Crime In England Research Articles

Farm Crime in England and Wales: A Preliminary Scoping Study Examining Farmer Attitudes

Farms stand apart from other rural businesses in the levels of crimes they experience, and the impact of farm crime reverberates far beyond the immediate rural community. However, there continues to be a lack of interest in farm crime as a research topic in both England and Wales. This study explores attitudes of farmers towards farm crime, crime prevention, the police, and potential predictors of farm victimisation. An online survey was completed by 71 farmers; a further 55 farmers partially completed the survey providing important additional data. An analysis of the survey results shows low levels of confidence in and reporting to the police, low levels of crime prevention usage, and varying potential predictors of victimisation.. This survey extends existing international farm crime research to the UK, and aims to establish an understanding of farmers' attitudes towards crime prevention and the police; and how these attitudes and farm characteristics relate to victimisation levels. This lays the foundations for further research and the introduction of behavioural science into the farm crime prevention arena.

An English Cover-Up: Masks, Murders, and English Cruelty in Goncourt, Lorrain, and Schwob

ABSTRACTFin-de-siècle writers from diverse disciplines were drawn to the seductive potential of masks and disguise; mask-wearing characters of indefinite identity, indeterminate gender, and insecure psychology proliferate in their texts. However, when characters are designated as English in such stories, they are also, and with remarkable frequency, associated with cruelty or murder: the mask-wielding murderers of Marcel Schwob’s ‘MM. Burke et Hare, Assassins’ carry out their crimes in Britain upon British victims; Edmond de Goncourt weaves his theatrical narrative around the mask-like demeanour of Lord Annandale in La Faustin; and Jean Lorrain’s malicious Lord Ethal exacerbates the Duc de Fréneuse’s perverse obsessions with masks in Monsieur de Phocas. This article explores this unexpected correlation, and examines the ways that English masks are used as narrative devices – at once to mould and play with national distinctions, and to reflect upon the psychological state of the French subject.

National Accounting Office demands action

The UK's National Audit Office (NAO) has issued a report saying that fraud is now the most prevalent crime in the UK and most of it happens online. It is calling for urgent action and says that the Home Office has so far been ineffective at tackling the problem.

Still plodding along? The police response to the changing profile of crime in England and Wales

This article considers the new demands placed on police forces arising from the dramatic increase in the numbers of cases of fraud and cybercrime. It assesses the ability – or current difficulty – of the police to respond to this development. The article is directed towards a growing requirement for substantial internal police reform that goes well beyond anything contemplated heretofore. The article draws on the recent and important Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) PEEL Review of police efficiency, which for the first time, has raised the question of identifying not just police capacity, but also police force capability. It is evident that although police forces can quickly identify capacity (ranks and police numbers), they experience great difficulty in relation to capability. This relates to the police response to the ‘new’ forms of crime that are now replacing traditional acquisitive crime. Recent cases include the 2016 cyber-attack on Tesco Bank in which £2.5 million was stolen from 9,000 bank accounts, and a major cyber-attack in the same year that disrupted internet services across Europe and the USA. The article seeks to identify current police responses to this development and also highlight the real challenge this problem represents. It recognizes the competing demands made on the police, but suggests that fraud and cybercrime now constitute the greatest threat confronting the police service in England and Wales.

Realist Criminology, the New Aetiological Crisis and the Crime Drop

This paper aims to provide a summary of some of the key issues outlined in my recent publication Realist Criminology (2014a). It discusses, in particular, the perceived deficiencies of both mainstream and critical criminology in relation to their explanations of the crime drop. It argues that the failure of criminologists to provide a convincing and plausible explanation of the recent decrease in recorded crime in Britain, North America and other countries has resulted in a new aetiological crisis. It is suggested that the failure to explain what is arguably the most significant development in relation to crime in living memory is no accident, but rather a function of the theoretical and methodological inadequacies that are prevalent in academic criminology.

Reevaluating the Effect of Recent Immigration on Crime

The United Kingdom experienced a rapid inflow of migrants from European Union accession countries between 2004 and 2011, many of whom participated in the Worker Registration Scheme (WRS). Given the relative labor market position of this recent migrant wave, scholars argued that returns to criminal activity were negligible. Yet, recent data from London’s Metropolitan Police estimated that foreign-born nationals from Poland, Lithuania, and other Eastern European nations were responsible for almost 25% of alleged crimes in London between 2010 and 2011. With the United Kingdom set to see an influx of Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants starting in 2014, political and public arenas became rife with fears of a growing Eastern European crime wave. This article attempted to bring some coherence to the relationship between recent Eastern European immigration and multiple forms of crime in the United Kingdom. Using data from 348 local authorities in England and Wales, this study examined recent immigration composition effects on crime. The study also went beyond existing studies on immigration and crime by examining the effects of change in employment-related migration flows, study-related migration, and other migration flows since 2004. Results confirmed that areas that saw the highest rates of immigration do not have higher rates of violence. These areas did exhibit higher rates of drug offenses, however, that could not be explained away by differences in structural conditions. Finally, evidence was found that the reason for migration was critical in predicting criminal returns.

