Concept Of Democracy Research Articles

Engaging Young People in Peace Education Research: Using an Arts Based Approach to Gain Congruence through Democratic Methods

Qualitative research has increasingly been utilising visual methods such as drawing to collect richer insights from participants of all ages and backgrounds. This article demonstrates the methodological potential of a structured arts based workshop that included a data walk, a drawing session, and a reflective peace wall. We reflect on the suitability and value of this approach to support young people’s learning about peace, to collect insights on what peace means to them, and how they envision their contribution to a peaceful world. This project was done with 12–18-year-old students in three schools in Glasgow, Scotland. We found that a structured approach allowed students to understand and express what positive peace means and to see themselves as agents of change. Three key methodological insights are offered: ways the approach addresses a crisis of praxis in peace education research, how research methods can gain congruence with democratic concepts in of peace education, and normative validity established through the voice of young people. This article contributes to the literature on arts based and creative methodologies and offers a novel model of peace education research inclusive of multiple ways of knowing and more democratic methods.

Ennahda’s Muslim democracy in post-Arab spring Tunisia: Synthesizing political thought and practice

This article explores the interplay between political thought and practice within Tunisia?s Ennahda party, first during its period in opposition, then after it took power in 2011, and finally in the aftermath of the 2021 coup. We trace the genealogy of political thought within the party from the point of its foundation. In doing so, we explore the gradual evolution of party ideology, from a da?wa-based belief system between 1969 and 1981, to Islamic democracy between 1981 and 2011, to ?Muslim democracy? after the 2011 uprising. We examine this ideological evolution through the framework of three key elements: (i) Islam, (ii) Tunisia?s changing socio-political context, and (iii) the broader universal episteme. As we show, a significant turning point came in 2016, with the separation of the da?wa from party politics, which revealed a burgeoning state/party conceptualization of politics. However, the 2021 coup challenged Ennahda?s concept of Muslim democracy, as well as all aspects of the party?s own sense of continuity as a significant socio-political actor, such as its institutional structure, leadership, membership, social base, political strategy, and ideology. Ennahda is now confronted by an authoritarian resurgence, which aims at containing the party, and at delegitimizing its participation within nation-state structures. Empirical evidence, based on content-analytical evaluations of personal interviews as well as the media?s coverage of Ennahda, shows that the party?s representatives are increasingly focusing on organizational reform in order to deal with the ramifications of the 2021 coup. Their aim seems to be to democratize both Ennahda and the Tunisian state itself.

The Concept and Practice of Democracy in Zimbabwe: A Call for Consensual Democracy

With the coming of independence, a new form of governance: majoritarian democracy was adopted in Zimbabwe just as it was suggested as the best in many parts of Sub-Saharan Africa. The British rule that influenced the adoption of majoritarian democracy in Zimbabwe argued that it enables transparency and fosters checks and balances on corruption. We argue that, in a democratic system, functioning from a majoritarian perspective, there ought to be space of enjoying freedoms and rights. There ought to be sufficient representation and contribution of citizens in democratic procedures and organisations. For many, a good democratic system should speak to their bread and butter issues: their socio-economic well-being. However, these have not been enjoyed by the masses in Zimbabwe. The political atmosphere is a sad one; politics is practised for the sake of gaining power and controlboth in the ruling and opposition parties, something that is immanent in multiparty under majoritarian democracy. This study seeks to outline these ills and address them with a suggestion of embracing consensual democracy as it was conceptualised by Kwasi Wiredu. The central argument is that democratisation has failed due to a well curated system that seem to prioritise rivalry in politics as opposed to nation building. The study suggests that consensual democracy can address persistent political ills in contemporary Zimbabwe and build a unified and prosperous nation. The essential tenets that can enable this emanate from a historical record of political thought in indigenous Zimbabwe, characterised by the conceptualisation of rational deliberation in decision-making and inclusiveness: a consensual system in politics.

Демократия как форма реализации права населения на участие в управлении делами государства

This article focuses on the concept and types of democracy, as well as ways of public participation in the management of state affairs through the use of democratic mechanisms. The content of the main definitions in this field is analyzed.

