Diplomatic Approach Research Articles

DIGITAL DIPLOMACY AND CYBER SOVEREIGNTY IN 10 CARIBBEAN ARCHIPELAGIC COUNTRIES (Comparison of Indonesia and 10 Countries in the Caribbean)

The country in the Caribbean Islands is said to be the Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Where a small country in it is actively involved in international diplomacy and technology development. According to a report from the Commonwealth Consultative Group, if a small country in a region does not have military or economic power to use, they will be forced to rely on diplomatic means in conveying their national interests in the context of international relations (Cross & Mike, 2020: 3). In the international world, every country is faced with a relationship called diplomacy. The international community and the world community have institutionalized identities and shared interests between countries to place the creation and maintenance of shared norms, rules and institutions (Buzan, 2014). Along with technological developments, the role of diplomacy is initiated digitally, known as cyber-diplomacy. Cyber-diplomacy can be defined as diplomacy in the cyber realm or in other words the use of diplomatic resources and the performance of the diplomatic function to secure national interests related to cyberspace. Such interests are commonly identified in cybersecurity or national cybersecurity strategies which often include references to diplomatic agendas. Therefore, cyber-diplomacy is carried out in all or in part by diplomats who are brought together in bilateral forums (such as the Indonesia-Columbia dialogue) or in multilateral forums (such as at the United Nations) (Owen, 2015). The starting point of cyber-diplomacy for the first time can be found in the publication of the US International strategy for cyberspace in 2011, which was the first government document worldwide to focus entirely on the international aspects of cyberspace problems. Strategic identity uses a number of priorities (economy, network protection, law enforcement, military, internet governance, international development and internet freedom), while relying on three pillars to achieve diplomacy, defense and development goals (Barrinha & Renard, 2017) As the analysis in this paper is the analysis of diplomacy between Indonesia in the Caribbean Islands. Not all countries in the Caribbean Islands have diplomatic relations with Indonesia, so the existence of Social Networking Analysis (SNA) through Twitter data grabbing and processed with the Gephi 0.9.2 application will show how much influence and diplomacy interests of countries in the Caribbean Islands have on Indonesia. and vice versa. Ancient Diplomacy in International Relations according to Hamilton & Langhorne (in Dwikarna, et al. 2017: 22) is defined as follows, “The beginning of diplomacy occurred when the first human societies decided it was better to hear a massage then to eat a messenger. If that has been agreed than there have to be rules which assure the safety of the messenger, and if there are rules, there has to be some sanction for them”. From old diplomacy to new diplomacy, which no longer involves formal relations between countries but shifted to diplomacy activities with non-state actors such as the mass media, non-governmental organizations, the public, and multinational companies. In addition, with the development of technology along with the times, new diplomacy leads to digital diplomacy. It is said to be digital diplomacy because the diplomacy approach carried out by a country involves digital media such as social media (Facebook, twitter, website), social networking sites (SNS) based state sites, the internet, and mobile devices. So, we can analyzing digital diplomacy through twitter media processed in the Gephi 0.9.2 application, this paper also describes Cyber Sovereignty. Cyber sovereignty is defined as the ability of a country to regulate cyber space in an internal context based on digital platforms. Through the maltego application and also processed in the Gephi 0.9.2 cluster application, which is discussed both in the Caribbean and comparisons with Indonesia, such as cyber infrastructure, cyber application, and cyber core. The categories analyzed in each country are in cyber diplomacy such as the ministry of foreign affairs, the ministry of interior, cyber authority, the ministry of communication and technology, the ministry of defense, and the ministry of police and military.

China's Strategy to Maintain its Non-interference Policy: The Safety of Chinese Travellers in the Middle East

The Middle East is becoming a hotspot for thousands of Chinese businesses with hundreds of thousands of Chinese nationals working and living throughout the region, as well as several million Chinese tourists. Traditionally, China's policies towards the Middle East were based on the principle of non-interference. In face of the increasing number and frequency of acts of violence against Chinese nationals and assets in the region, this study examines whether China's strategy to maintain its non-interference policy can meet the challenge of protecting the safety and rights of Chinese tourists in the Middle East. The main argument is that China's approach to maintaining its non-interference policy is part of a carefully devised strategy that suits the country's doctrine. China's leadership favours a global proactive diplomatic approach which includes five diplomatic and military measures identified in this article: non-combatant evacuation operations and peacekeeping operations; construction of infrastructure and logistical capacities; legal framework and security cooperation; mediation and conflict management; and consular protection. This proactive diplomatic approach is also suitable to meet the challenge of the safety and rights of Chinese tourists in the region.

