Context Of NATO Research Articles

National Defense and Environmental Protection: On the Czech Armed Forces´ Approach to the Development of Environmental Legislation in the Czech, EU and NATO Context

The aim of this study was to create an overview of the Czech Armed Forces' development in approach to environmental protection from 1989 to 2022. Using the methods of analysis, synthesis and comparison of the Czech, EU´s and NATO´s environmental legislation, we created a comprehensive and previously unpublished overview of environmental protection within the Czech Armed Forces. Found outputs were set into illustrations depicting the activities in the environmental field with internal links between civil legislation, EU's requirements, and NATO's policy in chronological order. We conclude that the year 2000 represents a key milestone from which the approach to environmental protection have stagnated. Among the reasons for the stagnation, we identify commanders' concerns about "green approach" to troop training and the lack environmental education within defence department.

The Potential Impact of the 4th Industrial Revolution Technologies on Revolutionizing the Nato Land Forces

Abstract As other society domains, the military one must be able to keep up with the dynamics of permanent changes and this necessity, shaping the capacity of adaptability, represents the most important criterion used to measure the military operational performance. In this regard, the present study aims to analyse one of the 4th Industrial Revolution’s consequences in the military field, as emerging and disruptive technologies (EDTs). Also, reviewing the scientific papers in the field and using an empirical research based on observation, the study will focus on clarifying the EDT concept, identifying the EDT agents in the military (NATO context) and, finally, analysing those EDTs suitable for the service of Land Forces in order to determine the potential impact in revolutionizing its combat capabilities.

Mission Command: An Exploration of its Issues in Multinational Units

This paper explores the application of mission command in binational and multinational units within the NATO context. It explores differences in understanding and application of mission command, amongst NATO members, and identifies the negative impact that these can have on the behaviour of tactical leaders, and on mission accomplishment, within a multinational context. The paper demonstrates that the understanding and therefore the application of mission command differs between the NATO members; that this influences the leadership style of superiors and their willingness to transfer trust and responsibility, and to assume risk; and, that differences in language, understanding and meaning of terms, and different contents of intents result in a negative influence, all of which are exacerbated by political influence. On the other hand, modern technology in binational or multinational units supports and promotes the application of mission command. The paper concludes with recommendations to mitigate these problems and to create the conditions where mission command can be employed successfully.

Children from military families: looking through a transnational lens

Introduction: The purpose of the NATO Human Factors Medicine Research Task Group-258 (HFM RTG-258) was to develop a theoretical model of well-being for children from military families so as to assist militaries and service providers in identifying the most effective supports for military families and their children. Methods and Results: Building on existing models of children’s well-being and the socio-political context of NATO and Partnership for Peace (PfP) nations, as well as the unique challenges of military life, we developed the health, education, legal, material, and social (HELMS) model, a universal framework for the well-being of children in military families. The model is specific to the unique aspects shared by military families and children while allowing for the differences and similarities of military families across different nations. Our aim is also to initiate a dialogue beyond NATO and PfP nations, and our task group serves as a forum for active collaboration on surveys and metrics to guide current and future work. Discussion: The outcome of this NATO task group will not only benefit NATO military families and its partner nations, policy makers, and military organizations internationally, but it will also help service providers identify the most effective ways of providing support to military families and their children.

Použití experimentu ve vojenství

The article deals with the experimentation in the military domain. It is anchored by the experiment explanation in the NATO context paying special attention to the capability development. Basic principles and terminology of design, execution and analysis is discussed in the following part employing 5W approach. The main focus is aimed at the experiments' examples from the NATO and Nations environment. The article is closed by the explanation of the role of the experiment in the decision making process under the uncertainty in the complex environment.

Toward an Architecture and Data Model to Enable Interoperability between Federated Mission Networks and IoT-Enabled Smart City Environments

The emergence of smart city initiatives in many areas of the world has led to rapid development and proliferation of Internet of Things (IoT) technologies. Successful deployments of IoT have resulted in the military looking at the impacts and benefits of IoT, both for directly leveraging IoT within the military environment as well as to interface with smart city environments for urban operations such as humanitarian assistance and disaster response. This article describes some of the outcomes of the NATO IST-147 Research Task Group that was established to explore the military applications of IoT. Within the NATO context, the concept of federated mission networks (FMNs) enables coalition partners to plan, prepare, establish, use, and terminate mission networks in support of federated operations. In this article, we propose an architecture and data model to enable interoperability between FMN and IoT networks in smart city environments. We review the various bottlenecks involved for such an environment and how a reference implementation can be set up to allow multiple partners to exchange data for sharing resources and provide better situational awareness. The concepts discussed reuse and improvise upon the existing NATO and commercial IoT standards for faster adoption. Finally, open research challenges are discussed as future research directions.

