Dimensions Of Domination Research Articles

On the links between climate scepticism and right-wing populism (RWP): an explanatory approach based on cultural political economy (CPE)

ABSTRACT Various analyses show that right-wing populist parties (RWP) tend to be sceptical of climate science and policy. This points to a blank space in the dominant analyses of populism: their blindness towards society-nature relations. This paper aims to develop an approach grounded in Cultural Political Economy (CPE) that can be used to decipher the mediation of RWP within the context of economic, political, and cultural developments as well as society–nature relations. Against this background, the argument is developed that RWP is concerned not only with countering migration and processes of societal liberalisation, but also with defending an existing way of life that is firmly rooted in the destructive appropriation of nature. As a current of right-wing politics, RWP defends the imperial mode of living by expressing scepticism towards the existence of anthropogenic climate change. The paper contributes to a better understanding of the political economy of RWP by linking the dimensions of social domination with the appropriation of nature.

Political Ontologies of Colombian Amazonia: Peasant Resistance in Protected Areas

This paper investigates the ontological and material dimensions of peasant struggles in Colombian northwestern Amazonia in a context of increasing international deforestation concerns that press the Colombian government to enforce protected areas through military campaigns and market-based conservation programs. Building on ethnographic research in the region, the paper contributes to ongoing debates in the field of political ecology about the ontological dimension of dispossessions and social struggles. It brings together ontological studies with a perspective of critical geography to propose an integrative political ecology of socio-environmental conflicts that addresses the material and the ontological dimensions of domination and resistance.

Intersectionality to better understand women's health issues

Intersectionality, a theory for understanding women's health issue. Intersectionality offers the possibility of holistic analyzes to understand and act on women's health issue. It facilitates the exploration of the different dimensions of social inequalities in health, which are both at the level of institutions and of the individual experiences of people who live at the intersection of multiple dimensions of domination and power.

Mate preference and brain oscillations: Initial romantic attraction is associated with decreases in alpha- and lower beta-band power.

Initial romantic attraction (IRA) refers to a series of positive reactions (such as feelings of exhilaration and compulsive thinking) toward desirable potential partners, usually at initial or early‐stage encounters when no close relationship has yet been established. After decades of effort, the evolutionary value and key characteristics of IRA are well understood. However, the brain mechanisms associated with IRA are unclear. To address this question, we simulated a mate selection platform similar to that of Tinder. When participants assessed their romantic interest in potential partners on the platform, their electroencephalogram (EEG) signals were recorded in real time. The behavioral data demonstrated that IRA to ideal potential partners mainly reflects the dimensions of arousal and domination. The main study finding was that processing of the individual preference faces that resulted in IRA was associated with a decrease in power in the alpha and lower beta bands over the posterior and anterior sensor clusters; this occurred between 870 and 2,000 ms post‐stimulus. Key findings regarding event‐related potentials (ERPs) sensitive to individual stimuli preferences were replicated. The results support the hypothesis that brain oscillations in the alpha and lower beta range may reflect modulation in cortical activity associated with individual mate preferences.

The left behind: oil, youth and symbolic violence in the Niger delta

ABSTRACT Around the world, the harms and profits of oil exploration are distributed unequally. This inequality has sparked violence in many oil communities, leading to calls for redistributive approaches as an effective way to address petro-violence. Despite the inclusivity potential of distributive mechanisms, distributive agencies are often not level playing ground for community members. The capacity of excluded groups to participate meaningfully in the development agencies is shaped by the operation of symbolic violence. Using ethnographic data and symbolic violence as a theoretical basis in this paper, I map out three doxas – lazy youth, gerontocratic and deviant – which hinder youth participation in the oil development process. I show how these doxas enable institutional leaders in two development agencies in the Niger delta region of Nigeria to accumulate various forms of capital and occupy positions of power in the networks while simultaneously limiting young people’s political participation, employment prospects, and stereotyping them as social threats. Several other dimensions of symbolic domination are discussed: including the misrecognition, acceptance, and resistance of these doxas by the youths themselves. I conclude with a brief reflection on the implication of these doxas for achieving inclusive development in the Niger delta.