The Strategic Value of Natuna EEZ from Tiongkok Perspective

Indonesia was originally a non-claimant state in the South China Sea dispute. The potential conflict was created by considering Chinese statement that some of the territorial waters of Natuna Islands are Chinese traditional fishing ground, which in fact is within the Indonesia's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). This claim has potential to threaten the sovereignty and sovereign rights of Indonesia's territorial waters since Chinese aggressive attitude will certainly change Indonesia's attitude on strengthening its diplomacy and defense posture in the region. This study is aimed to analyze two critical issues; first, the strategic values of Indonesia’s EEZ in Natuna from the Chinese perspective and second, the appropriate Defense Diplomacy strategies to respond to Chinese claims. The research method follows a qualitative approach in which the data is collected from interviews, official documents, field notes and others. The results show that problem solving by defense diplomacy approach has been considered as a strategic step. Therefore, Indonesia always prioritizes the use of diplomatic method done by ministries and institutions to address the Chinese claim. Keywords : The South China Sea, Exclusive Economic Zone, traditional fishing ground, UNCLOS 1982, defense diplomacy, Chinese DOI: 10.7176/IAGS/90-02 Publication date: February 28 th 2021

Digital diplomacy during the first 100 days: How GCC ministries of foreign affairs and ministers tweeted the blockade

Since the sudden outbreak of what is known as the GCC crisis or the blockade on June 5, 2017, the four nations in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) involved in the conflict –the State of Qatar, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and the Kingdom of Bahrain – have found themselves in a diplomatic race for the support of their position on the rift in traditional media, as well as on social media platforms. This paper focuses on the different ways the ministries of foreign affairs (MOFAs) and the ministers of foreign affairs (MFAs) used Twitter as an instrument of digital diplomacy during the first 100 days of the GCC crisis. In general, states tweet on a daily basis, and the ways in which a sovereign state presents itself online offers an insight into the patterns of representation of state identity, strategy, emotional expression, and recognition of others. This study is based on the content analysis of tweets created by the MOFAs and their respective MFAs of the GCC, with a focus on Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain over the first 100 days of the crisis (June 5, 2017–September 13, 2017). This paper uses different types of tweets to examine the various kinds of political and diplomatic discourses perpetuated on Twitter by the GCC officials, in order to engage the online public sphere and navigate the domestic and international discourses. For example, if ministers engage in dialogue with their followers, then they are exercising a two-way digital diplomacy approach via Twitter. On the contrary, when they tweet about their bilateral meetings, it is an example of a one-way digital diplomacy approach, since they do not require any response from their followers. It was of specific interest to examine the differences of topic, content, and frequency of tweets, through the communication in Arabic and English. The study shows that the countries engaged in discourse around the topic of the blockade, but the type of discourse differed significantly depending on the state itself. While some chose to focus on the idea of legitimizing their stance on the topic of the blockade (i.e. Saudi Arabia), others were more direct in voicing their viewpoint, creating specific hashtags such as “#boycottQatar” (i.e. Bahrain). In addition, Qatar differed significantly in terms of the volume of tweets and the topic, tweeting often in both Arabic and English and shifting their focus towards affirming their strong diplomatic relations with countries outside the GCC, such as the Republic of Turkey. Overall, this study aims to compare the way the four GCC countries used Twitter, in order to engage their local and international communities to disseminate an image or a message.

Russia’s Public Diplomacy: From Soft Power to Strategic Communication

Russian public diplomacy has recently minimized its traditional approach of soft power and cultural diplomacy in favor of strategic communication involving political marketing and sharp power. This article discusses the theoretical implications of soft power, political marketing, and strategic communication for public diplomacy and reviews Russia’s conspicuous projects of public diplomacy in the domains of traditional and digital communication. It shows that Russia’s public diplomacy has recently exploited strategic communication and political marketing more often than soft power, dialogue, and engagement. As a consequence, despite new reforms and financial support from the government, Russia’s public diplomacy can neither win over target audiences nor improve its brand via foreign aid.

