mechanisms of the EU, a number of measures have been proposed.

CHARACTERISTICS AND EXPERIENCES OF CONTEMPORARY MEDIA DIPLOMACY: A CASE STUDY OF AL JAZEERA IN QATAR

As a new diplomatic form produced by media organizations in the process of modern diplomatic interaction, media diplomacy is not only the main way to publicize foreign policies, but also an important tool to implement diplomatic strategies. The rise of Al Jazeera has produced positive effects on the regional and even international scale. Al Jazeera has laid a solid soft power foundation for the implementation of Qatar’s foreign policy by enhancing its agenda-setting capabilities, building a global communication network, and promoting digital media transformation. Al Jazeera’s successful experience in development model and media diplomacy is of great reference value for exploring new paths of international communication in the field of international politics.

An investigation into ‘Wolf Warrior’ diplomacy in Africa via Twitter and Facebook at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic

ABSTRACT Chinese diplomats have been dubbed ‘Wolf Warriors’ following their efforts to shape the COVID-19 narrative. This study explores how ‘Wolf Warrior’ diplomacy was applied on Twitter and Facebook by Chinese diplomats in Africa in the wake of the COVID-19 outbreak, in the context of China’s wider public diplomacy on the continent. It seeks to analyse the diplomatic tone adopted by the Chinese, focusing largely on media posts concerning the US administration in early 2020 and their respective responses to the pandemic. This study investigates this diplomatic form on social media accounts of the former Chinese Ambassador to South Africa, Lin Songtian, and others. Discourse analysis was used to test and understand the exercise of ‘Wolf Warrior’ diplomacy and its implications for Africa, noting the emerging practise of African digital diplomacy.

Leaders’ Mutual Visits and Bilateral Trade between China and Foreign Countries: Empirical Analysis Based on Monthly Data

Summit diplomacy has become the highest level and most influential form of diplomacy in today’s international exchanges. Among them, the visits of state leaders are particularly significant. It plays an important role in improving bilateral relations and handling international issues that cannot be replaced by other diplomatic forms. The exchange of visits between Chinese and foreign leaders has become increasingly active in recent years, which not only enhances the international community’s understanding of China, and deepens the bilateral relations between China and other countries, but also demonstrates China’s increasing international status and influence. In the context of the current global economic downturn and the rising trend of “reverse globalization”, it is of great practical significance to conduct in-depth research on the following issues: Does the visit of the highest-level leaders also promote the development of bilateral economic and trade relations from the perspective of diplomacy serving the economy? Are there differences in the effects of leaders’ mutual visits, product exports and imports, and product categories?This paper builds an econometric model based on the trade gravity model. It selects 168 countries that have established diplomatic relations with China as the research objects, and uses monthly panel data from 2001 to 2017 to test the impact of the exchange of visits between China and foreign countries on bilateral trade. The main conclusions of the research are as follows: First, the mutual visits between Chinese and foreign leaders show the basic pattern of coordinated promotion of peripheral diplomacy and big country diplomacy. Second, benchmark regression results and robustness test results based on PPML and system GMM show that the exchange of visits between leaders of China and its trading partners has significantly promoted bilateral export and import trade flows. Third, the analysis based on HS classification of commodities shows that the impact of mutual visits by leaders on imports and exports is mainly reflected in the relatively weaker side of the trade, that is, the expansion of trade opportunities for non-competitive products to enter the other market. Fourth, the analysis of product classification and diplomatic characteristics grouping shows that the trade promotion role of leaders’ mutual visits is stronger in the peripheral diplomacy and small country diplomacy.The research results show that the mutual visits between Chinese and foreign leaders reflect the actual role of diplomacy in serving the economy, and at the same time demonstrate the communication concept of mutual benefit and common development. As a “barometer” reflecting bilateral relations and a “booster” for promoting economic and trade cooperation, the role of leaders’ visits is particularly important in the complex and volatile international environment. This is not only conducive to improving bilateral relations and promoting economic and trade exchanges, but also plays a guiding role for companies to identify the status quo of bilateral relations and prevent political risks.

«Большая сделка» Ялтинской конференции и ее осуществление на местах: случай Югославии. Приграничное повстанчество 1945-1948 гг.

At the highest level, Yalta's "grand bargain" became a diplomatic form of recognition of the Red Army's combat capabilities, but at the local level, the agreement was far from being observed. The rise of the anti-communist insurgency in post-war Yugoslavia relied, ideologically, and in border areas also financially, on the Anglo-American support. Besides the Serbian Chetniks, other rebel groups actively operated in Yugoslavia in the final months of the war and the first post-war years, including Slovenian units of the “Matthias’s Army”, Croatian Crusaders, Albanian ballists. Josip Broz Tito was no more considered a threat after his split with the USSR in 1948 and the number of rebels started to diminish rapidly. Some “pro-Soviet“ rebellions which occasionally occurred did not receive real support and faded away thus giving Yugoslavia four decades of peace.

