Concept Of Democracy Research Articles

Pragmatistische Kritik der Postdemokratie

Abstract Post-democracy has become an important contribution to the discourse on democratic theory. On the one hand, this article appreciates the impulses opened up by the diagnosis of post-democracy. On the other hand, it criticizes some problematic presuppositions. Especially the thesis of post-democracy seems to imply an ideal of democracy that is oriented toward a certain type of democracy, without critically discussing it. The tradition of philosophical pragmatism is drawn upon to show how an alternative critical diagnosis of democracy might look. The pragmatist tradition, it is argued, avoids the problems of the diagnosis of post-democracy outlined and develops a normatively grounded concept of democracy. The normative aim of democracy consists in focusing on the experience of vulnerability in the face of violence and suffering. Thus, democracy should be conceptualised as a reflexive practice that asks how to deal with these experiences of vulnerability.

The Concept of ‘Militant Democracy’ in the Context of Russia’s Armed Aggression Against Ukraine

Background: The fall of a dictatorship is accompanied by a period of democratic transit, which necessitates the use of special measures to protect a young and, thus far, unstable democracy. This model’s use began in practice after the Second World War in connection with the spread of the doctrine of "democracy capable of defending itself," also known as militant democracy (English) or Wehrhafte (Streitbare) Demokratie (German). The flagship here was the German science of constitutional law, which formed the tools for the creation of a new legal system accounting for the mistakes of the Weimar Republic. This experience is especially relevant for Ukraine, as since 2014, it has faced external armed aggression by revanchist forces that took power from the heir of the Soviet empire, Russia, in which a totalitarian regime was established and became a full-fledged aggressor state. Methods: The following methods were used in the work to study the concept of militant democracy in the conditions of Russia's armed aggression against Ukraine. The system multi-structural method was utilized to discover the means of militant democracy in Ukraine (ban of political parties, lustration, etc.), as well as problems associated with the use of certain militant democracy means. The logical-legal method made it possible to identify the essence of the decisions of the constitutional, supreme, and other courts, the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights, in which the means of militant democracy were used or the legality of their use was assessed (legality, constitutionality, or compliance with the European Convention on Human Rights). The comparative method justified the implementation of different countries’ experience (primarily, European) in reforming the constitutional and legislative regulation of the militant democracy in Ukraine and the mechanisms required for further action. Results and Conclusions: The work contains proposals for the constitutional and legislative improvement of the regulation of the means of militant democracy in Ukraine, which are based on the pre-existing experiences across the world and the use of already existing practices that have been successfully tested and achieved results.

Contemporary democracy: between political myth and political advocacy

The article examines some issues related to the development and consolidation of the democratic process in contemporary society. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of topics on the origins and meanings of the concept of democracy, the democratic ideal and real democracy, the challenges and paradoxes of democracy, as well as the perspectives of contemporary democracy. It is concluded that the discussion on the advantages and disadvantages of some or other forms of democracy is not finished and probably will not be finished soon, and today more and more disputes are going on some issues of theoretical, political and practical interest - what meaning we should give to the concept of democracy, how democracy works in the practice of contemporary society, what would be the nature and prospects of democracy.

Quasi-Democracy and Autocracy as Governance Systems in Nigeria An Examination

Abstract: Both democracy and autocracy are forms of governance systems that have been operated by humankind in the course of organizing society. They differ from one another and can hardly be combined for governance purposes without wreaking havoc in the society that does so. In some societies, there has been evidence that a historical transition from autocracy to democracy took place; the latter has since been consolidated. This is notably true in capitalist social formations. But, in some other societies, such linear transition has not been perfected and consolidated; such societies have often been stuck with autocracy, even when they propagandize democratic rule. Two points have to be raised about these forms of governance based on what has been said so far. In the first instance, because of the inherent differences in the natures of the two governance systems, humankind has arrived at a conclusion that democracy is better than autocracy and that it is historically a progressive development. Secondly and consequentially, a society that has been able to transition from autocracy to democracy should not allow itself to regress. This has not been the case in the Nigerian governance system. At Nigeria's independence in 1960, democracy was explicitly accepted to be an antithesis of colonial autocracy. However, both autocracy and elements of democracy were used and have since been combined for governance. Just halfway into the first decade of independence, the military took over, and alternations between civilian rule and autocracy took place. The paper attempts to clarify both concepts of democracy and autocracy, provide a detailed analysis of governance in Nigeria, and show how the country's debilitating economic structures and other factors have reinforced autocratic nature of governance, whether military or civilian.

