Current US Policy Research Articles

Changes in international development aid policy: from Trump to Biden

International development assistance is an integral part of the foreign economic and foreign policy activities of the US government. International aid is one of the largest components of US foreign relations spending and is regarded by many members of Congress as one of the most important foreign policy instruments. However, many US citizens and members of Congress feel that the US cannot afford such international aid spending, given the current budget deficit and competing budgetary priorities. As one of the largest donors of international development aid, the United States is of considerable interest to many researchers, including those who study trends in the polarization of attitudes toward foreign policy, including international aid. This article is devoted to the current US policy in the field of international development cooperation at the beginning of the presidency of Joe Biden. It examines the economic component of US government assistance: the total amount of US economic assistance, as well as the structure of international aid spending and country priorities for US economic assistance, are considered. An assessment of the prospects for US assistance is presented based on an analysis of the Joint Strategic Plan of the State Department and the Agency for International Assistance 2022-2026 and the US National Security Strategy 2022. Despite the stability and relative inertia of the international aid system, one can observe an increase in US interest in development assistance after the transition of power to President Biden, including in the context of competition with China.

The Challenges of Ukraine’s European Choice in the Context of the Kremlin’s Neo-Imperialist Policies During Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Presidency

This article attempts to analyse the situation in Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression and increasing pressure from the Kremlin towards Eastern European states. The armed confl ict taking place in Ukraine means that the geostrategic situation of Eastern Europe has changed. In this context, the Eastern Partnership, which was meant to be one of the key instruments shaping international relations with the states neighbouring the EU in the East, is quite often seen as an ineffective or even obsolete tool. There can be no doubt that the greatest problem for the Eastern Partnership is that the project is seen in geopolitical categories – thinking of the countries of the Eastern Partnership in the context of the necessity for them to choose between the European Union and Russia (listening to statements by the EU’s political decision-makers, it can often seem that those states have no other option). The key research question is whether we will be dealing with an assertive EU policy in tandem with current US policy, or whether there will be another reset in relations between the West and the Russian Federation.

Signaling, Constraining and Coercing in US sanctions policy towards Russia in the context of the Ukraine crisis

The development of the US foreign policy tools in the 20th century resulted in sanctions becoming one of the most convenient means for achieving administration’s goals on the international arena, as well as a useful tool in domestic politics. Institutionally established within the scope of the executive branch, buttressed by the US dominance in the world economy and viewed as a “humane” way of influencing foreign elites, it does not demand significant political capital and, as a result, can be implemented without deep strategic thinking. Current US policy towards Russia is constrained by the framework of the sanctions regime, created by Barak Obama Administration in 2014. This regime is inherently inert and is likely to determine the scope and methods of the US policy towards Russia for the foreseeable future regardless of the priorities of the country’s leadership. This article seeks to study the creation of the regime and explain the logic of decision-making process regarding this issue. Utilizing the approach of Francesco Giumelli, who developed a system of factors to explain the logic of a sanctions policy, the author shows that the US sanction policy towards Russia was framed by the desire to demonstrate the ability to mobilize international community and reaffirm its commitments to the security of the Eastern Europe. Low profile of the Ukraine issue on the US foreign policy agenda as well as low political cost of the escalation towards Russia resulted in sanctions becoming a substitute for a foreign policy strategy and were not accompanied by the analysis of the situation, determination of goals and the parameters for evaluating the success of the policy. The deficiency of such an approach is accentuated by the comparison with the European Union who paid a higher price for its sanctions and, despite a popular in Russia notion of a unified “West”, not only resisted the will of the US, but acted as a deterrent for its actions.

Perspectives from the Society for Pediatric Research: contaminants of water and children’s health: Can we do better?