Alcázar de San Juan y su historia documental: estudio de una provisión real de la Chancillería de Granada (1573)

Study of a writ issued in 1573 by Philip II during the lawsuit that kept the town of Alcazar de San Juan against Pedro de Ubeda and other individuals, regarding the meadows of Villacentenos and El Acebron. After a brief historical introduction and some general considerations on the document type in question, we carry out the analysis of the writing and the diplomatic form that were used. Finally, we offer the paleographic transcription of the document.

La delimitación entre las diócesis de Lugo y Oviedo. Escritura diplomática y territorialidad diocesana a mediados del siglo XII

La delimitación territorial entre las diócesis fue uno de los procesos fundamentales de la Iglesia castellana en la Plena Edad Media. El dosier de documentos que respaldó la delimitación de las diócesis de Oviedo y Lugo a mediados del siglo XII hace ver que el asunto interesaba a los obispos, pero también a los reyes y los Papas. La reconstrucción de su génesis documental permite también comprobar las influencias diplomáticas entre distintas oficinas de producción documental.

Embodied Reckonings: “Comfort Women,” Performance, and Transpacific Redress by Elizabeth W. Son

Reviewed by: Embodied Reckonings: “Comfort Women,” Performance, and Transpacific Redress by Elizabeth W. Son Jennifer S. Oh (bio) Elizabeth W. Son, Embodied Reckonings: “Comfort Women,” Performance, and Transpacific Redress (University of Michigan Press, 2018), ISBN 978–0–472–03710–0, 267 pages. The Japanese military’s sexual enslavement of women during World War II, also known as the “comfort women,” is a key example of gender-based war crime that has not been properly addressed in both national and international arenas. In her book Embodied Reckonings: “Comfort Women,” Performance, and Transpacific Redress, Elizabeth Son provides a rich documentation of how survivors of the Japanese military sexual slavery and their supporters have attempted to redress the “comfort women” history through various forms of performances. One of the central themes of Son’s book is the role of performance in enacting “restitution for grievously unspeakable violence outside state parameters” and the “relationship between art and activism.”1 Son views these performances as “redressive acts,” which she defines as “embodied practices that involve multiple audiences in actively reengaging with traumatic pasts to work toward social, political, cultural, and epistemological change.”2 The book covers four different forms of “redressive acts”: the weekly Wednesday Demonstrations held across from the Japanese embassy in Seoul, South Korea; the Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan’s Military Sexual Slavery held in Tokyo from 8 to 12 December 2000; theatrical works on the Japanese military sexual slavery; and lastly memorial building projects in South Korea and the United States. Each chapter covers one of the redressive acts and raises distinct questions on the relationship between performances and justice for violence committed against women. Chapter One explores the transformative role of performances by tracing the effects of the Wednesday Demonstrations on survivors of the Japanese wartime sexual slavery and the Korean society. Specifically the chapter asks, “What happens when survivors and thousands of their supporters repeatedly gather to perform demands of redress”? The Wednesday Demonstrations began in 1992 as a weekly rally demanding justice for the atrocities committed against women by the Japanese military. The [End Page 233] Wednesday Demonstrations have played a pivotal role in educating the public on the history of comfort women, generating domestic and international support for the cause of seeking justice for Japan’s wartime sexual slavery, and changing the perception and relationship of survivors with one another and with the society. These effects “go deeper than formal diplomatic forms of redress.”3 Chapter Two studies the relationship between performance and law, pointing to the limitations of the existing legal framework in bringing justice to survivors of the Japanese military sexual slavery. The Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan’s Military Sexual Slavery served as a symbolic public legal event to adjudicate the issue of war crimes committed against women by the Japanese military, something that national and international judicial systems had failed to do. One key question of the chapter is “How was the Women’s Tribunal both a rehearsal for a future legal performance that will probably never happen and a public enactment of justice?”4 The Women’s Tribunal offered a supportive platform for survivors to offer their testimonies, strengthened transnational network among survivors and supporters, and generated global publicity and awareness of the issue. While the Women’s Tribunal lacked legal authority, the process through which it reached a guilty verdict “reaffirmed the value of redressive measures outside state parameters.”5 In Chapters Three and Four, the memory of survivors and activists emerge as a prominent theme, raising questions on the relationship among performance, memory, and redress. Chapter Three offers a lengthy description of four theatrical works that performed in different countries: Comfort Women (2004), Nabi (2005–2009), The Trojan Women: An Asian History (2007), and Bongseonhwa (2013, 2014). These works address memories of the comfort women within a fictional setting, and at times have brought about harsh criticisms from survivors who question the accuracy of the performance content. Chapter Four illustrates how the building of memorials such as the bronze girl in Seoul (South Korea) and Palisades Park (New Jersey, United States) evoke a sense of attachment among the public to the survivors and their...