Rollercoaster: changes and challenges to Denmark’s NATO engagement

Danish foreign policy activism appears most clearly in a NATO context. The Atlantic Alliance is first and foremost the vehicle through which Denmark contributes to ensuring US engagement in European security politics. NATO is the mechanism that enables Denmark to establish close military relations with select allies, which in turn facilitates Danish military contributions to international operations. Finally, NATO is a lever for a broader European foreign policy that Denmark has difficulties pursuing because of her EU opt-out. However, Danish NATO activism has varied over time. It was increasing, then very significant, and in recent years it has been declining. Currently, it might be on its way up again. These fluctuations must be interpreted as the result of the political will to pursue the activism that is made possible by the international environment. We analyze the political will to pursue NATO activism from 1990 to 2017; we focus on the national willingness to carry security political burdens.

Security Issues and their Implication on Albania’s Road to European Integration

Among considerable international organizations providing security in Europe, such as NATO, EU, UN, WEU, OSCE, etc., this paper covers evolution of security issues in Albania on the context of NATO and EU dynamics with regard to their crucial roles in providing security, peace and stability. Why are NATO and EU so important to Albania? Albania was the first former communist country which immediately following its first multiparty elections in 1992, requested NATO membership as the most important and biggest military operation in Europe since the Second World War providing security, which took 17 years to finalize. On the other hand, Albania’s EU integration as an important political, economic, social and legal process is far more complex and more difficult. Moreover, all successive Albanian governments have always given priority in their foreign policy to NATO membership and EU Integration. For this reason, study of Albania’s path to NATO membership and its long road to EU integration, deserves special attention to get insight on the way they have evolved in Albania. Also, of specific importance is the correlation between NATO and EU developments on security-related issues as well as their impact on Albanian international and integrational processes. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n23p362

Terrorist fund raising through criminal activities

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to describe how terrorist funds are raised through criminal activities and NATO's role in the international fight against terrorism.Design/methodology/approachThe paper outlines the more general context of NATO's overall role in the international fight against terrorism, the link between terrorist financing and organised crime and issues involved in confronting terrorism through the rule of law and democracy.FindingsDeficiencies in democratic development, a weak state, a lack of civil society and the absence of sound economic institutions can be fertile bases for terrorist and criminal organisations. Even if terrorists can flourish in developed societies (and organised crime as well) it is a fact that the rule of law is a major obstacle to the development of terrorist activities.Originality/valueThe paper offers the opinion that sound democratic institutions remain the best answer to terror.

Democracies and War

The “Double Democratic Deficit”: Parliamentary Accountability and the Use of Force Under International Auspices. Edited by Hans Born, Heiner Hanggi. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2004. 258 pp., $99.95 (ISBN 0-7546-3952-5). The “ Double Democratic Deficit ” by Hans Born and Heiner Hanggi is an interesting book about an increasingly important topic. Its point of departure is the observation that decisions on the use of military force are being made more and more by international institutions like the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union. The central theme of the book is the notion that a “double democratic deficit” exists in terms of a lack of parliamentary accountability at both the national and international levels. The main conclusion of the book is that our ability to achieve this accountability is problematic at both levels. The scope of the book, however, is limited given that it aims to cover only what are called “peace support operations.” It might have been desirable and theoretically preferable to take another perspective and place the book in the wider context of parliamentary control over decision making regarding the use of military force or even regarding foreign and defense policymaking in general. Such a perspective might have served the purposes of Born and Hanggi better. The “ Double Democratic Deficit ” is organized and structured from the perspective of decision making in international bodies. Apart from the Introduction, the General Context, and the Conclusions, its main parts are labeled “The UN Context,”“The NATO Context,” and “The EU Context.” But it is not demonstrated that this is the most useful perspective. Some chapters seem oddly placed (such as …