Plurinational democracies in Europe: the quest for a profane constitutionalism

AbstractHow should we understand the claims on the right to decide on status made within plurinational member states of the European Union by actors and institutions seeking to protect the self‐government of sub‐state nations or peoples, or at least their right to consent to their ascribed status? Peaceful solutions to conflicts involving contested claims over territory, citizenship, and national sovereignty (authority) can be found when a conceptual or cultural transformation takes place towards a pluralist and bottom‐up or federal concept of plurinational democracy, recovering the centrality of self‐determination as the self‐assertion of a political community. Constitutional law based on the popular sovereignty of a majority nation within plurinational democracies often neglects the question of the definition of the demos as the prefigured constituency, and the existence of national or territorial minorities. If constitutions are interpreted as precluding any claim to self‐determination by a constituency, and any debate about that claim, then an undemocratic, sacralized model of militant constitutionalism may emerge. That model is not so much about protecting democracy as it is about imposing a national mould, a pre‐defined demos. This article revisits the claims of sovereignty made by national territorial minorities in Spain, against the background of the constitutional doctrine of the Spanish judiciary that precludes these constituencies from engaging in political debates on the right to decide. The resulting sacralization of the Constitution leads to a new version of the model of ‘militant democracy’, a militant nationalist constitutionalism, which can be countered by an alternative, secular, even profane approach to the Constitution.

The Currency of Politics: Rejoinder

AbstractThis response gives me the opportunity to clarify, extend, and complement several aspects of my conceptual and historical argument in The Currency of Politics. I do so primarily by situating my account more explicitly within debates over European monetary politics, by expanding on my use of history, and by articulating what differentiates my concern with the political theory of money and the politics of depoliticisation from complementary accounts. In doing so I elaborate on the ways in which engagement with the thought of John Maynard Keynes helped to structure my approach. While there are important limits to the politics of money under contemporary capitalism, these limits are not fixed economic ones but are better seen as political limits of monetary politics that nonetheless leave considerable space for articulating alternative demands for more democratic forms of money. This framing allows me to extend my argument in order to address contemporary struggles over credit policy, monetary reform, and climate change in Europe. I thus end with a set of critical reflections on the constitutional status of money in the European project and beyond.

A Democratic Theory of Life

Abstract In response to its current crisis, scholars call for the revitalisation of democracy through democratic innovations. While they make ample use of life metaphors describing democracy as a living organism, no comprehensive understanding of ‘life’ has been established within democratic theory. The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement articulates the urgency of refocusing on life and its meaning through radical democratic practice. This article employs a grounded theory approach, enriched with participatory methods, to develop a radical democratic concept of life in conversation with BLM. It conceptualises life as the existence of a perspective that constantly transforms through its fundamental interconnectedness. Building on this concept, the article outlines four principles of a living democracy that go beyond the revitalisation discourse. A living democracy (1) safeguards the existence of all humans and nonhumans, (2) nurtures a diversity of perspectives, (3) fosters social and planetary connectivity, and (4) enables self- and collective transformation.

Nature of Democracy in the Political Leadership of Muhammad ﷺ: In the Context of Pakistan and Iqbal