Children are uniquely susceptible to the health consequences of water contamination. In this review, we summarize the existing, robust literature supporting the importance of examining specific water contaminants (i.e., lead, pesticides, nitrates, arsenic, perchlorate) and the routes of contamination in the United States and globally. We also discuss the health effects of exposure to contaminated water and significant disparities related to access to clean water. Lastly, we offer strategies for prevention and intervention-including those focused on the individual patient level-and review the current US policy framework pertaining to regulation of these toxicants. IMPACT: A key message in this article is that exposure to water contaminants have serious and long-lasting consequences on children's health. This review summarizes current existing literature and adds policy recommendations supporting clean water for children. Information from this review has two potential impacts: Guide health professionals in screening and/or treating children's health problems resulting from water contaminant exposure. Guide policy makers in using evidence-based approaches to improve water quality and clean water access.

Contemporary concepts of US foreign policy: opportunities and reality

The article analyzes the current concepts of US foreign policy, the direction of US foreign policy, and examines the economic background of US foreign policy. In particular, the fundamental indicators of US economic development have been studied, which allow the state to be a regional and world leader and pursue a hegemony strategy. The subject of research in the article is to determine the general and specific aspects of US foreign policy at the present stage. The goal is to determine the impact of US policy on the geopolitical transformation of the world. Objectives: the study of modern concepts of US foreign policy in the context of globalization and regionalization of the world. The study used the following general scientific methods: using the system analysis, the evolution of the US foreign policy in the globalization languages of the world was considered; In order to generalize the activities of various administrations and governments, compare their positions on shaping the country's foreign policy, a comparative historical method was used. relationship. The following results were obtained: on the basis of the analysis of the current US policy, the political strategies of the United States in Europe and the Middle East were discovered and analyzed in detail. Conclusions: The United States remains the key actor in international relations at the present stage, and so far retains its influence on the processes in the world. US foreign policy is aimed at stabilizing international relations in such key regions as the Middle East and the EU. A comprehensive analysis of the presidents and their administrations suggests the continuity of US foreign policy in the Middle East. With the arrival of D. Trump, the foreign policy of American Republicans is saturated with power and cruelty.

The Strengths and Weaknesses of Current US Policy to Address Pain.

Pain is a significant public health problem that needs policy at the national and local level to resolve incidents of insufficient, ineffective, and disparate pain treatment while limiting the risk of inadvertently increasing the use of treatment such as opioids that can result in public harm.The National Pain Strategy serves as the first comprehensive approach to address pain and provides a roadmap with substantial broad and specific policy implications. Although much has been accomplished to date, transitions in political power, available data and funding, and the current opioid epidemic continue to have an impact on implementation of the National Pain Strategy.A sustained, coordinated effort with multipronged policies in many forms on both federal and state levels via regulations, laws, and guidelines is warranted. However, research is needed to evaluate the impact and potential unintended consequences of increased legislation and regulation. Nevertheless, policy related to the management of pain may provide the path to new treatments and models of care to reduce the impact of pain as a public health crisis in this country.

Real-World Data: Policy Issues Regarding their Access and Use.

As real-world data (RWD) in health care begin to cross over to the Big Data realms, a panel of health economists was gathered to establish how well the current US policy environment further the goals of RWD and, if not, what can be done to improve matters. This report summarizes these discussions spanning the current US landscape of RWD availability and usefulness, private versus public development of RWD assets, the current inherent bias in terms of access to RWD, and guiding principles in providing quality assessments of new RWD studies. Three main conclusions emerge: (1) a business case is often required to incentivize investments in RWD assets. However, access restrictions for public data assets have failed to generate a proper market for these data and hence may have led to an underinvestment of public RWDs; (2) Very weak empirical evidence exist on for-profit entities misusing public RWD data entities to further their own agendas, which is the basis for supporting access restrictions of public RWD data; and (3) perhaps developing standardized metrics that could flag misuse of RWDs in an efficient way could help quell some of the fear of sharing public RWD assets with for-profit entities. It is hoped that these discussions and conclusions would pave the way for more rigorous and timely debates on the greater availability and accessibility of RWD assets.