Legalization in context: The design of the WTO’s dispute settlement system

This article asks why the dispute settlement provisions of the multilateral trading system underwent significant reforms during the negotiations that led to the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995. Why did the leading trading powers accept a highly legalized system that departed from established political–diplomatic forms of settling disputes? The contribution of this article is threefold. First, it complements existing accounts that exclusively focus on the United States with a novel explanation that takes account of contextual factors. Second, it offers an in-depth empirical case study based on interviews with negotiators who were involved and novel archival evidence on the creation of the new WTO dispute settlement system. Third, by unpacking the long-standing puzzle of why states designed a highly legalized system, it addresses selected blind spots of the legalization and the rational design literatures with the aim of providing a better understanding about potential paths leading toward significant changes in legalization.

Idea e imagen del rey en la diplomática medieval hispana: el valor de los preámbulos = Idea and Image of Kingship in Spanish Medieval Diplomatics: The Importance of Preambles

This paper deals with the role of the preamble in royal documents of medieval Spain as a source for establishing various defining traits of kings and kingship as they were understood at the time. Thorough consideration of a certain number of such preambles in royal charters allows one to determine the general ideas and images that inform the representation of kingship as portrayed by the propaganda of its era. Some key ideas pertaining to the scope and moral duties of royalty can be traced throughout an entire series of royal charters in the long term, while assuming different diplomatic forms in the preambles.

“Common Profit” and “The Profit of the King and Kingdom”: Parliament and the Development of Political Language in England, 1250–1450

In the thirteenth century, the English crown began to make more explicit reference to the common good by claiming that its actions were undertaken for the “common profit” of the realm. In the same period it also adopted the notion of “the state of the king and kingdom,” gradually superseded by “the profit of the king and kingdom,” to express a mutuality of interests between crown and people. This study examines the adoption and development of these key phrases in the discourse of the English parliament, and specifically in the political language of the common petition, the characteristic diplomatic form that developed from the end of the thirteenth century to express the collective views of the polity. From the time of Edward II the making of common petitions was taken over by the commons, the representative element in parliament, and they began to make more consistent and assertive use of the language of the common good to justify their demands for reform. However, “common profit” was applied in these contexts principally in relation to the material wealth of the realm. There was no straightforward transition from “common profit”to the more extensively studied phrase, “common weal,” that became current from the mid-fifteenth century. The study contributes to a broader understanding of the significance of political language in articulating the value systems of pre-modern elites.

Toward an Urban Geography of Diplomacy: Lessons from The Hague

This article examines the microgeography of diplomacy, particularly its localized embodiment in a corps diplomatique and international governmental organizations. Drawing on the case of The Hague, we map embassies and consider the locations of organizations engaged with interstate and transnational relations. The article raises questions about diplomatic form and function, whereby urban, economic, and political geographies intersect around issues of diplomacy, representation, and security. Our case study has implications for the study of other diplomatic centers and poses research questions about diplomacy as a spatial practice pertaining to diplomatic buildings, diplomatic clusters, para-diplomacy, and securitization.

Codecision: a practitioner's view from inside the Parliament

This contribution considers the development of codecision over the last 20 years from a practitioner's point of view, from inside the European Parliament. It argues that the Parliament has adapted its behaviour and increased resources to ensure that the procedure works well and has used its equal status with the Council to influence legislative outcomes. However, this considerable achievement has not been without cost. Parliament has effectively been obliged to adjust to a diplomatic form of negotiations which is of limited interest to the wider public. In broader terms, we suggest that the development of the codecision procedure provides one test of the democratization of the European Union. It points to the balance between the criteria of efficiency and transparency in the legislative process, underlining the weight that has been accorded to the former and the relative lack of attention paid to the latter.

Delineating the Development of English episcopal chanceries through the Signification of Excommunication

Significations of excommunication are a neglected source for administrative history, yet their diplomatic provides valuable information. This paper examines significations issued by English bishops from the dioceses of Coventry and Lichfield, Exeter, Lincoln, Salisbury and York where thirteenth-century registers exist, or once existed, considering the relationship between common diplomatic form and early registration. It demonstrates that the episcopal register was not the apotheosis of the English episcopal chancery. The structure of episcopal registers developed in parallel with the use of common form, revealing chanceries still in flux and that those dioceses with the earliest registers were not necessarily the most organised by the start of the fourteenth century.