СДЕРЖКИ БЕЗ ПРОТИВОВЕСОВ: ИДЕЯ «СМЕШЕНИЯ МОНАРХИИ И ДЕМОКРАТИИ» В «РИМСКОЙ ИСТОРИИ» КАССИЯ ДИОНА

In the third century AD, the historian Cassius Dio Cocceianus, in his "Roman History," proposes a blueprint for an ideal political constitution: the state that combines monarchy and democracy. Book 56 characterizes such regime as "a mixture of monarchy and democracy." Modern authors may draw an analogy with the concept of plebiscitary democracy. This paper, however, is aimed at preventing such analogies as despite the external similarities, the institutional content of the two models is different. The paper reveals the functions of the monarch, the people, and the Senate in the mixed constitution of Cassius Dio in two aspects: how they were intended to be presented to the addressees of the project, and the actual set of powers of each institution. The political project is examined in the context of Dio's ideas on the worst situations in politics such as civil war and 'dunasteia'. The author compares Cassius Dion's mixed constitution with the Caesarist model. The results show that while modern plebiscitary regimes involve two parts of the system - the elected ruler and the acclamating people - Dio's model consists essentially of three elements: the monarch, the people, and the Senate.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE FIRST BRAZILIAN REPUBLIC AND THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE (1889-1917): TWO GIANTS WITH DIFFERENT IDEAS?

This paper is a factual reconstitution of the relationship between the First Brazilian Republic and the Russian Empire (1889–1917), dealing with aspects such as the Russian recognition of the Brazilian Republic (1892), the trade and political relations, cultural and scientific exchange, immigration and the impact of the two 1917 Russian Revolutions on the bilateral relationship. Based on the primary sources (Brazilian diplomatic archives) and the relevant bibliography on the subject, the paper aims to analyze to what extent the ideological factor, expressed by the dynastic solidarity between the Romanovs and the Orléans e Bragança and by the opposition between the monarchical and republican conceptions of government, represented a determining factor for the bilateral relations between Brazil and Russia during the period. Besides, the research seeks to highlight other elements that have played a role (trade, cultural and scientific exchange, and immigration) in the dynamics of the interactions between Rio de Janeiro and St. Petersburg, notwithstanding the geographical distance between them.

How Lincoln Scooped Habermas

In opposing Stephen Douglas’s alleged popular right to choose a slave constitution, Abraham Lincoln developed a rudimentary conception of the normative presuppositions of democratic rights that prefigures the theory of popular sovereignty articulated by Jürgen Habermas. While Lincoln was influenced by a civic republican conception of natural rights, and referred to personal autonomy in arguing that some political choices violate the grounds of collective self-governance rights, both Lincoln—as read by Jaffa—and Habermas conceive human rights not as trans-political principles but as linking moral norms with the rule of law (or coordination through political power in general). The comparison shows that Habermas’s approach to the co-originality of civil liberties and democratic rights implies that legitimate secession, revolution, and primary constituent authority must be oriented toward creation of a just legal order. This enriched linkage approach explains why the right to democracy, like the right to basic liberty, is inalienable.

Contemporary Autocratisation of Democracies in the Context of “a Paradox of Democracy”

After the fall of the “Iron Curtain,” Francis Fukuyama formulated a thesis on structural victory of liberal democracy and its fundamental values, such as freedom of speech, freedom of thought, freedom of worldview, freedom of the press etc. This thesis was demonstrably erroneous, as at the beginning of the 21st century, the crisis of liberal democracy in relation to the growth of populist movements is mentioned more and more frequently. While seizing power through democratic means, populist parties abandon the ideals of liberal democracy and values and pivot towards an autocratic governance model while ostensibly adhering to the rules of formal democracy. It was Hannah Arendt, who warned against such a situation saying that tendencies to move towards autocracy within democracies are specific for multi-party systems, while two-party systems in democracies are relatively less prone to such transformation. With regard to the above, the problem which philosophy of politics calls a “paradox of democracy” reappears. Among other things, it is related to the question on the limit of tolerance the liberal democracy has for thoughts, attitudes, actions and words which are substantially opposed to democracy and may lead to autocracy. At the same time, we are observing the fact of reappearance of the militant democracy theory, formulated by Karl Loewenstein. The aim of this article is to look closely at the theory and its suggested modifications (described as neo-militant democracy), as well as to answer the questions on what tools are needed and if they are even possible to be used to defend not only procedures, but also values of democracy from its progressive destabilisation in the face of digital revolution.