The concept of democracy, as we understand it today, did not exist during the time of Muhammad (peace be upon him), the prophet[1] of Muslims, but evolved over time and is rooted in the principles of equality, participation, consultation, social contracts, and justice. Muhammad ﷺ has established these principles, and in this study, it is to be argued that the principles are democratic in nature. His leadership qualities have a significant link with the politics in Pakistan[2] and with the dreamer of this country, Iqbal. It is a descriptive study; the primary objective is to focus on exploring the democratic thoughts of Prophet Muhammad ﷺ through historical incidents from his life. The secondary objective is to explore Allama Iqbal’s thoughts on democracy[3], which are influenced by the political thought of Muhammad (PBUH). It is also argued that Iqbal, the spiritual father of the East, through his poetry, has emphasized the importance of social justice, individual freedom, and education; these are also the basic principles of democracy. The books and literature used for this research depict the political leadership qualities of the Prophet Muhammad and their impact on Pakistan. So, being the most influential leader of Muslims, the “thoughts” of Muhammad ﷺ are explored, which have the potential to bring positive changes to democracy in a country. For promoting democratic values in Pakistan specifically and in Asia in general, this study can play an authentic role. It will provide insights into the potential for democracy to create just and prosperous societies. It can be inspiring for individuals and institutions and would be a new piece of creation incorporating the leadership qualities of Muhammad (PBUH) and Iqbal’s thoughts on democracy and democracy in Pakistan. A triangle needs to be understood.[1] Muhammad, the prophet of Islam, lived in the 7th century in a different historical and cultural context, where the concept of democracy, did not exist as the political and social structures of that time were different, and decision-making processes were not necessarily based on democratic principles.[2] A country in South Asia, gained independence from British colonial rule in 1947 and adopted a constitution in 1956, which provided for a parliamentary form of government.[3] Allama Iqbal was a prominent philosopher and poet who lived in the 20th century and wrote extensively on a wide range of topics, including democracy, who also dreamt of Pakistan.

Building Sustainable Cities Along the Dimensions of Democracy

This research seeks to make evident the intimate connection between sustainable development and democratic concretization, characterized here not only by the electoral process, but also by a permanent dialogical relation between the State and civil society. The emphasis of the reflection is set on the local aspect with the purpose of studying forms of effective democratization of the urban space, and the possible means of achieving it. The starting point for this work is the hypothesis that the city is a space and territory in dispute, which reflects in contrasting expressions such as being the place of violations and denial of a dignified life, and yet, an environment of expansion of dignities and liberties. Therefore, what will be analyzed are the possible strategies to be elaborated, considering democratic planning and transforming institutional proposals, in order to enable the creation of a formal channel which effectively instrumentalizes dialogue with city population, considering all participants of the scenario, from the individual, to the private sector, up until, finally, the public power, which manages the public space. The following research is qualitative and deductive, adopting the procedures of bibliographic and documental research.

The Transnationalism of Democracy and Power Multiplicity in Indonesia: A Critical Perspective

This article explores the concepts of power and democracy within the context of transnationalism, with a specific focus on Indonesia. It traces the foundational ideas of power from classical political thought to contemporary notions, bridging an understanding that reflects the complexity and multiplicity of power in a transnational world. The author emphasizes the importance of recognizing power multiplicity as a new way to perceive power, given the current historical structure that has produced various actors, transformed institutions, and deconstructed political arenas from traditional models to contemporary ones. The transnational historical structure not only creates new arenas for power but also shapes new methods of power production. These innovations have profound implications for political life and the current face of democracy in Indonesia, reflecting a transition from old paradigms to modern interpretations. The research offers a critical perspective on how transnational influences interact with domestic structure to redefine democracy and power dynamic in a rapidly globalizing world.

Clientelism of the Idea of Young Voters in Creating Substantial Democracy in the 2024 General Election

As a tactical step away from the concept of democracy, general elections in Indonesia are always faced with the practice of political clientelism.These problems are certainly a warning of the death of substantial democracy. Amid these threats, the 2024 general election has a different vote map from previous periods, where the proportion of young voters exceeds 50% of the national vote. This study aims to see the potential role that young voters can play in the 2024 general election to create substantial democracy. This article is a literature study through collecting library data, reading, recording, and processing research materials. In general, this article finds that young voters have a fairly high level of concern for environmental and climate issues after the issue of corruption. In particular, this article shows that climate and environmental issues can become a political narrative that encourages the creation of substantial democracy in the 2024 general election. In the pattern of political clientelism, the 2024 general election can form substantial democracy through the propositions of young voters and their interests, which will form a political narrative based on ideas.