Território e sujeito sertanejo: relações de poder e subalternidade no Nordeste brasileiro

Este artigo apresenta reflexões sobre o pensamento decolonial e a perspectiva dos sujeitos subalternos na produção do território. A teoria geográfica, numa leitura relacional, é de fundamental importância para a compreensão da tensão entre as dimensões de dominação e apropriação na produção territorial, ressaltando as relações de poder no âmbito dos conflitos sociais. Damos um enfoque no entendimento dos conflitos políticos no sertão do Nordeste brasileiro, apresentando o ponto de vista dos vencidos em suas lutas sociais. Tencionamos um resgate da memória de luta dos sujeitos sertanejos, destacando suas ações espontâneas e organizadas contra a produção desigual do território em diversas frentes, como a construção da utopia sertaneja na cidade de Canudos.

Habits of Whiteness: How Racial Domination Persists in Multiethnic Neighborhoods

As demographers and policy makers laud steps toward neighborhood integration, urban ethnographers remind us that diverse communities can perpetuate inequality if the dynamics that produce it are left unaddressed. This qualitative study focuses a cultural lens on social relationships in two stably diverse neighborhoods, mapping the connections between what the author terms “habits of whiteness” and dimensions of racial domination. One of the habits is anxiety, exhibited as an amplified sense of danger in multiethnic spaces, which results in greater social control due to a normative emphasis on social order, rules, and surveillance. A second is ambivalence, which manifests as the ability to simultaneously express appreciation for yet feel discomfort about multiethnic diversity, and it results in social distance as people limit their engagement with “others” and legitimize social and geographic boundaries as natural. This study thus contributes a detailed cultural understanding of the processes that reproduce racial hierarchy in stably multiethnic spaces.

Politics against Domination

A number of political theorists have turned to nondomination, with the concept playing a key role in the work of Michael Walzer, Iris Marion Young, and Philip Pettit. Ian Shapiro’s thinking has undoubtedly been shaped by their insights, yet his work on nondomination is uniquely his own. One of its most distinctive features is his pragmatism. Shapiro argues that ideal theories have little to say about the messy practice of politics, and he emphasizes that normative obligations are constrained by what is politically possible. Normative theorizing should begin with what is happening on the ground, according to Shapiro, not with an ideal world constructed by abstract principles of justice. His approach is explicitly Burkean, aiming for the incremental redesign of institutions, based on the results of experimentation (purposeful or not), taking into account the findings of empirical political science, all driven by the goal of combatting domination. Domination is, he argues, “rooted in the particular” (p. 24)—the particulars of who is being dominated by whom, how domination is occurring, and the consequences of such domination. Shapiro argues that our “oughts”—our normative obligations—derive from examining these dimensions of domination in the specific, concrete contexts in which we find ourselves entangled. Shapiro considers a large number of such entanglements, including debates over the role of constitutional courts, supermajoritarian decision-making procedures, world government, a global minimum wage, the containment of cross-border threats, and humanitarian interventions. Politics against Domination was intended as a long-awaited, complementary volume to Shapiro’s 1994 Democratic Justice. While Democratic Justice provided the foundational articulation of his normative approach and applied it to civil institutions—such as child rearing, marriage, and work—Politics against Domination focuses on public institutions and international politics.

The Effect of Sports on the Psychological Well-being Levels of High School Students

The aim of this study is to examine the effect of sports education on psychological well-being levels of high school students in terms of individual, environmental and self-determination.This study group consists oftotally 187 high school students, in other words 97 students (nmale = 48, nfemale= 49) receive education in a high school attached to Provincial National Education Directorate of Konya where they are provided for sports training, while 90 students (nmale= 50, nfemale= 40) receive education in a similar school where they are not provided for sports training in the first half of the 2016-2017 academic year.This study has been carried out in accordance with the pretest-posttest model and the experimental group has been applied the sports activity program 2 days and 2 hours per week during 8 weeks and control group has continued their education and training according to programs included in the curriculum. "Psychological Well-Being Scale" developed by Ryff (1989) and adapted to Turkish by Cenkseven (2004) has been used as data collection tool in this study. In the analysis of the data, independent group t test has been used for the intergroup comparisons and t test (Paired-Samples t test) has been used for the intra-group comparisons. The level of significance has been taken as 0.05 in the study.As a result of the study, it has been determined that the individual development dimensions of the psychological well-being scale related with groups receiving (experimental) and not receiving the sports training (control) become different significantly in favor of the posttest score averages and also it has been understood that there is a difference in favor of the posttest score averages in the dimensions of environmental domination and self-determination but this difference is not significant at 0,05 level.