Role of vaccine science diplomacy in low-middle-income countries for eradicating the vaccine-preventable diseases: Targeting the "LAST MILE".

The meaning of “vaccine diplomacy (VD)” is defined as “the use of vaccines to increase a country's diplomatic relations and influence over other nations.” The golden era of vaccine science diplomacy started during the time of Cold War between the United States (US) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) with the development of a prototype of oral polio vaccine by the US Scientist Dr Albert Sabin working along with his Soviet counterparts. The foundation stone was already laid down by Edward Jenner when he shared his technique of the smallpox vaccine with other major countries to curb the spread of smallpox. Eventually, such a step led to the eradication of such a deadly disease. Only time has changed, not the tide. Even today, vaccines continue to remain as one of the important tools for achieving Millennium Developmental Goals (MDGs) and other targets in developing countries like India. During the wake of the Corona Virus Diseases-19 (COVID-19) pandemic, India's role in developing its vaccine science diplomacy has been a point of attraction. The phase-3 trial of Covaxin being developed by Bharat Biotech started in Lucknow and Gorakhpur in October 2020, and it is widely considered as the forerunner for the Indian vaccine market. As per the Union Health Ministry of India- “The Union Government is working on at least five distinct ways, ranging from free vaccines to guaranteed supply, in which it can help its immediate neighbours and countries in West Asia, Africa and even Latin America—officials familiar with the plan said on conditions of anonymity. The idea is to leverage the country's standing as the world's vaccine factory to merge diplomatic ties. Historically, it is observed that by the development and introduction of newer vaccines from time to time, many dismaying hurdles to vaccine science diplomacy (VSD) arise from ongoing wars and political instability. The current scenario is that both VSD and VD are at crossroads, and there is a possibility of getting a good direction if we make a piggyback policy approach of vaccine diplomacy along with the foreign policy. The lessons learned from the past must be followed now and, in the future, to make a better world for all. We acknowledge that the COVID-19 episode has again highlighted the dire need for VSD, and we assume that not only COVID-19 but in future, emerging and re-emerging diseases will occur so we have to prepare ourselves for combatting those future emerging and re-emerging diseases.

Biden’s Trade Policies - Recalibrated, More Focused, and a Bit Concerning

The Biden administration has moved to refocus the U.S. trade policy on China, acting to promote competition but not thoughtless confrontation. Some actions were strong right out of the gate, but that should not have been that surprising. But it still is. If anything, the recently concluded G-7 meeting in Cornwall and the subsequent U.S.-EU summit in Brussels indicate that the Biden administration intends to take a stronger and a more multilateral and diplomatic approach to confront China. This has been further supported by U.S. allies at the recent NATO meeting in Brussels. The administration is stressing cooperation with allies and competition with China. Biden’s recent diplomacy demonstrates his overriding preoccupation with China. Moving away from Trump’s dysfunctional and disastrous unilateral measures of confrontation with all. This can only help, in stabilizing U.S – China relations and rebuilding the WTO, hopefully.

Japan And Processes Of Regionalization In Central Asia

The article examines the relations between the Central Asian states and Japan at the present stage. The evolution of Japan's diplomatic approaches to this subregion of international relations, as well as its position on the processes of regional integration, is cited. Particular attention is paid to the consonance of the policy of the Republic of Uzbekistan to strengthen the atmosphere of good neighbourliness in Central Asia and Tokyo's position towards the region.

The Garuda Strikes Back : Indonesian Economic Diplomacy to Tackle European Union Protectionism on Crude Palm Oil

Abstract This paper analyzes Indonesia's economic diplomacy in overcoming trade barriers to Indonesian palm oil commodities carried out by the European Union. Until now, the Indonesian Crude Palm Oil (CPO) industry has experienced tremendous pressure from the European Union (EU) as one of the main export destinations for Indonesian CPO. In order to secure Indonesia's national interests, instead of taking a cooperative approach, the Indonesian government has responded to the EU's discriminatory attitude towards palm oil commodities with a series of assertive economic diplomacy approaches. This assertive economic diplomacy approach is understood by this paper as a form of the “Power-Play End” strategy articulated by Indonesia to secure its national interests in mainland Europe. The main question in this paper is how can Indonesia use this strategy in overcoming trade barriers imposed by the EU on palm oil commodities? Using the concept of Economic Diplomacy which emphasizes three elements, namely the use of political influence and relations, the use of economic assets, the consolidation of the political climate and the international environment - this paper will examine Indonesia's economic diplomacy in related issues. Key Words: Palm Oil, Economic Diplomacy, Trade Barriers, Indonesia, European Union