Gendering Islamophobia, racism and White supremacy: Gendered violence against those who look Muslim.

Defendants in both racist and religiously motivated hate crimes in the United Kingdom are usually White men, with these incidents tending to take place in public spaces, especially those close to religious and community buildings. Focusing on the experiences of Muslim men and women in the United Kingdom – including others who look Muslim – I explore common forms of religiously and racially motivated violence and argue that these constitute gendered violence. Policies targeted at key groups who are victims and perpetrators of religiously and racially motivated violence ignore the issue of violence and fail to acknowledge its gendered nature.

Freedom of Expression and Music Contracts: Is There a Place for Blasphemy Anymore?

This article discusses the use of the traditional warranty given by recording artists and music composers, when signing contracts with record and music publishing companies, that the material they submit shall not be blasphemous. The historical context and evolving legal nature of blasphemy in England is analysed in the light of article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, namely freedom of expression, which has been introduced into English law by the Human Rights Act 1998. The article argues that record and music publishing companies have – albeit by accident rather than design – realigned their respective contracts so that they are more in tune with the spirit of the Convention in terms of freedom of expression by removing the warranty in respect of blasphemy. However, blasphemy is still a crime in England, so music law practitioners representing parties to the record and music publishing contracts need to be aware that this remains the case and advise their clients accordingly.

Addressing the Carbon‐Crime Blind Spot: A Carbon Footprint Approach

SummaryGovernments estimate the social and economic impacts of crime, but its environmental impact is largely unacknowledged. Our study addresses this by estimating the carbon footprint of crime in England and Wales and identifies the largest sources of emissions. By applying environmentally extended input‐output analysis–derived carbon emission factors to the monetized costs of crime, we estimate that crime committed in 2011 in England and Wales gave rise to over 4 million tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalents. Burglary resulted in the largest proportion of the total footprint (30%), because of the carbon associated with replacing stolen/damaged goods. Emissions arising from criminal justice system services also accounted for a large proportion (21% of all offenses; 49% of police recorded offenses). Focus on these offenses and the carbon efficiency of these services may help reduce the overall emissions that result from crime. However, cutting crime does not automatically result in a net reduction in carbon, given that we need to take account of potential rebound effects. As an example, we consider the impact of reducing domestic burglary by 5%. Calculating this is inherently uncertain given that it depends on assumptions concerning how money would be spent in the absence of crime. We find the most likely rebound effect (our medium estimate) is an increase in emissions of 2%. Despite this uncertainty concerning carbon savings, our study goes some way toward informing policy makers of the scale of the environmental consequences of crime and thus enables it to be taken into account in policy appraisals.

Penal Populism and the Public Thermostat: Crime, Public Punitiveness, and Public Policy

This article makes the case that feedback processes in democratic politics—between crime rates, public opinion, and public policy—can account for the growth of penal populism in Britain. It argues that the public recognize and respond to rising (and falling) levels of crime, and that in turn public support for being tough on crime is translated into patterns of imprisonment. This contributes to debates over the crime–opinion–policy connection, unpacking the dynamic processes by which these relationships unfold at the aggregate level. This uses the most extensive data set ever assembled on aggregate opinion on crime in Britain to construct a new over‐time measure of punitive attitudes. The analysis first tests the thermostatic responsiveness of punitive attitudes to changes in recorded crime rates as well as self‐reported victimization, and then examines the degree to which changes in mass opinion impact on criminal justice policy.

Understanding the Domestic Violence Disclosure Scheme

British Journal of MidwiferyVol. 24, No. 4 LegalUnderstanding the Domestic Violence Disclosure SchemeRichard GriffithRichard GriffithSearch for more papers by this authorRichard GriffithPublished Online:7 Apr 2016https://doi.org/10.12968/bjom.2016.24.4.298AboutSectionsView articleView Full TextPDF/EPUB ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsPermissions ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InEmail View article References Cornelius v DeTaranto [2001] EWCA Civ 1511 Google ScholarHome Office (2012) Domestic Violence Disclosure Scheme: guidance. Home Office, London Google ScholarMullender (2000) Reducing Domestic Violence… What Works? Meeting the Needs of Children. Home Office, London Google ScholarNational Institute for Health and Care Excellence (2014) Domestic violence and abuse: multi-agency working. www.nice.org.uk/guidance/ph50 (accessed 22 March 2016) Google ScholarSimmons J, Dodd T (2003) Crime in England and Wales 2002/2003. Home Office, London Google ScholarStrickland P (2013) “Clare's law”: the Domestic Violence Disclosure Scheme. http://tinyurl.com/z62d3zh (accessed 22 March 2016) Google ScholarTaket A (2004) Tackling Domestic Violence: the role of health professionals. 2nd edn. Home Office, London Google Scholar FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails 2 April 2016Volume 24Issue 4ISSN (print): 0969-4900ISSN (online): 2052-4307 Metrics History Published online 7 April 2016 Published in print 2 April 2016 Information© MA Healthcare LimitedPDF download