A Weberian Study of Small, Prosperous Democracies

Max Weber constructed ideal types highlighting economic, social, political, or other values in objects of inquiry to utilize these ideal types in empirical studies. In this article, Weber’s ideal type, the ideal type of Herrschaft—“domination”—is adapted first to examine New Zealand, and using New Zealand as baseline to next examine Finland. The asymmetric comparative design is applied along three dimensions of domination. In an economic dimension, New Zealand highlights ways of countering threats of volatility and stagnation by means of retrenchment and fiscal austerity—characteristics also found in Finland. In a continuum from residual welfare for the worst-off to universal welfare for all in the social dimension, New Zealand is situated closer to the former and Finland the latter end. In the political dimension, dismantling concentrations of political power but retaining capacity at the “center of government” receives emphasis in New Zealand, and counterparts can be also found in Finland.

A Girl Worth Fighting For: A Rhetorical Critique of Disney Princess Mulan's Bisexuality

Disney recently revealed that its character Mulan was bisexual on its prime time television program, Once Upon A Time. This article critiques this queering's dimensions of freedom and domination through the lens of critical rhetoric. Mulan's queering represents a progressive step forward for Disney, as the company previously had no lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBT) characters. However, Disney's choice of the most masculine princess as a bisexual reinforces harmful stereotypes about LGBT women, whereas its choice to permit a bisexual character solely on a program aimed at adults neglects its role as a moral educator of children.

The state and gender relations in international political economy: A state-theoretical approach to varieties of capitalism in crisis

This article develops a gendered state-theoretical materialist framework to show how capitalism as an economic system and the nation-state reproduce gendered hierarchies on multiple levels. With a focus on the symbolic masculine cultural order and its hegemonic political rationality of governing, the current economic crisis and its effects on gender regimes is discussed more specifically. In a case study on a new economic governance form called ‘Sixpack’ within the European Union, the effects of these policies and their symbolic meanings are highlighted. The article therefore challenges the varieties of capitalism literature on gender, arguing that a broader framework of analysis is necessary to capture the intersectional dimensions of domination in capitalism for different subject positions.

Silencing Climate Change in Utah Through Extremist Rhetoric and Stakeholder Processes: A Critical Discourse Analysis

This paper utilizes Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to explore the dimensions of domination and freedom within two significant public forums on climate change in Utah: (1) the resolution HJR 12 passed in the Utah State Legislature in 2010 and (2) the Blue Ribbon Committee on Climate Change (BRAC) process organized in 2006. The resolution HJR 12 reflects an extremist or inflammatory rhetoric point of view, while BRAC presents itself as a beacon of bureaucratic rationality, efficiency, and hierarchy. Forums such as these are force-feeding Americans subtly and not so subtly with divisive discourse and restrictive visions that pollute American politics and weaken the nation's capacity to address and solve its most challenging problems. HJR 12 exemplifies the role interpretive control plays in silencing those who disagree. The BRAC process illustrated how bureaucracy and rationalization may constrain future vision and action, reinforce current power structures, and encourage extreme rhetoric further down the road. This analysis uncovers the idealization of rational power underlying both forums. This idealization creates an unstable ground where powerplays, poorly disguised as rational policy making, dominate while silencing other voices. Scholars, government bureaucracies at all levels, and the American public wishing to deal with today’s complex challenges must purposefully address destructive assumptions associated with idealized rational processes, while recognizing the important role uncertainty, values, worldviews, and interests play in encouraging or discouraging policy change.

Les effets de l'émigration masculine sur les femmes et leur autonomie : entre maintien et transformation des rapports sociaux de sexe traditionnels au Sénégal

In this paper, we investigate the impact of male Senegalese international migration on the women who stay behind. We use in-depth interviews undertaken in 2007 with women and men of all ages in a small town where there is substantial male outmigration to Italy. We have two research questions : 1) in what ways do prolonged male absences contribute to redefining left-behind women’s position within the household ? 2) to what extent does this phenomenon contribute to influencing and transforming women’s individual personal aspirations ? Although our results show that migration reinforces some dimensions of traditional male status and domination, there are indications that the migration as a phenomenon will end up shaking up social norms with women rejecting inequalities which have been exacerbated both by migrants’ behaviour and community expectations of these migrants.