The Garuda Strikes Back : Indonesian Economic Diplomacy to Tackle European Union Protectionism on Crude Palm Oil

Abstract This paper analyzes Indonesia's economic diplomacy in overcoming trade barriers to Indonesian palm oil commodities carried out by the European Union. Until now, the Indonesian Crude Palm Oil (CPO) industry has experienced tremendous pressure from the European Union (EU) as one of the main export destinations for Indonesian CPO. In order to secure Indonesia's national interests, instead of taking a cooperative approach, the Indonesian government has responded to the EU's discriminatory attitude towards palm oil commodities with a series of assertive economic diplomacy approaches. This assertive economic diplomacy approach is understood by this paper as a form of the “Power-Play End” strategy articulated by Indonesia to secure its national interests in mainland Europe. The main question in this paper is how can Indonesia use this strategy in overcoming trade barriers imposed by the EU on palm oil commodities? Using the concept of Economic Diplomacy which emphasizes three elements, namely the use of political influence and relations, the use of economic assets, the consolidation of the political climate and the international environment - this paper will examine Indonesia's economic diplomacy in related issues. Key Words: Palm Oil, Economic Diplomacy, Trade Barriers, Indonesia, European Union

Inside the EU–China Human Rights Dialogue: assessing the practical delivery of the EU’s normative power in a hostile environment

ABSTRACT EU-China relations continue to be limited by a disagreement over values. As the only bilateral channel dedicated to promoting an EU value, the EU-China Human Rights Dialogue (HRD), reflects the principal forum for this normative conflict. Observing poor outcomes, scholars typically maintain that the dialogue's weakness is symptomatic of the EU prioritising its material interests with China. This paper seeks a more nuanced explanation for these shortcomings, exploring the neglected micro-level processes of the HRD. This encompasses the role and impact of EU diplomats, their Chinese interlocutors and EU institutional structures. The micro-level also offers novel theoretical insights into how the EU's normative power practically manifests in such a challenging arena. Through a discourse anaysis of elite interviews, capturing the small group of EU diplomats operationalising the HRD, this paper finds that while the dialogue is significantly weakened by China's systematic obstruction, the EU plays a key role in facilitating this, with ineffective diplomatic approaches and insufficient political backing by member states.

The Unflinching Mr. Smith and the Nuclear Age*.

This article focuses on the U.S. diplomat and nuclear arms control negotiator Gerald (Gerry) Coat Smith in order to cast new light on the importance of diplomats in the context of the set of international activities currently labelled as “science diplomacy.” Smith, a lawyer by training, was a key negotiator in many international agreements on post‐WW2 atomic energy projects, from those on uranium prospecting and mining, to reactors technologies to later ones on non‐proliferation and disarmament. His career in science (nuclear) diplomacy also epitomized the shortcomings of efforts to align other countries’ posture on nuclear affairs to U.S. wishes. In particular, the unswerving diplomat increasingly understood that strong‐arm tactics to dissuade other countries from acquiring nuclear weapons would not limit proliferation. Not only did this inform later U.S. diplomacy approaches, but it lent itself to the ascendancy of the new notion of “soft power” as critical to the re‐definition of international affairs.

Diplomats in Science Diplomacy: Promoting Scientific and Technological Collaboration in International Relations**

Diplomats in Science Diplomacy: Promoting Scientific and Technological Collaboration in International Relations**