Victory in Today's Wars: New Insights on the Role of Communications

Books Reviewed: Carnage & Connectivity: Landmarks in the Decline of Conventional Military Power By David Betz [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Strategic Narratives, Public Opinion, and War: Winning Domestic Support for the Afghan War Edited by Beatrice De Graaf, George Dimitriu, and Jens Ringsmose [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Over 100 years ago, the philosopher-strategist Carl von Clausewitz wrote that a trinity of passion, chance, and political purpose drives the vicissitudes of In Carnage & Connectivity, David Betz supports this view. He offers a concise, witty, insightful argument for the proposition itself has not changed, though changes in technology have complicated its dynamics. He states his case up front and through his review of literature and evolving military doctrines marshals compelling evidence to support his proposition. As Betz sees it, quixotically, the major military powers in the West have serially tried and failed to use technology to disconnect from war's enduring nature. They chase solutions using high-tech weaponry that increase the speed at which combat is conducted, but do not affect the forces in Clausewitz's trinity that continue to govern warfare. The consequences can prove costly. They espouse a form of war that largely replaces forces on the ground with force delivered by long-range weapons. Each time, he observes, all they have managed to grasp is a slow, bitter, indecisive war. One cannot achieve victory, Betz argues, by replacing chance in war with information systems, including weaponized malware (cyber weapons), and with long-range weapons and spin and compensating for failures of policy and strategic vision with tactics that avoid contact with the enemy--and, one might add, casualties. Indeed a criticism skeptics level against current US policy is it too often seeks to wage a war through the use of drone and air strikes, rather than with boots on the ground. How bloodless such a war may be depends greatly on whether you sit on the sending or receiving end. Betz skillfully examines how emerging new technologies and a globally connected world have altered warfare. He recognizes the benefits of empowering individuals, but cautions about the darker side. Connectivity provides revolutionary new tools for persuasion. These tools can help articulate a strategic narrative that shapes perceptions, beliefs, and ideals of target audiences, changes behavior, and effects a desired end-state. New technology has altered the capacity of parties to forge and execute strategies, operations, and tactics. What it does not do is change the core truths Clausewitz's trinity embodies. The West may have bigger, more high-tech weapons, but as the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have demonstrated, Betz says, these cannot compensate for the deficit of passion that motivates enemies comprised of moderately organized and loosely affiliated non-state groups. For them, while chance may always play a role, intensely motivated, purposeful enemies using low-tech methods can still defeat high-tech opponents. Betz cites several examples to show how new technology in prior eras misled commanders into believing the nature of war had changed. Cyber tactics can employ social engineering or phishing to mislead enemies. The technology is new; the concept is old. During the American Civil War, Confederate cavalry seized Union telegraph communications--then new technology--to send false orders and reshape the information environment. During the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, clever Germans trained falcons, turning them into weaponized predators to intercept French carrier pigeons delivering messages. In World War II, radar helped destroy German U-boats. None of these examples altered the importance of passion, chance, and purpose in war, although new technology broadened the capacity and ability of actors to wage …

Policy Statement on the Incarceration of Undocumented Migrant Families: Society for Community Research and Action Division 27 of the American Psychological Association.

Policy Statement on the Incarceration of Undocumented Migrant Families: Society for Community Research and Action Division 27 of the American Psychological Association.

The Shift of US Strategy towards East Asia

This piece centres on the vital role intellectuals and think tanks play in US foreign policymaking. Before examining empirical data and original developments, a middle-level theoretical framework is needed to link our data and grand theories in International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis. We focus on a ‘strategic core force’ troika in the US foreign policymaking system and the significant role it has played in policy transformation. It consists of three key elements—‘policy architect’, ‘expert counsellor’ and ‘policy implementer’. This paper uses a case study from the Asia-Pacific, focusing on the shift of US strategy towards Japan. The post-Cold War period saw increasing uncertainty concerning Japan’s role in US foreign policy and led to a critical examination and restructuring of East Asian policy. Although we focus on the 1990s, there are profound implications for current US policy towards East Asia. The policy shift in the 1990s laid the foundation for Obama’s 2011 ‘pivot to Asia’ strategy, especially as it relates to US security and military operations. It has become increasingly clear that Japan can provide concrete material support in the form of military and financial assistance and as such its importance for US East Asian policy cannot be overstated.