NATO enlargement and relations between Serbia and Montenegro and Bulgaria and Romania

The discussion of bilateral relations in modern international relations is usually in the shadow of the new character of global international politics, which is mediated through the large international relations. Bilateral diplomacy is slowly giving way to multilateral diplomacy in the solving of most international issues, including those that have been traditionally perceived as belonging exclusively to the domain of state sovereignty. However, bilateral relations remain crucial in situations where integration processes into large international bodies encounter obstacles and problems. The current development of bilateral diplomacy between Serbia and Montenegro on the one, and Bulgaria and Romania, on the other hand, serves predominantly the purposes of regional harmonisation that will eventually lead to NATO and EU accession, and this process also serves to iron out not so infrequent problems and dissonances in the recent history of bilateral relations, especially between Bulgaria and the former FRY, and particularly during the NATO bombing of FRY in the Spring of 1999. Today, however, all three countries have proclaimed the EU and NATO accession projects as the top priorities of their foreign policies. In the course of pursuit of their accession policies, Bulgaria and Romania have realised that the so-called ?beauty contest? approach, namely the countries' insistence on their own qualifications for membership in the EU and NATO, as opposed to the qualifications of the other countries of the region, is largely futile, and they have opted instead for a regional cooperation approach. The latter approach is consistent with the founding principle of regionalism in the internal organisation of the European Union, and this principle includes, among others, the sub-principle of subsidiarity, whereby all decisions are made on the lowest hierarchical level possible, preferably on the level of European regions. This approach implies that countries that are candidates for membership in the EU must first demonstrate the ability to cooperate and integrate regionally, and this is why Romania and Bulgaria, as well as Serbia and Montenegro, have now refocused their efforts on mutual bilateral relations within the context of NATO (and EU) accession.

Modeling and Simulation in Defense and Security: NATO Context

Modeling and Simulation in Defense and Security: NATO Context

Courting Disaster: An Expanded NATO vs. Russia and China

The process of NATO expansion is on track. For a combination of bad reasons-domestic politics, organizational inertia, sloppy strategic analysis-NATO expansion up to but not beyond the boundaries of the former Soviet Union is a done deal.' But in its current limited incarnation it is a bad deal, an ill considered and potentially regressive move. By limiting NATO expansion to small Eastern European states, NATO leaders preclude the alliance from developing the capabilities it will need to confront the coming security challenges of the twenty-first century. Current plans for limited NATO expansion ignore the biggest future security problem for the West, which is not Russia itself, but the long-run possibility of a global power transition with China sometime in the next century. In this geostrategic scenario, Russia matters because of the potential power of a Russian-Chinese alliance. The need to prevent any such alignment should be central to all thinking about the future of NATO. In the short run, the problem of securing Russian respect for the boundaries of its neighbors in Eastern Europe is best managed within the context of NATO's proven capacity for reducing and resolving conflicts among its members, of whom Russia should be one.

The McGuire model and the economics of the NATO alliance

This paper uses a Stone‐Geary welfare function as a basis for estimating a system of expenditure equations for each NATO country. These estimates are for the following aggregates: defence expenditure, non‐defence public expenditure and private expenditure. The model estimates are directly derived from the utility function. Supply side estimates are also made, thus, unlike some earlier estimators, allowing full information maximum likelihood estimation of a fully simultaneous system of equations. The period covered is 1960–1985. A naive a priori view might be that defence as a pure public good would be inversely related to an ally's expenditure and directly to an enemy's. This is not borne out. In no instance do we find the naive public goods model fitting the NATO context. One either finds competitive behaviour between allies or apparently selfless commitments to taking on more than a “fair” burden of the response to increases in the threat.

Ireland and the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus

The necessity for the United Nations Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) arose from a crisis in relations between the island's Greek and Turkish communities precipitated by an attempt on the part of President Makarios in November 1963 to adjust the 1960 Constitution in such a way as to lessen the influence of the Turkish minority within the state's institutions. An early unsuccessful attempt at mediation by Britain in the first weeks of 1964 (which aimed at a solution within the context of Nato) gave way to Security Council consideration at a series of meetings in February and March which resulted in a motion to dispatch a peacekeeping force.