State Integrity and Self-Determination in a World of Problematic Sovereignty

This article analyses the phenomenon of states with problematic sovereignty, which has arisen in recent decades, primarily in the former Yugoslavia and the USSR (but not only). The existing model of the world order, in which only UN member countries are recognised as participants in international relations, does not reflect a real picture of the world. At the beginning of the study, the authors examine theoretical approaches (A. Yannis. A. Tsutsiev, A. Sebentsov, V. Kolosov) to typologising entities with problematic sovereignty and territorial principles of national self-determination (i. e. the realisation of the right to self-determination) as well as re-conceptualising sovereignty approaches (J. Agnew and N. Dobronravin). Next, the authors describe how these topics are embedded in the logic of the developing crisis of relations between Russia and the West and lead to a diplomacy of double standards. It is especially emphasised that at different periods and depending on the political state of affairs, both sides in the present-day confrontation supported separatist projects and the preservation of territorial integrity and state unity. This results from contradictions in the system of international law, vague criteria for recognising newly formed independent states, and attempts to use conflicts instrumentally to realise strategic interests. According to the authors, a way out of this impasse could be an agreement between the West and Russia on some general rules of the game, including clearer criteria for the recognition of new states, the legality/illegality of secession, and the preservation of territorial integrity, as well as possible procedures for transition to a new status. However, this is unlikely to happen without reaching a comprehensive compromise or modus vivendi between the main stakeholders. The result of the article is a demonstration on the theoretical and applied levels that in the modern system of international relations, the concept of “territoriality” has become more complicated as a basic characteristic of the state. It now requires new legal and diplomatic approaches to resolve the contradiction between the principles of territorial integrity and the right of nations to self-determination. These new approaches should be developed by the expert community in the course of an unbiased analysis of the contemporary architecture of international relations.

Applying Soft Power Diplomacy through Instituto Italiano di Cultura to Promote Italian Culture

A soft power diplomacy is one of ways of a state to spread away cultural elements. Such as language, arts, and natural riches. Instituto Italiano di Cultura is one of centers of culture that has significance for Italy in Indonesia. This study aimed to identify the efforts of Italian government in promoting the Italian cultures in Indonesia through Instituto Italiano di Cultura . The diplomatic relationship and national importance of the Italian government in Indonesia and ASEAN countries was one of factors that acknowledged the establishing of Italian center of culture in Indonesia. This study qualitatively used diplomacy approach with an analysis of Soft Power Diplomacy theory by Joseph Nye. As result, this study has found that the transmission of foreign policy of a state which was dominantly using Hard Power are now heading to Soft Power. Through Instituto Italiano di Cultura , the Italian government has seen a potency in the use of culture in national importance of a state and found effective. Besides, there were three matters used as media for soft power diplomacy of Instituto Italiano di Cultura in Indonesia, namely through language, education, and arts. These three matters were highly correlated one another to realize the objective of Italian diplomacy in Indonesia. Therefore, this study could conclude that a diplomacy in the mode of soft power was more effective than a diplomacy through politics. Keywords: bilateral cooperation; center of culture; soft power diplomacy; international relations; diplomacy DOI: 10.7176/RHSS/10-17-02 Publication date: October 31 st 2020

Non-communicable diseases in Latin America: a case study of Latin American tobacco control diplomacy

Abstract Background This research emphasizes on better understanding what is leading Latin America to collaborate on tackling Non-communicable diseases (NCDs). The uniqueness of this research lays on analysing the case of tobacco control diplomacy in the region, from a multi-actor and multi-level diplomacy approach in global health. By doing so, it addresses the existent research gap on academic literature focusing on NCDs in Latin America and global health diplomacy. Methods The research is framed within a qualitative approach to global health. It includes both primary and secondary sources, with a geographical focus in Latin America. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with representatives of key global health actors. Results The process of addressing NCDs in Latin America has highlighted several challenges including: the difficulty to achieve awareness of the urgency of NCDs, while countering the tobacco industry interference in public health.the limited funding for the initiatives seeking to tackle NCDs in the region vs the financial and political power of the industry.the limited comprehensive approach to NCDs, that goes beyond risk factors to address NCDs as a whole issue. Conclusions The analysis shows that tobacco control has been a pioneer in global health diplomacy on NCDs in Latin America. Furthermore, it has portrayed a leadership role of Latin America and an increasing tendency to collaborate at regional level. The recommendations that arise are: There is a need to regulate products as alcohol and ultra-processed food in Latin America following the examples set by the successful regional tobacco control efforts.There is a need to expose tobacco industry interference in public health, since it undermines regional efforts to tackle NCDs.There is a need for regional NCDs efforts to focus on the diversity of global health actors involved.It is imperative to collaborate on NCDs at regional level, given the escalating economic burden of NCDs Key messages The focus is analysing the challenges that Latin America faces when addressing NCDs, from a global health diplomacy perspective. The case study of tobacco control diplomacy contributes to better understand the factors that have been leading up to regionally collaborate on NCDs.

