Construction Of Hegemony Research Articles

The Separation of Church and State as an Imperial Project in the Philippines during the Early American Colonial Period

This paper examines the separation of church and state in the Philippines during the early American colonial period, contextualizing it within the process of American overseas expansion and considering it as one of the projects of imperial hegemony construction. After the Spanish–American War, the United States substituted Spain as the new colonial ruler of the Philippines, legitimizing its regime as the spread of ‘civilization’ to the Filipinos. On this basis, the Americans enacted laws guaranteeing religious freedom and introduced an American-style institution dealing with church–state relations. Beyond the legal and administrative initiatives, the new regime also constructed an official narrative of the transformation of political–religious relations in the Philippine that emphasized the absolute ‘difference’ between the American human rights principle, which guaranteed freedom of worship, and the Spanish theocracy, which was dedicated to the consolidation of privileges. By legislating the separation of church and state, buying up church properties, recognizing the equality of denominations, and constructing the official imperial narrative of church–state relations, the Americans hoped to ‘teach’ Filipinos that the ‘true’ belief was rooted in the inner convictions of individual Christians, not in the authority and coercion of the hierarchical church. By disciplining the construction of ‘difference’ under tutelary colonialism, the separation of church and state movement initiated by the American colonial government in the Philippines became an important source of imperial self-endowed legitimacy.

Plano estadual de educação de São Paulo (2016-2026): debates e embates

Abstract This study aims to analyze the participation of civil society and political society and the construction of hegemony in the process of elaborating and approving the State Education Plan (PEE-SP 2016-2016). This qualitative research involved semi-structured interviews and documental analysis. The analysis of the construction process of the São Paulo education plan suggests that its Department of Education was effectively uninterested in discussing the São Paulo education policy in a forum that gathered a group of entities that were excluded from educational decisions in the previous two decades, mainly because its interlocutors included sectors of civil society that were linked to capital. In view of this, little progress has been made in educational planning with the PEE-SP 2016-2026.

The Construction of Hegemony in Illiberal Democracies. A Reflection on the Concept of “Organic Intellectual” in Gramsci

La crisis de legitimidad de las democracias representativas y del proyecto de globalización económica ha colocado en el centro del debate público la capacidad de ciertos grupos intelectuales, tradicionales o emergentes, para intervenir en la esfera pública y normalizar o alterar el horizonte establecido de posibilidades políticas y económicas. La popularización de conceptos como “posverdad” guarda relación con una transformación del papel que se había atribuido históricamente a los expertos e intelectuales en los sistemas democráticos y la aparición de nuevas figuras capaces de movilizar la sensibilidad colectiva. En este contexto se está produciendo una inten-sificación de la recepción de la obra de Antonio Gramsci como fuente de utilidades analíticas. Este artículo propone, precisamente, una revisión de la noción de “intelec-tual orgánico” como una herramienta esclarecedora para las tareas contemporáneas de la filosofía política

Difundir y convencer. La propaganda radialduranteel Plan de Emergencia Económica del peronismo(1952)

This article studies the production of radio propaganda by the Peronist government during 1952, the time of the presentation and implementation of the Plan de Emergencia Economica. In the midst of an economic crisis and growing political tension scenario, Juan Domingo Peron’s administration presented an economic program that meant a shift in the orientation implemented up to that moment. The government used the production of radio propaganda to disseminate the measures that the Plan de Emergencia Economica implied, and to convince the population to adopt a range of new practices and habits. The actions of the Division de Accion Radial, part of the Subsecretaria de Informaciones, are explained, and we analyze two radio productions developed to enhance the impact of the economic Plan presentation. For this purpose, a variety of documentary sources are used, such as radio broadcast audios, scripts, state documentation, newspapers, as well as film and radio magazines. We tackle a key feature for the construction of hegemony of Peronism that was little explored, such as radio, and the relations that the Peronist government established with that media.

The British and the transfer of power in the Bechuanaland Protectorate: Neo-colonialism or passive revolution?

Deploying the theoretical framework of Italian Marxist thinker, Antonio Gramsci, this article argues that rather than a neo-colonial arrangement, the transfer of power from the British to locals in the Bechuanaland Protectorate (Botswana) could be conceptualized as a passive revolution. This passive revolution, which was triggered by demands for independence by radical nationalists, entailed the formation of a pro-British political party, the Botswana Democratic Party, and transferring power to it in a carefully managed decolonization process. The passive revolution aimed not just at preserving British economic interests in the protectorate but also at state formation for purposes of expanding the capitalist mode of production in the newly independent state. Thus, the transfer of power took place concurrently with the creation of a legitimate capitalist state that served the interests of both the British and the cattle-owning Botswana Democratic Party elite that assumed power at independence. Post-independence, the cattle bourgeois class at the apex of the Botswana Democratic Party embarked upon the construction of hegemony through the creation of an interventionist developmental state that addressed the narrow interests of other classes and groups constituting the post-independence historical bloc. Such hegemony has allowed the Botswana Democratic Party to retain power to the present day.