Understanding Coercive Gradualism

ABSTRACT: Over the past few years, Russia and China have expanded their influence using step-by-step strategy of coercive gradualism. This article explores the characteristics of coercive gradualism, the factors that affect its execution, and potential counters. also examines current US policy with respect to other states' employment of coercive gradualism. ********** Over the past few years, Russia and China have expanded their influence, if not control, over others' sovereign territories or international waters. Affected states and the international community's efforts to counter such aggression have largely failed, or are in doubt. appears both Russia and China will continue their expansionist aims using step-by-step strategy--one of coercive gradualism. Gradual approaches to executing policy or strategy have always existed. Policy changes and decision-making are often evolutionary and progress by baby or by muddling through. President Franklin Roosevelt put it in practical terms when he said, It is common sense to take method and try it: If it fails, admit it frankly and try (1) The corollary to this proposition is when one finds strategy that works, to build upon it successively and cumulatively. Gradualism is by definition the principle or policy of achieving some goal by gradual steps rather than by drastic change. (2) Likewise, we may gain some insight by looking at incrementalism which is a policy of making changes, especially social changes, by degrees. (3) We can combine these with the Department of Defense's definition of strategy and arrive at one for coercive gradualism a state employing the instruments of national power in synchronized and integrated fashion to achieve national or multinational objectives by incremental steps. (4) These steps can be cooperative or coercive. Cooperative gradualism is found in almost every nation's approach to achieving its national interests. tends to be non-confrontational. is predicated on finding common ground between nations--shared values, economic benefit, improving governance, or mutual security. However, this article is about coercive gradualism. Coercive gradualism is simply step-by-step pursuit of one nation's interests against other nations' interests. is form of aggression. Moreover, as all strategies are, it is choice made within context. In particular, it is choice usually made by relatively powerful states. A state may have the capability and capacity--the ways and means--to achieve its ends, yet it might choose to do so in incremental moves as opposed to single coup de main. Characteristics of Coercive Gradualism Coercive gradualism is recognizable when three large aspects are in play. First, state (an aggressor) advances its interests at the expense of those of another. This aggression may be accompanied by threats and intimidation which, as Thomas Schelling wrote, are avoidable by accommodation. (5) This intimidation defines the strategy's coercive nature. Next, using step-by-step process makes it gradualist in character. This process is chosen within specific context. An aggressor state may own the ways and means to achieve its ends in single move, but after assessing the environment determines the risk of doing so are too great. The risk assessment thus suggests choice. In this case, the aggressor chooses gradualist approach because it determines the real or perceived reaction to incremental moves will not entail unacceptable costs. Thus, choice is the third characteristic of coercive gradualism. These three characteristics warrant further examination. Motivation Interests provide the motivation for employing any strategy, and in particular, one of coercive gradualism. The pursuit of national interests implies rational calculation. David McClelland's human motivation theory also provides insight into the motivations of national leaders. …

Economic Interdependence and Security on the Korean Peninsula: The Impact of North Korean Special Economic Zones

Given North Korea’s desire to maintain nuclear weapons—and barring its unexpected collapse—how can the US and its allies establish and maintain a peaceful Northeast Asia? Current US policy alternatives do not offer an effective means for removing North Korean nuclear weapons without creating many more serious problems that jeopardize a stable future for Northeast Asia. However, by engaging in foreign direct investment (FDI) through North Korea’s special economic zones, the United States and other nations can engage North Koreans at all levels of society and build a future environment of cooperation and stability. Such a long-term engagement policy will prove more successful than isolation, sanctions, or military force, and will bolster regional actors’ efforts to develop additional stability-inducing policies.