Why states do not impose sanctions: regional norms and Indonesia’s diplomatic approach towards Myanmar on the Rohingya issue

Existing literature on economic sanctions is abundantly clear regarding the motivation of countries to impose sanctions on other nations. Yet, there are few scholarly works on the motivation behind the improbability of economic sanctions in a specific country or region. In other words, the key question is not ‘why do states impose sanctions?’ but rather ‘why do not states impose sanctions is spite of their efficacy?’ This paper seeks to explain the absence of economic sanctions from ASEAN states in constraining the Myanmar government as a response to the Rohingya crisis. Despite the fact that economic sanctions have not previously been employed in Southeast Asia, the driving factors behind this case are puzzling. This paper selects the case of Indonesia’s soft diplomacy approach in dealing with the Rohingya crisis and assumes that in spite of its efficacy to punish norm-violating regimes, the ‘ASEAN Way’ has a crucial impact on the improbability of Indonesian implementing economic sanctions against Myanmar. This argument challenges the rationalist perspective that emphasizes strategic calculations behind sanctions policies.

Awareness of Dying and Conflict Resolution: Texas Asian Perspectives

Individuals in the end-of-life (EOL) period may not be fully aware of their prognosis or know they are facing a terminal illness. As Asian beliefs and cultural tendencies intersect with Western values, health care practitioners may find their assumptions about disclosing an EOL prognosis differs from patients and their family members. Disagreements among family members regarding the disclosure of EOL to their terminally ill loved one can result in conflict—making difficult and sensitive times more burdensome. Little scientific evidence is known about first generation Asians who live in the United States (US) regarding their practices with disclosing EOL and how they handle conflict resolution when a family member is terminally ill. The purposes of this descriptive qualitative study were to explore issues surrounding patient awareness of dying and explore approaches to conflict resolution in EOL situations for first generation Japanese, Chinese and Vietnamese persons living in the south central, south eastern and northeastern parts of Texas. Face-to-face audio-recorded interviews were conducted and transcribed verbatim. Thematic analysis elicited three awareness and three conflict resolution overarching themes across all ethnic groups. Health care practitioners must be cognizant that assumed acculturation does not always coincide with Western beliefs regarding disclosure of the prognosis at the EOL. In order to provide culturally and ethically sound EOL care for the patient and their loved ones, clinicians must be mindful of the need to sensitively assess their patient’s beliefs and understand the importance of compassionate and diplomatic approaches for conflict resolution in Asian cultures.

Diplomasi Publik Korea Selatan sebagai Kekuatan Menengah di Bawah Kepresidenan Moon Jae In

In 2016, the people of South Korea jointly voiced their anger after the corruption committed by Park Geun-Hye and her aide was revealed. National Assembly then voted to impeach Park Geun-Hye, resulting her departure from her post on March 10, 2017. Subsequently, Moon Jae-In succeeded her position as president in May 2017. A year in the office, his administration saw how the scandal that involved the previous president could bring an adverse impact on South Korea's image and as well as jeopardize its position as a middle power. Under the presidency of Moon Jae-In, South Korea moves to use soft power and public diplomacy as a strategy to restore its image. This paper will discuss the strategy of Moon Jae-In’s administration in using both soft power and public diplomacy to maintain its position as a middle power. Public diplomacy approach will be used to analyze how Moon Jae-In strategizes. At the end of the writing, there will be conclusions that discuss how the strategy has gradually brought an impact on South Korea in the eyes of the world.

Benefits of using diplomatic means of conflict resolution in South Sudan

The study was conducted in order to establish the benefits of using diplomatic means of conflict resolution in South Sudan. The research was carried out through a cross-sectional and survey research design, and obtained relevant data from 78 respondents. The researcher found out that the use of diplomatic approach in handling political differences has been systematically handled through negotiations and mediated talks. This has enabled the conclusion of peace treaties between the warring factions within the SPLA/M that is SPLA/M and SPLA/M-IO. This has helped to keep the fighting forces. Diplomacy is vital in the promotion and sustenance of good governance, peace and tranquility in the country. The researcher recommended that South Sudan should maintain cordial working relations with regional peace brokers, mainly IGAD, East African Community (EAC), South African Development Community, Nile Basin Initiative and others in order to proliferate regional corporation and peace. This will guarantee peace and stability in the country for future political, social and economic prosperity.