Discourse, concepts, ideologies

AbstractTwo branches of discourse studies, critical discourse analysis (CDA) and discourse theory (DT), could benefit through extending their critical focus and incorporating findings and methodologies of neighbouring disciplines. While indebted to the attentiveness of CDA to ordinary language, ideology studies have by contrast developed interpretative, non-judgmental analytical frameworks that explore the many-faceted features of ideology, power, and the political. In turn, the macro-focus of DT on binary distinctions, articulatory equivalences, and the construction of hegemony through empty signifiers, overlooks the complex internal conceptual morphology that produces multiple ideological vocabularies. Through a layered filtering of texts, utterances, and linguistic intensities, ideological micro-morphology reveals processes of semantic decontestation in order to defend, alter or criticize political thought-practices. It illuminates the complex interrelationship between word and concept and accepts fantasies as ineluctable and decodable features of communal life. By reaching out beyond their disciplinary confines, the interplay of these parallel approaches could enrich the scholarly understanding of the political.

La investigación del consenso en las luchas por la hegemonía: una propuesta metodológica y su ejemplificación en el agro pampeano actual

El presente trabajo se enmarca en un proyecto que procura desarrollar estrategias metodológicas para analizar el consenso en las disputas por la hegemonía. No contamos con una interfaz que vincule las cuestiones teóricas más abstractas de la teoría de la hegemonía con las técnicas de investigación desarrolladas por las ciencias sociales. Con el objetivo de avanzar sobre esta cuestión, hemos elaborado un enfoque teórico-metodológico para estudiar la eficacia interpelativa de las propuestas que procuran ser hegemónicas. Luego de presentar sintéticamente esta propuesta, procuramos ejemplificar su utilidad mediante la exposición de los resultados de una investigación sobre la construcción de hegemonía del modelo de los agronegocios en el agro pampeano actual.

The role of religious education in hegemony construction: the case of imam hatip schools in Turkey

ABSTRACT The place religion should occupy in social life and how religious education should be conducted has so far been one of the controversial issues in Turkey. Considering the history of the Republican era, it may be said that religious education actively exists in the configuration of official education except for some periods. Religious education was not included in the earlier years of the Republic in the hegemony construction process of the state; yet, increasing internal contradictions as well as developments occurring in the international arena caused religious education to enter into the agenda through time. Religion and religious education fulfilled important functions in activating the grassroots in the struggle between dominant classes for hegemony. Religious education schools (imam hatip schools [IHSs]), which are the basic institutions offering religious education, have taken shape in parallel to the struggle for power, and they have developed in accordance with the attitudes of political powers. IHSs, which have been continuously growing except for short-term periods, are assigned the mission of raising a new generation today and special efforts are made to qualify those schools. This study evaluates the IHSs in terms of the roles they play in hegemony construction and considers the historical development and transformation of IHSs on this basis. First, the relationships between hegemony, state, and education are considered and then their historical development is evaluated and their roles in hegemony construction are analysed.

Coordenadas teóricas para pensar el discurso periodístico sobre política

El artículo aborda la relación entre la comunicación política, el discurso periodístico y los conceptos de agenda setting y la tematización. Reflexiona sobre el vínculo de la prensa con el sistema político, que posibilita el cumplimiento de funciones orientadas a la formación de la opinión pública y la construcción de la hegemonía mediante la puesta en práctica de técnicas de comunicación política que hallan eco en el discurso periodístico y, durante los procesos electores, contribuye a reforzar y/o deslegitimar actitudes de los bandos contendientes a través de estrategias discursivas que propician la generación de opinión sobre el tema político.

Fueling Climate (In)Action: How organizations engage in hegemonization to avoid transformational action on climate change

This study examines how organizations avoid the urgent need for transformational action on climate change by engaging in a hegemonization process. To show how this unfolds, we draw from Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, focusing on the case of BP and its engagement with the climate change debate from 1990 to 2015. Our study takes a longitudinal approach to illustrate how BP defended its core business of producing and selling fossil fuel products by enacting three sequential hegemonization strategies. These included: adopting new signifiers; building ‘win-win’ relationships; and adapting nodal points. In doing so, we demonstrate how hegemonic construction enables organizations to both incorporate and evade various types of stakeholder critique, which, we argue, reproduces business-as-usual. Our study contributes to organization studies literature on hegemony by highlighting how the construction of hegemony operates accumulatively over an extended period of time. We also contribute more broadly to conversations around political contests and the natural environment by illustrating how the lack of effective climate responses is shaped by temporal dynamics.

Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe: the evolution of post-Marxism

In their groundbreaking Hegemony and socialist strategy (1985), Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe develop a new account of radical politics in which the subjective construction of hegemony establishes political conditions, not the objective historical stages and class contexts of traditional Hegelian Marxism. On this basis, they forcefully justify the ‘identity politics’ of contemporary women’s, African-American, gay, and working class groups and organisations and oppose both the hegemony of the new right and the ‘classism’ and revolutionary orientation of the radical left. In their later work, they elaborate their accounts of hegemony and move in new directions. In On populist reason (2005) and The rhetorical foundations of society (2014), Laclau draws on poststructuralist discourse or rhetoric as well as notions of populism or the masses to show that hegemony involves what he terms antagonism, frontiers or we/they oppositions, equivalential logics, and other elements. By contrast, in On the political (2005) and Agonistics: thinking the world politically (with Wagner, 2013), Mouffe elaborates the notion of the fissured subject which, as she and Laclau argued in Hegemony, was constituted by the antagonisms of diverse social movements or the dislocation of social structures; however, her new accounts of the antagonisms or, as she says, ‘agonisms’ dividing the political field forcefully oppose universal norms of rationality or democracy in order to establish a genuine pluralism on a national and a global scale.

Hegemonía y desarrollo rural: análisis territorial de políticas de desarrollo rural en Benito Juárez (Buenos Aires, Argentina)

En las últimas décadas ha tomado relevancia la dimensión territorial del desarrollo rural. En este marco surgen instituciones estatales y mecanismos dirigidos a obtener y organizar consensos en los diferentes niveles de aplicación de las políticas (regional, nacional, provincial y local). Se promueve la idea del territorio como un ámbito de unión entre múltiples agentes públicos y privados. Partiendo de que el mismo debe ser concebido como un ámbito de ejercicio del poder, analizamos las políticas públicas como un proceso de construcción de hegemonía. Para ello, partiendo de las diferentes contribuciones de la geografía crítica y de otras disciplinas de las ciencias sociales, analizamos el surgimiento de las políticas para la agricultura familiar (AF) como elemento novedoso del desarrollo rural en Argentina —y en la región—. Lo hacemos con base en un estudio de caso en el partido de Benito Juárez (Provincia de Buenos Aires) donde realizamos una investigación cualitativa con base en trabajos de campo y entrevistas a informantes calificados. Las conclusiones a las que llegamos ponen de relieve cómo los mecanismos de inclusión (económica y/o política) buscan producir nuevos sujetos, acordes a las necesidades de los actores hegemónicos.

Desarrollo y Territorio. Una visión desde los procesos de sojización del Cono Sur de América Latina

En este artículo realizamos un análisis crítico sobre la relación entre desarrollo y territorio a partir del avance de la sojización en el Cono Sur latinoamericano. El trabajo se inicia con una periodización e interpretación respecto a las etapas en que la cuestión del desarrollo y el territorio se constituyó en política de estado. En este análisis se considera que la cuestión del desarrollo y del territorio y su presencia recurrente en la política pública tiene que ver con la construcción de hegemonía a través de la producción de un discurso, explicitado por medio de propuestas, opciones, acciones, e instrumentos dirigidos a enfrentar el problema social del desarrollo desigual (sea en relación a lo espacial, económico, social e incluso institucional). Desde esta interpretación se analiza la expansión de los commodities y la consolidación de un modelo de acumulación cada vez más concentrado y regresivo, que se traduce en una mayor y creciente desigualdad. Se trata de una concentración económica que beneficia a una minoría privilegiada mientras se avasallan los derechos de los sectores más desprotegidos y precarizados del ámbito rural y urbano. El trabajo pone en cuestión al contexto cultural hegemónico que logra que las actuales consecuencias de la producción del territorio y de valorización del capital (ligadas al extractivismo y a la reprimarización de las economías sudamericanas) se tornen lejanas e incomprensibles para la gran mayoría de la población, que desconoce, minimiza o desestima la profundización de la desigualdad y la marginación social, las consecuencias ambientales, políticas, económicas, sociales e institucionales –presentes y futuras– del avance de los commodities, la persecución, la opresión y la discriminación de los numerosos actores.

The significance of peace inside the inter-religious dialogue, an approximation to the Pope Francis inter-religious trips

The following article analyses the function of the peace significant within the inter-religious dialogue and its effects in the construction of hegemony, through the actions and statements of the three Argentinean monotheist religions leaders. This article takes as its empirical referent the trip to Holy Land made by the Pope Francis, the rabbi Abraham Skorka and the Islamic leader Omar Abboud; as well as the inter-religious meetings led by them. With this purpose, To this end, it accounts for the implementation and analysis of in-depth interviews with five religious leaders participating in such activities.