‘Forget it, Jake. It’s Chinatown’

This article outlines the impact and changing nature of Chinese organised crime in the United Kingdom (UK). It reviews the conventional policing approaches to the problem in the UK and in China, and argues they are limited in their scope and could be substantially improved. It suggests this is possible by employing police specialists here and in-country. The evidence for the paper has been collected from interviews with the relevant law enforcement and government personnel in the UK and in China in 2010 and again in 2014–15.

National Security vs Criminal law. Perspectives, Doubts and Concerns on the Criminalisation of Organised Crime in England and Wales

This paper will interpret and critically analyse the new offence for organised crime in England and Wales (Section 45 of the Serious Crime Act 2015) from a criminological perspective in light of evidence found in research in the country. It will argue that changes in the law relate to changes in political narratives rather than to variations in the criminal panorama of organised crime. It will discuss these changes within three perspectives, which address various levels of concern: a narrative perspective, which reflects on the overlapping of meanings in the use of the words ‘organised crime’; an evolution perspective, which reflects on the origins of the new participation offences with reference to both national and international pressures; a management perspective, which reflects on some of the immediate effects of the new offences of organised crime on the criminal justice system. This paper will conclude that political narratives have indeed influenced criminal policy, while there is no significant change in the phenomenon of organised crime to justify such narratives.

Serious, therefore Organised? A Critique of the Emerging “Cyber-Organised Crime” Rhetoric in the United Kingdom

This article, based on discourse analysis of policy documents, departs from a critique of the juxtaposition of the terms “serious” and “organised” in policies against organised crime in the UK. The conceptualisation of organised crime as national security threat supports our hypothesis that a similar critique can be applied to the emerging narrative of cyber-organised crime in the country. We argue that, whereby organised crime has become essentially “serious” as consequence of its characterisation as a national security threat, cybercrime is becoming “organised” in the policy narrative because of its seriousness. The seriousness and organisation of cybercrime justifies its inclusion within the national security agenda, thus accessing the procedural benefits of criminal intelligence assigned to national security threats. The implications associated to the evolution of such narratives in policy-making need to be assessed while policies are still developing.

Prosecuting Rape Victims While Rapists Run Free: The Consequences of Police Failure to Investigate Sex Crimes in Britain and the United States

Imagine that a close friend is raped, and you encourage her to report it to the police. At first, she thinks that the police are taking her report seriously, but the investigation does not seem to move forward. The next thing she knows, they accuse her of lying and ultimately file charges against her. You and your friend are in shock; this outcome never entered your minds. This nightmare may seem inconceivable, but it has in fact occurred repeatedly in both the United States and Britain—countries that are typically lauded for their high levels of gender equality. In Britain, where perverting the course of justice is a serious crime with a potential term of life in prison, many rape complainants have been sent to prison for two and three year terms. This five-part Article analyzes this problem and sets out recommendations for legal reform.

The Voiceless Victim: A critical analysis of the impact of enhanced victim participation in the criminal justice process

In contrast to many European jurisdictions, the victim of an alleged crime in England, Wales and Northern Ireland is denied any form of meaningful participation at the trial stage of the criminal justice process. This is by reason of the unyielding structure of the Anglo-American adversarial system, which facilitates a dispute between two parties only - the prosecution, acting on behalf of the collective public interest and the defence. In recent years, however, the victims’ movement has gained momentum as advocates of victims’ rights have been engaged in an impassioned campaign to enhance the participatory rights of victims in the criminal justice process. Fervent arguments have been articulated pertaining to the value of various forms of victim input. This paper cogitates some of these arguments and critically evaluates how enhanced victim participation in the criminal justice process has the potential to undercut the integrity of the Anglo- American adversarial system; a system with objective adjudication at its core.

How far is too far? Theorising non-conviction-based asset forfeiture

AbstractNon-conviction-based (NCB) asset forfeiture is a relatively recent addition to law enforcement's armoury in the fight against organised crime in the UK. It allows for criminal assets to be forfeited to the State even in the absence of criminal conviction, the stated objective being to undermine the profit incentive of criminal activity. Until now, NCB asset forfeiture has principally been critiqued from a criminological point of view, specifically concerning the Packer models and the civil/criminal dichotomy – aside from this, however, it remains rather underdeveloped theoretically. This paper addresses this lack of legal theoretical engagement with NCB asset forfeiture by providing an initial contribution from a systems-theoretical perspective. This contribution makes use of systems theory's unique insights to critique the perceived ‘failure of law’ that gave rise to the NCB approach, and challenges the legitimacy of that approach in terms of procedural rights.