Agricultural landowner perspectives on wind energy development in Alberta, Canada: insights from the lens of energy justice and democracy

ABSTRACTThe political and economic landscape of Alberta, Canada, is deeply affected by fossil fuel extraction, thus limiting progress toward energy transition. Although transition is slowed by resistance to renewable energy technologies, public perspectives on these projects are diverse, with localized sensitives that are often not well understood. To improve our understanding of support and opposition to wind energy development, we draw on concepts of energy democracy, distributive and procedural justice. Utilizing a factorial survey experiment, and latent class analysis to measure these concepts with a sample of 401 large-scale agricultural landowners, we identify three distinct groups of individuals with unique preferences that are grounded in how individuals view and support wind energy. Contrasting most respondents with moderate views on wind projects, we identify a distinct group of supportive landowners when community benefits are well defined. A third group is defined largely by opposition to wind energy whereby justice concerns are associated with distancing their land from the impacts of wind turbines. Our conclusions identify the value of careful and transparent project design in consultation with local communities and affected landowners to avoid opposition noted here and in previous studies.

CIVIL IDENTITY OF A PERSONALITY: URGENCY OF FORMATION AND DETECTION IN MODERN UKRAINE

The article analyzes features of personality’s civic identity through awareness of relevance of its formation and detection in modern Ukraine. The following methods were used to conduct the research: analysis and generalization of pedagogical and methodical sources in order to identify the range of issues that require scientific and methodical study; methods of comparative analysis, interpretation and generalization of facts; comparative and analytical methods to analyze formation of personality’s civil identity; system analysis for development of ways of forming personality’s civil identity in modern Ukraine. The concepts of "identity", "personal civil identity", "national identity as a component of citizenship", "state identity", "civil and social competences" are characterized. It is noted that civil identity of a personality is related to a person's sense of belonging to a certain state, the signs of which are considered to be presence of citizenship, high level of trust in authorities, fellow citizens, respect, pride for one's own state, patriotism. It is emphasized that the very concept of democracy is inseparably connected with the concept of "civic identity" in the sense that democratic processes in the state, as a rule, depend on the citizens' informed and active civil position. It was found that the markers of civil identity are language (promote Ukrainian the status of the state language, its mandatory use in official sphere, in educational system and mass media activities), state symbols (anthem, flag, coat of arms of Ukraine), calendar of holidays (which honor important events in the history of Ukraine, its outstanding people. Important role of the educational subject "Civil education" in formation of civil competence, which we consider the basis for further formation of personality’s civil identity based on it, has been determined. Fullness of civil competence in the content of 9 branches of education was analyzed, the content was specified through skills and attitudes. Possibilities of educational subjects in formation of civil competence of schoolchildren were represented. Key words: identity, civil identity of a personality, national identity as a component of civil identity of a person, state identity, civil and social compences.

Neoliberal pathways to the bioeconomy: Forest land use institutions in Chile, Finland, and Laos

Global capitalism has changed the Earth system to the extent that the current epoch is called the Anthropocene. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), land use change has played a crucial role in this profound functional shift in the Earth system. The Convention on Biodiversity (CBD) and its follow-up processes have insisted the same regarding the persisting decline in biodiversity. To shed light on the institutional aspects of land use change and the transformation towards the bioeconomy, we focus on three countries – Chile, Finland, and Laos, showing (i) how these historically very different societies have designed their land use institutions in recent decades, and (ii) what kind of bioeconomy and biosociety these institutional changes seem to presuppose. Our study's timespan is about fifty years, and the analysis is based on our ongoing research in the countries and the content analysis of legal and policy documents in them. These countries obviously differ regarding their basic constitutional and institutional structure and purposes in land use policy processes. We illuminate similarities and differences in authoritative and authorised transactions and discuss, from the perspective of classical institutional theory, how the state and property are entangled in power, how nature is not understood as a common good and public property, and how the negative liberty and economic conception of democracy is prevalent.