Optimal unemployment insurance in an equilibrium business-cycle model

The optimal cyclical behavior of unemployment insurance is characterized in an equilibrium search model with risk-averse workers. Contrary to the current US policy, the path of optimal unemployment benefits is pro-cyclical – positively correlated with productivity and employment. Furthermore, optimal unemployment benefits react non-monotonically to a productivity shock: in response to a fall in productivity, they rise on impact but then fall significantly below their pre-recession level during the recovery. As compared to the current US unemployment insurance policy, the optimal state-contingent unemployment benefits smooth cyclical fluctuations in unemployment and deliver substantial welfare gains.

Countering the Quetta Shura: a viable strategy to US policy in Afghanistan

The US strategy in Afghanistan has fallen short of neutralizing the insurgency that threatens the future stability. The primary insurgency's leadership council, the Quetta Shura, has effectively managed influence through a shadow government and superior tactics in recruiting marginalized tribal leaders, leading to a questionable outcome once Coalition forces withdraw in 2014. This article summarizes the threat posed by the Quetta Shura, coinciding with the deficiencies in the current US policy, and recommends a more viable strategy conducive to the current circumstances, based on historical and cultural precedence. Coalition forces have put a great amount of time, money, and effort into establishing a more stable Afghanistan. The USA needs a more aggressive strategy to counter the aspirations of the insurgency, thereby giving the Afghans the opportunity to further progress in the future. Under the current circumstances and policies, a peaceful transition after the Coalition withdrawal is becoming more unlikely.

Pakistan's Changing Counterterrorism Strategy: A Window of Opportunity?

Abstract: In spite of growing US uncertainty about Pakistani intentions, a window of opportunity may be opening for the United States to put in place new counterterrorism measures with Pakistan. ********** Over the past decade, Pakistan has been increasingly viewed in US foreign policy circles as a reluctant, almost recalcitrant, partner in efforts to end the long Afghan war and to combat global terrorism. While steadfastly India-centric in its defense posture, Pakistan's regional role in South Central Asia is widely viewed as indispensable. To help the United States engage more effectively on counterterrorism, American analysts advocate a wide range of policy options. Some scholars such as Ambassador Peter Tomsen argue that should stop praising Pakistan's generals for their cooperation on counterterrorism, stop showering them with unconditioned military aid, and stop embracing them with benign diplomacy sprinkled with ambiguous warnings that current conditions are not acceptable. (1) Others, like former Pakistani Ambassador Hussain Haqqani, seem to agree, 1947, dependence, deception and defiance have characterized US-Pakistan relations. sought US aid in return for promises we did not keep. Although even strong allies do not have 100 percent congruent interests, in the case of Pakistan and the United States, the divergence far exceeded the similarities. (2) In spite of growing US uncertainty about Pakistani intentions, most observers, and Washington, hew to a middle course. US-Pakistan relations became tense after the killing of Osama Bin Laden in northwestern Pakistan in May 2011; since then, policymakers sought greater continuity and cooperation with Pakistan. On the eve of Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's visit to Washington in October 2013, White House Press Secretary Jay Carney noted, We want to find ways for our two countries to cooperate even as we have differences on some issues, and we want to make sure the trajectory of this relationship is a positive one. (3) Despite the need for improved US-Pakistan relations, however, so-called transformational steps needed to reinvigorate Pakistan's counterterrorism efforts along its 1,640-mile border with Afghanistan and to forge more preemptive measures against global terrorism have been avoided in favor of risk-averse business-as-usual. Pakistan's evolving security interests may be converging with the Coalition's counterterrorism efforts; these new developments may open a window for stronger engagement with Pakistan on the joint Afghanistan and global terrorism fronts. A New Window? A window of opportunity may be opening for the United States to put in place a new set of counterterrorism measures with Pakistan, coupled with badly needed visibility on future financial assistance to the country, if the US Congress buys into a confidence-building approach. This new approach requires nesting Afghanistan's transition, US counterterrorism policies, the intra-Afghan peace process, and endorsement by Coalition states and other allies. While such a future course is complex, its promise of better traction on counterterrorism results in Afghanistan may outweigh the risks of the current open-ended US policy that seems to be playing not to lose rather than achieving clear goals permitting a permanent drawdown of Coalition forces in Afghanistan. This policy opening cannot be described as transformative, however, because it remains uncertain if Pakistan's complex civilian-military authority structure can and will agree on identifying specific terrorist groups as internal security threats. Pakistan's civilian and military leaders are not unified in their perceptions of national priorities and interests. As a result, the central thesis argued here is that the United States needs to engage with those officials who are supportive of broader counterterrorism engagement while using aid more explicitly to bring other quarters on board. …