To imagine and pursue racial justice

At the conclusion of many courses on race and racism, students, having learned, some for the first time, about the existence, origins, and complex dimensions of racial domination in America, are left pondering their next steps. ‘What is to be done?’ many ask. ‘And what, exactly, is it that we want?’ Important as they are, these questions too often are given insufficient attention, usually addressed at the end of the semester, sometimes only on the final day of class. And students inquiring about the most effective ways to strive toward racial justice are at a loss to find a single comprehensive source that provides them with basic analytical guidance about the goals one should work toward (the ends) or the strategies one should employ to achieve those goals (the means). We believe that students would benefit greatly from such a source, and we attempt to offer one here. To effectively address racial domination, we argue, one must have not only an idea of the means with which to struggle on behalf of a reconstructed racial order, but also an idea of the ends for which one is struggling. Accordingly, in the first major section of this article, we specify three ends: (1) a society where racial domination is addressed intelligently; (2) a society that embraces racial justice in all its arenas; and (3) a society that values and practices multiculturalism – offering a glimpse of what a society without racial domination might look like. In the following section, we specify the means – emphasizing four levels or sites of change having to do with: (1) ourselves; (2) our inner circle; (3) our institutions; and (4) our nation – offering some guidance as to how we each can do our part to bring forth a more racially just society. Although we believe this article will provide guidance for advanced scholars and instructors, we have composed it primarily with a broader audience in mind.

NEOLIBERALISM, BIODISCIPLINE, AND CULTURAL CRITIQUE

abstractMy response to Ladelle McWhorter's essay covers two main points. First, I argue that Foucault fleshed out the relation between biopower and neoliberalism more fully than McWhorter claims and that this enables us to take McWhorter's analysis further than she does. Second, even though this Foucault‐inspired analysis is revealing, a full criticism of reprogenetic technologies requires us to attend to racial and sexual dimensions of social experience and domination that may not be captured simply by following Foucault.

Broker Fixed: The Racialized Social Structure and the Subjugation of Indigenous Populations in the Andes

Responding to calls to return racial analysis to indigenous Latin America, this article moves beyond the prejudicial attitudes of dominant groups to specify how native subordination gets perpetuated as a normal outcome of the organization of society. I argue that a naturalized system of indirect rule racially subordinates native populations through creating the position of mestizo ‘authoritarian intermediary’. Natives must depend on these cultural brokers for their personhood, while maintaining this privileged position requires facilitating indigenous exploitation. Institutional structures combine with cultural practices to generate a vicious cycle in which increased village intermediary success increases native marginalization. This racialized social structure explains my ethnographic findings that indigenous villagers continued to support the same coterie of mestizos despite their regular and sometimes extreme acts of peculation. My findings about the primacy of race suggest new directions for research into indigenous studies, ethnic mobilizations, and the global dimensions of racial domination.

Structuration theory: The contribution of Norman Macintosh and its application to emissions trading

This paper examines the contribution of Norman Macintosh to the development of structuration theory which is then used to investigate accounting and the European Union emissions trading system (EU ETS). The research of Norman Macintosh demonstrated the potential of structuration theory as a sensitizing device for management accounting research by illustrating how accounting represents the dimensions of signification, legitimation and domination as well as the ethics of profit manipulation using the dialectic of control. He also demonstrated the role of agency in changing management accounting systems (MAS), which represent a source of ontological security, as well as the role of methodological bracketing. Extending the critical perspective of the work of Norman Macintosh, the investigation of accounting and the EU ETS using structuration theory demonstrated how the EU ETS and the financial reporting interpretation for emission rights, IFRIC 3, represented the dimensions of signification, legitimation and domination. A structural contradiction resulting in measurement mismatches, tension between two moral stances and resource allocation problems led to the withdrawal of IFRIC 3, which has resulted in the IASB and the FASB forming a coalition to develop guidance on accounting for ETS.