Eğitim Felsefesi Çerçevesinde Lider-Yönetici Dikotomisinde Demokrasi Kültürünün İncelenmesi

In this study, it is aimed to examine the culture of democracy in the leader-manager dichotomy within the framework of educational philosophy. As it is known, many definitions of the concept of democracy have been made so far, and since these definitions differ for everyone, it has not been possible to reach a single definition. However, democracy, which is accepted by everyone even though a common definition cannot be reached, is not authoritarianism, absolutism or dictatorship. If we take the various definitions of democracy in general, we can say that there are three different approaches. These are categorized as: definitions that emphasize the form of democratic governance, definitions that emphasize the human rights context of democracy, and definitions that emphasize the vital aspect of democracy. One of the internal concepts of democracy is undoubtedly leadership. The concept of leadership, which even famous thinkers such as Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Confucius, Tao, Buddha in ancient Greece have made the subject of discussion, is a universal phenomenon that remains up-to-date and continues to be defined by different unique statements of many researchers. If it is in the excess of the definitions made until today, it will be seen that the definition of leadership is the same as the number of people who undertake the task of defining leadership. When looking at the definitions of leadership, it is understood that leadership has the power to influence the group or organization of which it is a member by using its personal potential and mobilizing it in accordance with the determined goals. Key Words: Philosophy of Education, Leader, Manager, Democracy

Industrial and Environmental Democracies as Models of a Politically Organized Relationship Between Society and Nature

This paper is based on the concept of environmental political philosophy and from its perspective, it highlights the weaknesses and contradictions of contemporary, existing democracies. It aims to formulate an outline of the concept of environmental democracy, following the accounts of M. Bookchin, R. Morrison and H. Skolimowski, as well as international environmental law enshrined in United Nations documents and resolutions. It is based on the hypothesis that the preservation of a democratic political system in a situation of a collapsing planetary system (the Anthropocene) requires improving the foundations of democratic theory with the insights of the Earth system sciences, particularly of political ecology and critical environmentalism. Through philosophical analysis, explanation and interpretation, this paper explores an environmental democracy that would, on the one hand, preserve the basic constitutional principles of current democratic constitutional regimes, and, on the other hand, reconcile them with the current state of understanding in the Earth sciences concerning the vulnerability of the planetary system. In a sense, J. Habermas’s understanding of human rights characterizes the concept of environmental democracy as a realistic utopia. The author concludes by drawing up the imperative of sustainability, which he sees as a guiding organizing principle of institutions and public policies for the climatic, demographic and economic regime of the Anthropocene. -------------------------- Received: 16/12/2022. Reviewed: 09/03/2023. Accepted: 30/03/2023.

A Republican Conception of Counterspeech

Abstract‘Counterspeech’ is often presented as a way in which individual citizens can respond to harmful speech while avoiding the potentially coercive and freedom-damaging effects of formal speech restrictions. But counterspeech itself can also undermine freedom by contributing to forms of social punishment that manipulate a speaker’s choice set in uncontrolled ways. Specifically, and by adopting a republican perspective, this paper argues that certain kinds of counterspeech candominatewhen they contribute to unchecked social norms that enable others to interfere arbitrarily with speakers. The presence of such domination can pose just as much a threat to freedom of speech as unchecked formal restrictions by threatening an individual’s discursive status, revealing a problem for those who defend counterspeech as a freedom-protecting alternative. Rather than rejecting both counterspeech and legislation outright, however, this paper argues that the republican principle ofparsimonyought to be exercised when deciding on appropriate harmful speech response. While the principle of parsimony allows for suitably-checked formal punishment for some of the most egregious forms of harmful speech, citizen-led counterspeech must be guided by a reliable set of norms against the use of social punishment where those who do engage in social punishment face certain costs. The presence of robust, widely-known, and reliable norms thus supports both formal and informal responses to harmful speech while maintaining a secure discursive status for all.