朝鮮時代 朝貢體制와 對中國 使行

Until now, I arranged the change of the international order, meaning, diplomatic form, specific diplomacy activity and looked into the change aspect of sahaeng(使行) through the text. I relieve the concluding remarks through simple arrangement and opinion about the sahaeng's record(使行記錄). The international order during the joseon Dynasty acted unlike modem meaning so that a moral concept and an idea concept was important. The international relationship in traditional East Asia was based on a Tribute system(朝貢體制) and was performed through a diplomatic form of sahaeng, The development of an issue, setting diplomatic goals, granting a name of sahaeng, and deciding the right time and size comprised the procedures of sahaeng, Especially, as the governing system of China, after the Ming Dynasty, was strictly based on documentation, the justification of sahaeng for delivering documents of the joseon Dynasty King was emphasized, while individual diplomatic activities of sahaeng's members were restricted. Sahaeng's importance mission was the transmit of the diplomacy document and was the achievement of an involvement diplomacy purpose, of the formality courtesy at the except. While the diplomatic role of sahaeng increased, messengers and other staffs had to experience various cultures during the period of sahaeng, and kept these accounts for the sahaeng's record(使行記錄). The document about the diplomacy was the diplomacy document(外交文書), sahaeng's document(使行文書), sahaeng's record. The sahaeng's record can distinguish detailly to an official sahaeng's record(公的 使行記錄) and an unofficial sahaeng's record(私的 使行記錄). Although Sasinbyeoldan(使臣別單), which is recorded in the diplomatic documentation of joseon's Tongmunhwigo(同文彙考), was not an official diplomatic document, it had the vale of an official sahaeng record. Sasinbyeoldan consisted of the byeoldan of sa sin, the mungyeonsageon(聞見事件) of seojangkwan, and the subon(手本) of yeogkwan, and was not restricted to any method of description. The official sahaeng record submitted to sengjeongwon formed the bases for private sahaeng records that were arranaged by individual sahaeng's members, and the sahaeng's members, who did not have the responsibility to submit records to seungjeongwon, left sahaeng's records in collections more freely. We need objective vocabulary because negative recognition is included in a yeonhaenglog, Sahaeng's records were a kind of an account of one's trip to China. They showed the joseon-China relationship and the overall cultural exchanges of East Asia in detail. They have meaning in that they show how the sadaebu(士大夫) of Joseon engaged in exchanges with Chinese scholars.

Cowboy of the World? Gender Discourse and the Iraq War Debate

In this article we examine the debate preceding the most recent war in Iraq to show how gendered framing can compromise the quality of debate. Drawing on a sample of national news discourse in the year before the war began, we show that both anti-war and pro-war speakers draw on binary images of gender to construct their cases for or against war. Speakers cast the Bush administration’s argument for invasion either as a correct “macho” stance or as inappropriate, out-of-control masculinity. The most prominent gendered image in war debate is that of the cowboy, used to characterize both President Bush and US foreign policy in general. The cowboy is positioned against a diplomatic form of masculinity that is associated with Europe and valued by anti-war speakers, but criticized by pro-war speakers. Articles that draw on gender images show a lower quality of the debate, measured by the extent to which reasons rather than ad hominem arguments are used to support or rebut assertions.

Non‑ official Diplomacy in Southeast Asia: “ Civil Society” or “ Civil Service” ?

Non-official diplomacy in Southeast Asia has been viewed by some as emblematic of a growing and thriving society throughout the region, but by others as a sort of shadow civil service in support of regional governments and their policies. A closer reading of non-official diplomacy proffers a more complex picture that calls into question the supposed coherence of that distinction. This article traces the evolution of this diplomatic form in Southeast Asia in the post-Cold War era, paying close attention to its processes. More specifically, it seeks to unpack the practices in which regional non-official diplomatic agents engage that make them not only society participants who potentially if only inadvertently challenge extant conventions of interstate diplomacy based on raison d'etat , but by the same token civil servants (or statesmen) who promote and protect state interests, and, in so doing, paradoxically reconstitute those very conventions.

The use of writs in the eleventh century

The central subject of this discussion is a particular diplomatic form that lasted in England for at most some two hundred years, the writ-charter. When it first appeared is obscure for want of surviving examples, but the reign of King Edgar would be a plausible guess. Its extinction in the 1160s is less obscure, and we may even hazard why it came about at that time, when Henry II's government was changing both the role of local courts and the use of documents in the legal process. What is harder to explain is how the writ-charter came to survive so late, for it served as a vehicle of transition.

Global Petro-Politics: The Foreign Policy Implications of the Bush Administration's Energy Plan

The United States cannot increase its intake of foreign oil by 50 percent, as called for under the Bush energy plan, without involving itself in the political, economic, and military affairs of the states from which all this petroleum is expected to flow. This involvement may take financial and diplomatic forms in most cases, but it will also often entail military action.