The Politics of Borders and the Borders of Politics: Sovereignty and Autonomy Around Israel's Human Rights Abuses in the Separation Barrier Project

This article takes issue with the "weak state" and "hollowing out of the state" theses, which appear in recent literatures dealing with globalization. In order to analyze the nation state's contention with various actors concerning human rights and other issues, a conceptual distinction is suggested between state autonomy and capacity-defined as the state's ability to rationally posit objectives and to realize them-and state sovereignty, defined as the symbolic and discursive basis of the state's legitimate rule. Based on the constructivist perspective, which emphasizes the intersubjective character of the social world, and the role of knowledge and interpretation in any social conflict, we present three cases of objections to Israel's construction of a separation barrier on occupied Palestinian territories. These three cases exemplify the importance of the conceptual distinction between autonomy-capacity and sovereignty as two dimensions of domination and reveal a situation in which political struggles that effectively reduce state autonomy may actually increase its sovereignty.

"God and Trujillo": Literary and Cultural Representations of the Dominican Dictator (review)

IGNACIO LOPEZ-CALVO, God and Trujillo: Literary and Cultural Representations of the Dominican Dictator. Gainesville: UP of Florida, 2005. 256 pp.A large body of works on the Dominican dictator Rafael Leonidas Molina (1891-1961) went largely unknown in its breadth and multiform complexity, at least outside certain literary circles, until the appearance of this significant 2005 study by Ignacio Lopez-Calvo. Lopez-Calvo describes the scope of his book in these terms: Besides contributing to the rescue of the voices of numerous Dominican authors and testimonialists from oblivion, this study adds further insight into the lasting effects Trujillo's ironclad rule had on the Dominican psyche, on the formation of the Dominican nation, and on the contemporary political arena (xv). Such insights are substantiated by the book's astounding catalog of atrocities committed under the aegis of the dictatorship, whose monstrous abuses were masked in general by the regime's own extreme style but also justified, perhaps most notably, in the invocation of the providential principle God and Trujillo by courtesan and heir to the Trujillist legacy, Joaquin Balaguer.Indeed, what Lopez-Calvo accomplishes here is a dynamic sort of x-ray (reminiscent in some ways of Martinez Estrada's Radiografia de la pampa) of the authoritarian personality in and through the multiple dimensions of domination. Making this book a must-read for all concerned the blight of dictatorship and its treatment in the novela del dictador is the thorough-one could say horizontal-approach taken by the author in his account of virtually every literary text having to do the dictatorship. As Gene H. Bell-Villada rightly notes in his foreward to the book, Lopez-Calvo succeeds in providing necessary plot summaries with skill and sensitivity (xi). Not only plot summaries, but also an invaluable reconstruction of the contexts render understandable the sociopolitical critique that the author elaborates in masterful prose. The entire book constitutes a complex cautionary tale, grounded in a reading of some thirty-six narrative texts, which takes in the entire system of Trujillo's hell and explains the ways in which the dictator turned the whole Dominican Republic into his private corporation and the whole Dominican citizenry into his accomplices.As the author states on the first page of his preface, he aims to fill a surprising lacuna in the critical study of the narratives. In doing so, Lopez-Calvo's contribution not only supplies us valuable insights into the mechanisms of the dictatorship but also validates the use of literature as a way of knowing and analyzing the inner workings of tyrannical rule and the wounded psyche of a people who most directly suffered its violence. Attentive to the conventions of the genre as well, Lopez-Calvo appropriately places the narrative of the trujillato in the context of the Spanish American novel of the dictator, so as to elucidate the place of this body of works within a larger literary tradition.This work of literary history is also a valuable political analysis: recourse to the tools of criticism, it lays bare the monstrous Machiavellianism of Trujillo's rule over all Dominicans in all its diabolical themes and variations. Lopez-Calvo recalls the dictator's ruse of ordering the execution of his adversaries but afterwards honoring the same victims and pledging justice against their assassins. He also tells of the corruption of the intellectuals, some of whom had long opposed the tyranny only to succumb finally to its blandishments or extortions. Additionally, he relates the dictator's penchant for picking and choosing schoolgirls whom he forced or seduced into sexual submission, as in the well-known case of Lina Lovaton. Lopez-Calvo's study thus provides an etiology of subjugation under the shadow of Trujillo. Among the book's signal achievements is an examination of the not widely read The Era of (1956), written by the former subordinate and later critic of the regime, Jesus Galindez, who, working in self-imposed exile as a professor at Columbia University, was almost certainly abducted by Trujillo's agents and returned to the Dominican Republic, where he was tortured and executed. …