Eğitim Yönetiminde Temel Hak ve Özgürlükler Düşüncesinin Demokratik Eğitim Çerçevesinde İncelenmesi

Democracy is a management system that protects human rights and freedoms at a high level and is open to development. The more democratic a modern government is, the more rights people have, the more freedom and equal opportunities they enjoy, the understanding has forced countries to use this concept and has created the ideal of a democratic management system. Many countries around the world have tried to implement democracy governance by replacing their management systems with the concept of democracy. A critical question also arises here. Would it be more democratic for countries to write democracy into their administrative systems, define democracy as they see fit and create their own institutions? Unfortunately, most countries have not grasped the essence and logic of democracy and have planned to manage democracy with structural reforms and institutions. Democracy is based not only on laws, but also on political culture. The object of democracy refers to the conceptual features of the knowledge of democracy. Democratic skills include skills that include the concept of democracy and the application of these skills in everyday life. Democratic attitude, on the other hand, refers to democratic attitudes and positions towards democratic values through the acquisition of democratic skills. If we compare the two classifications, the democratic object corresponds to the cognitive dimension, the democratic skill corresponds to the psychomotor dimension, and the democratic position corresponds to the emotional dimension. Effective and continuous education of people in democratic attitudes, skills and values requires the existence of a democratic educational environment. Many researchers agree that there can be no democratic education without creating a democratic learning environment, that is, an educational environment dominated by a culture of democracy. If democratic education refers to the process of acquiring democratic knowledge, skills and values of an individual, democratic education also means learning in a democratic environment and from people with democratic views. Democratic education is defined as an active, functional education whose goals, programs and methods are defined according to the basic principles of democracy, which values and attaches great importance to the value and integrity of the student as an individual. Key Words: Educational Administration, Fundamental Rights and Freedoms, Democratic Education

Status And Legal Relationship Between Plasma Farmers And Core Companies In Partnership Agreements (Case Study At Pt. Sierad Produce, Tbk Div. Partnership)

In this study, the authors used empirical legal research methods based on primary data sources based on field research on partnership agreements, interviews with users. Secondary data is literature study by reading and studying and understanding literature books as well as the knowledge gained during lectures. In addition to conducting interviews and observations. The analysis used was descriptive qualitative, namely a data analysis method that classifies and selects data obtained from field research according to its quality and truth, then linked with theories, principles and legal principles obtained from literature studies so that answers are obtained. formulated problem. Theory used: 1. Grand Theory (Theory of Legal Relations); According to R. Soeroso: Legal relationship is a relationship between two or more legal subjects. In this legal relationship, the rights and obligations of one party deal with the rights and obligations of the other party. That the law regulates the relationship between one person and another, between people and society is regulated by law. Whoever disturbs or ignores this relationship, then he can be forced by law to respect it. So every legal relationship has two aspects: the aspect of "bevoegdheid" (power/authority or right) with its opponent "plicht" or obligation. The authority granted by law to legal subjects (persons or legal entities) is called "rights". 2. Middle Theory (Theories in Contract Law); Freedom of contract is a reflection of the development of free market ideas pioneered by Adam Smith. Adan Smith, with his classical economic theory, underlies the thinking of Jeremy Bentham, known as Jeremy Benthan's utilitarianism, in his book Ïntruction to the Morals and Legislation, which argues that law aims to realize only what is beneficial to people. 3. Utilitis Theory: the purpose of law is: to guarantee the maximum happiness for as many people as possible. Certainty through law for individuals is the main goal of law. In this case Bentham's opinion is emphasized on things that are useful and general in nature. Applied Theory (Partnership Pattern); The concept of economic democracy in Pancasila does not allow free fighting between the strong and the weak, but is more directed towards harmony and mutual support between economic actors, this creates an obligation for the government to regulate and establish legislation.

Cooperatives as a way of participation in political decision-making processes: An Examination over the Turkish Forestry Cooperatives in constitutional terms

In this article, cooperatives were examined on their distinctive structure, questioning whether they can be seen as a way of civil participation on political decision-making, by presenting some recent cases from Turkish Forestry Cooperatives. Firstly, the place of the civil society in participatory democracies and the importance of economic and social conditions in this perspective and consequently the role of the cooperatives in civil society were explained briefly. Afterwards, the cooperative’s practical impact on political decision-making was analysed over the instance of OR-KOOP including core information on cooperatives and forest villagers in Turkey —representing a community lower economic facilities— in the search of fundamental necessities for an expected participation in political decision-making processes. Finally, constitutional significance of the forests and the cooperatives were revealed with regard to the crossing concepts of participatory democracy, sustainable development and human rights.
 Received: 29 July 2022 Accepted: 27 April 2023