Failure to Protect Girls from Female Genital Mutilation

Whilst FGM had been a crime in the UK for over 2 decades, over 60, 000 girls continued to be mutilated. In 2015 the UK took its international obligations to protect girls from such physical harm more seriously and enacted new legislation. This article focuses on the parental responsibility to protect their daughter from harm and their criminal liability if they fail to take adequate action to prevent the mutilation occurring. We explore the socio-legal setting, the gaps in the law, the state's international obligations and finally the newly introduced rebuttable presumption.

Theorizing Surveillance in the UK Crime Control Field

Drawing upon the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Loic Wacquant, this paper argues that the demise of the Keynesian Welfare State (KWS) and the rise of neo-liberal economic policies in the UK has placed new surveillance technologies at the centre of a reconfigured “crime control field” (Garland, 2001) designed to control the problem populations created by neo-liberal economic policies (Wacquant, 2009a). The paper also suggests that field theory could be usefully deployed in future research to explore how wider global trends or social forces, such as neo-liberalism or bio-power, are refracted through the crime control field in different national jurisdictions. We conclude by showing how this approach provides a bridge between society-wide analysis and micro-sociology by exploring how the operation of new surveillance technologies is mediated by the “habitus” of surveillance agents working in the crime control field and contested by surveillance subjects.

What is the effect of reduced street lighting on crime and road traffic injuries at night? A mixed-methods study

BackgroundSome local authorities have reduced street lighting at night to save energy, but little is known about impacts on public health or about public concerns about impacts on well-being.AimTo evaluate the effect of reduced street lighting on crime and road traffic injuries.DesignA mixed-methods study comprising a rapid appraisal, a controlled interrupted time series analysis and a cost–benefit analysis (CBA).SettingEngland and Wales.Target populationResidents and workers in eight case study areas; road traffic casualties and victims of crime.Interventions evaluatedSwitch-off (i.e. lights permanently turned off), part-night lighting (e.g. lights switched off between 12 a.m. and 6 a.m.), dimming lights and white lights/light-emitting diodes (LEDs).OutcomesPublic views about implications on well-being; road traffic injury data (STATS19:http://data.gov.uk/dataset/road-accidents-safety-data) obtained for the period 2000–13; crime data (Police.uk:data.police.uk) obtained for the period December 2010–December 2013. Detailed crime data were obtained from one police force for a methodological study of the spatial level at which Police.uk data are valid for analysis.Statistical methodsRoad traffic collisions were analysed at street segment level. Regression models were used to estimate changes in daytime and night-time collision rates associated with lighting interventions. The ratio of night-time and daytime changes was considered the best estimate of change in night-time collisions following each lighting intervention. Police.uk crime data were found to be reliable when analysed at middle super output area (MSOA) level. For crime, the analysis used the proportion of total km of road in each MSOA with each lighting intervention. Regression models controlled for yearly and monthly trends and were fitted in each geographical region and police force. Effect estimates were pooled in random-effects meta-analyses.ResultsPublic concerns centred on personal security, road safety, crime, fear of crime, sleep quality and being able to see the night sky. Street lighting reductions went largely unnoticed or had only marginal impacts on well-being, but for a minority of people switch-off and part-night lighting elicited concerns about fear of the dark, modernity and local governance. Street lighting data were obtained from 62 local authorities. There was no evidence that reduced street lighting was associated with road traffic collisions at night. There was significant heterogeneity in the estimated effects on crime at police force level. Overall, there was no evidence that reduced street lighting was associated with crime. There was weak evidence for a reduction in crime associated with dimming [rate ratio (RR) 0.84, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.70 to 1.02] and white light (RR 0.89, 95% CI 0.77 to 1.03). The CBA suggests that part-night lighting may represent a net benefit to local authorities.LimitationsThe study did not account for the impacts of other safety/crime prevention initiatives (e.g. improved road markings; closed-circuit television), and so associations may be partly attributable to these initiatives. The CBA was unable to include potentially important impacts such as fear of crime and reduced mobility.ConclusionThis study found little evidence of harmful effects of switch-off, part-night lighting, dimming or changes to white light/LEDs on levels of road traffic collisions or crime in England and Wales. However, the public were also concerned about other health outcomes. Research is needed to understand how lighting affects opportunities for crime prevention and how these vary by context. Research is needed also on other public health impacts of light at night.FundingThe National Institute for Health Research Public Health Research programme.