From the Construction of Hegemony to State Crisis: Political Power and Social Media in Turkey

From the Construction of Hegemony to State Crisis: Political Power and Social Media in Turkey

AFINAL, O QUE SIGNIFICA O TRABALHO COMO PRINCÍPIO EDUCATIVO EM GRAMSCI?

Neste artigo, propõe-se identificar o lugar que ocupa a ideia do trabalho como princípio educativo na perspectiva teórica de Gramsci. É um princípio que ele retoma da escola humanista, cujo objetivo era o de desenvolver em cada indivíduo a capacidade de saber pensar e dirigir-se na vida. O conceito e o fato do trabalho ser seu princípio educativo porque considera a relação dos homens entre si, que cria os diferentes tipos de sociedade, as leis civis, a política, o governo, o Estado, bem como a relação dos homens com a natureza, que cria a ciência, a técnica. Esse é o princípio educativo que Gramsci apresenta como referência para a escola unitária, pensando a noção de trabalho em Marx, a formação de dirigentes e a construção da hegemonia. A difusão da sua proposta educativa, entretanto, desconheceu sua relação com o processo de reforma intelectual e moral, a formação de dirigentes, a construção da hegemonia. Foi reduzida ao modelo soviético do politecnismo, fundamentado em teorias da escola nova. Esse é o foco central do presente trabalho.

Learning from all? The World Bank, aid agencies and the construction of hegemony in education for development

This paper explores the nature and quality of the participation that characterises the Bank's consultations with external actors and examines the extent to which the Bank is responsive to such feedback when it comes to defining its policy preferences and strategies in the education domain. It draws on a case study of the participatory process that was organised around the definition of the last World Bank Education Strategy (WBES2020) and focuses on the participation of three European aid agencies, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, Germany's Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development and the Department for International Development of the UK. This paper acknowledges that a significant effort was made to promote the inclusiveness and transparency of the participatory process, yet it concludes that the conditions for promoting quality participation and substantive policy change were not provided. Furthermore, the way international aid agencies produce and use knowledge limits their role and influence in the context of the Bank's consultations. Hence, by not contesting the Bank's policy ideas substantially, the agencies contribute inadvertently to reproducing the Bank's predominance in the education for development field.

Menemismo y kirchnerismo en Argentina: un análisis político discursivo de su construcción hegemónica

The aim of this work is to search the answer to how hegemonic construction logics operated during Menem’s and Kirchner’s administrations, which allowed them to legitimize and re-legitimize their power. The political-discursive approach will be our theory and method for the analysis of the ways of the construction of hegemony in the context of a specific discursive weft, from which social and political identities emerge and are articulated and shape equivalential and differential logics of sense, allowing the existence of a particular way of power- construction throughout both administrations. In each case, different discursive logics and diverse ways of articulate identities are analysed.

René Zavaleta: ecuación social y construcción hegemónica

En el presente texto se revisa la manera en que René Zavaleta Mercado, en el transcurso de susinvestigaciones sobre el Estado en América Latina, construyó el concepto de ecuación social. Se trata de reafirmar la pertinencia de dicho concepto que da cuenta de la profunda relación existente entre el conjunto de mediaciones que operan en la sociedad con el Estado. Además, el concepto amplía los horizontes de la relación entre gobernantes y gobernados ya que permite entender las transformaciones dentro de un Estado que tiende a ser el constructor de una nueva hegemonía. Laconstrucción de hegemonía, que se emplaza desde el orden estatal, permite acceder a formas de construcción del orden político que incluyen una creciente y poderosa participación de las diversas sociedades.

Usage of press as a hegemonic struggle field

This study discusses ideological effects on media content. According to Hallin (1986), while journalists serve as defender and sanctifier in the conciliation field; expose, blame and exclude those who are out of political conciliation in the deviance area. Antagonism between soldier and power in Turkey takes place in the deviance area via the news. In the discourse which have taken place in the national press in recent years; hegemonic military and civil elites are observed to be driven out to the existing routine. While the power of Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) in Turkey is untouchable and inarguable, Hallin (1986) with news discourse is taken out of the conciliation area and driven into the deviance area. To open the process of interchanging the hegemonic into discussion via the news in the press makes the observation of ideological routing of the press inevitable. The observation of news about TAF will be carried out upon the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. In private sense; “Sledgehammer Coup Plan” published in national press Taraf Newspaper on Jan 20, 2010 is chosen as a sample. This study puts the construction of hegemony, politics and economic structure together via discourses. It is observed that hegemonic ideology opens the position of parties on power into discussion by using media.