The Iranian Nuclear Debate: More Myths Than Facts

ABSTRACT: Much of public debate surrounding US policies regarding Iran has been distorted by myths that obscure actual status of Iranian nuclear programs. Similarly, discussions about implications of a nuclear-armed Iran are often built on questionable assumptions requiring more thorough examination. This article dispels these myths, questions these assumptions, and draws important implications for US policymakers in this critical strategic debate. ********** International negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program are once again in limbo. At conclusion of February talks in Almaty, Kazakhstan, Iran's Foreign Minister All Akbar Salehi characterized them as a significant milestone that had reached a turning point, and left him very optimistic and hopeful. (1) Meanwhile, reactions from representatives of so-called P5+1 (United States, Great Britain, France, Russia, China, and Germany) were notably more measured, but hinted at an optimistic assessment as newly confirmed US Secretary of State Kerry characterized February sessions as useful. (2) As so frequently happened in past, however, subsequent talks in April crashed against reality of significant gaps in substantive negotiating positions of P5+1 and Iranian teams. The European Union representative talks, Catherine Ashton, cast a decidedly downbeat assessment of April sessions observing that the positions of [P5+1] and Iran remain far apart on substance.... We have therefore agreed that all sides will go back capitals evaluate where we stand in process. (3) This pause in negotiations offers American policymakers opportunity reassess strategic options regarding Iran's nuclear program. The recent election of Hasan Rouhani as President of Iran gives Obama administration another reason reconsider America's current approach. A coherent strategy requires establishment of clear objectives and a design for employing nation's instruments of power achieve those objectives. In case of Iran, overriding strategic objective of current US policy has been made exactingly clear by President Obama and Vice President Biden. In his speech American Israel Public Affairs Committee one year ago, President Obama said objective of US policy is to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear (4) Vice President Biden reiterated this position nearly verbatim same audience on 4 March 2013 saying goal of US policy is to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear (5) While others outside White House have suggested alternative US policy objectives ranging from preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability ousting current regime in Tehran, these statements by President and Vice President have effectively ended this portion of strategic debate. US policies under President Obama will be guided by paramount objective of preventing Iran's acquisition of a nuclear weapon. Nevertheless, public and internal debates over how United States can best marshal its diplomatic, economic, informational, and military instruments of power accomplish this expressed policy objective will continue for some time. The default option would be maintain current US dual-track approach of offering negotiations while imposing ever-tightening economic and financial sanctions in hope of compelling Iranian concessions on its nuclear program. Others have made case for preemptive military attacks designed destroy Iran's existing nuclear facilities or facilitate a regime change in Tehran. (6) Still others have advocated a strategy emphasizing a diplomatic approach exchanging United States and international recognition of Iran's right enrich uranium in return for commitments from Tehran limit enrichment activities and subject them an intrusive international inspection regimen ensuring nuclear materials are not diverted military purposes. …

Who Invented the Single Tax Principle? An Essay on the History of US Treaty Policy

The first US tax treaty with France in 1932 reduced US withholding taxes at a time when France was a purely territorial jurisdiction, which meant that US source income would be taxed neither by the US nor by France. Current US and OECD treaty policy, on the other hand, is to prevent such double non-taxation by conditioning the reduction of source based taxation on the income being taxed in the state of residence. This paper traces how the “single tax principle” (income should be taxed not more or less than once) made its way into the tax treaties and became a foundational element of the international tax regime.

Comparison of Syphilis Screening Tests in Deceased Organ Donors

Introduction: Current US policy requires screening of all organ donors for syphilis infection. False positive results may occur. Methods: All deceased organ donors who were evaluated by one US Organ Procurement Organization (OPO) (Gift of Hope) from 2000-2011 with a reactive RPR (+ RPR) result (Macro-Vue RPR, BD, Franklin Lakes, NJ) were retrospectively tested with 3 treponemal tests: Fluorescent Treponemal Antibody absorption (FTA-ABS, Scimedx, Denville, NJ), a microhemagglutination test (Olympus PK-TP System, Fujirebio, Tokyo, Japan), and a chemiluminescent assay (LIAISON Treponema Assay, DiaSorin, Stillwater, MN). Outcomes and management of recipients was not assessed. Results: Thirty donors had a reactive RPR out of 3,268 (0.9%) potential organ donors evaluated for syphilis from 2000-2011; the mean age of donors with a + RPR was 51 years and 77% were male. Fourteen (47%) of the RPR + donors were found to be false positive based on confirmatory FTA-ABS (Table 1). Only 16 (53%) of the donors had a total of 47 organs recovered for transplantation. The PK-TP and LIAISON tests were 100% concordant with each other but would have given false negative results in 2 donors. The sensitivity, specificity and positive predictive value of the assays are shown in table 2.Conclusions: RPR screening yields a significant number of false positive results in organ donors. Use of alternative tests or the routine use of confirmatory assays may reduce the frequency of false positive results. Based on this single OPO experience, there is also significant variability in the use of RPR reactive donors. Future studies should assess the impact of confirmatory testing or testing strategies with a lower false positive rate on donor utilization.

What We Know About Second Language Acquisition

Educational policies that impact second language (L2) learners—a rapidly-growing group—are often enacted without consulting relevant research. This review synthesized research regarding optimal conditions for L2 acquisition, facilitative L2 learner and teacher characteristics, and speed of L2 acquisition, from four bodies of work—foreign language education, child language research, sociocultural studies, and psycholinguistics—often overlooked by educators. Seventy-one peer-reviewed journal articles studying PK-12 L2 learners met inclusion criteria. Findings included: 1) Optimal conditions for L2 learners immersed in a majority-L2 society include strong home literacy practices, opportunities to use the L2 informally, well-implemented specially-designed L2 educational programs, and sufficient time devoted to L2 literacy instruction, whereas L2 learners with little L2 exposure require explicit instruction to master grammar; 2) L2 learners with strong L2 aptitude, motivation, and first language (L1) skills are more successful; 3) Effective L2 teachers demonstrate sufficient L2 proficiency, strong instructional skills, and proficiency in their students’ L1; 4) L2 learners require 3-7 years to reach L2 proficiency, with younger learners typically taking longer but more likely to achieve close-to-native results. These findings, even those most relevant to education, are not reflected in current US policy. Additional research is needed on the characteristics of successful or unsuccessful L2 learners and L2 teachers. Such research should attend systematically to the differences between L2 learning in maximal versus minimal input settings; whereas the psycholinguistic challenges of L2 learning might be common across settings, the sociocultural and interactional challenges and opportunities differ in ways that can massively impact outcomes.

Inclusive education and the No Child Left Behind Act: resisting entrenchment

This article examines inclusive education in view of the current US policy climate. The No Child Left Behind Act provides the opportunity to examine dominant social forces and the underlying theories of mechanism and positivism that run counter to a constructivist approach to inclusive education. The incompatibility of these theories is explored in terms of four factors that influence efforts to implement change: images of teaching and learning, images of organisation, approaches to policy and organisational characteristics. This framework provides a means of clarifying and working to restore the movement towards inclusive education within local schools and communities.