“Navigating the Ethical Landscape: Right to Privacy in the Age of AI”

The fundamental rights were included in the constitution because they were considered essential for the growth of the personality of every individual to preserve human dignity and liberty, such are freedom of speech, expression movement, residence, trade and occupation protected by the State because they were considered essential for the development of the personality of every individual. Right to life guaranteed under Fundamental Rights article 21 of the Constitution of India, is not merely a fundamental right, it includes right to life and personal liberty which are most precious, sacrosanct inalienable and fundamental of all the fundamental rights of citizens which also assure, right to privacy. Right to privacy which are the most essential and basic human rights in a democratic form of government. In our increasingly digitized world, the intersection of artificial intelligence (AI) and the right to privacy has become a paramount concern. The right to privacy, a fundamental human right, faces unprecedented challenges in the wake of AI advancements, like personal data, questions about consent, transparency, and individuals’ privacy. This research paper seeks to unravel the intricate relationship among all these realms, exploring the ethical dimensions that arise as AI technologies permeate various aspects of our lives. Furthermore, our discussion will extend to the ethical responsibilities of AI developers, policymakers, and users, will gain insights into designing AI systems that prioritize privacy, emphasizing the need for ethical considerations throughout the development life cycle. A responsible and privacy-centric approach to AI deployment. This seminar paper seeks to unravel the intricate relationship among all these realms, exploring the ethical dimensions that arise as AI technologies permeate various aspects of our lives. The right to privacy, a fundamental human right, faces unprecedented challenges in the wake of AI advancements, like personal data, questions about consent, transparency, and individuals’ privacy. The methodology of the study is the descriptive analysis of doctrinal research and based on secondary sources like book, journal. articles and case laws

The Hypothesis of Cultural Differences in Sino-Us Relation with International Political Conflicts

Conflicts and tensions among major powers are often seen as clashes of interests between entities with significant influence. Nevertheless, from a historiographical standpoint, one would challenge the validity of such a simplistic view. The themes of nations that have to be considered full are undeniably formed by comprehensive historical and cultural components. Hence, it is essential to comprehensively evaluate cultural disparities to have a comprehensive understanding of interstate conflicts. This research uses case studies and qualitative methodologies to conduct a comparative analysis of the ideologies and national value identities that underlie Chinese-American interactions during the last decade. It focuses on the cultural distinctions inherited from China and the United States in order to get a deeper understanding of these connections. This research posits that the concept of democracy is firmly ingrained in the cultural and political fabric of these societies, giving rise to divergent ideologies. Numerous pieces of evidence indicate that the cultural aspects of a country significantly influence its political evolution.

Politics of forests and environmental data: Innovation from above, innovation from below, and conflicts over land use and property in Sweden

This paper offers an exploratory analysis of the links between the politics of forest and struggles over environmental data in Sweden. The term politics of data is used to analyse data production orientated to productivity-oriented forestry and the use of digital technologies that allow ordinary citizens to produce data and knowledge on forests and biodiversity in Sweden. While both processes can be understood as innovation, they differ in terms of drivers and actors. The paper proposes to approach the former process as innovation from above, and the latter process will be understood as innovation from below. In this regard, the main argument to be developed in the paper is that these two forms of innovation reveal the key role of struggles on environmental data in the political interlinkages between contemporary land and property questions in forest and forestry in Sweden. By looking at data production from below, the paper attempts to bring a more dynamic understanding of the production, use and exchange of innovations for data production in environmental conflicts. The empirical analysis of the paper is based on cases where the role of data production in discussions on forestry in Sweden show contestation about the procedures to produce data and its use through digital transformations. These cases will serve to discuss the relations between political struggles over data and knowledge produced through digital tools, how land use and property are politically contested in the context of forestry, and how digital platforms for data production and management also become tools for incipient forms of democratization of knowledge production and innovation in decision making concerning forest and biodiversity.

EKONOMİ VE DEMOKRASİ İLİŞKİSİ: KENYA VE ETİYOPYA ÖRNEĞİ

Especially after the Industrial Revolution and Karl Marx's studies in political economy, the examination of the relationship among economy and democracy has gained popularity. The expression generally put forward within the scope of this relationship is that there is a cause-effect relationship that works from economic developments to democratic development. Hence, based on the aforementioned correlation, the attainment of the requisite level of economic progress constitutes a prerequisite for the development of democracy in a given nation. As put forward by Weber, in order to reach a democracy that has the necessary conditions in the modern sense, capitalist industry must first develop. According to this flow from economy to democracy, it is stated that countries with higher indicators in certain areas of the economy are more inclined to develop democratic forms of government. This situation has been determined by many quantitative studies and the flow from economic development to democratic development has been confirmed. Among the reasons for this situation are that economic development contributes to the development of education and strengthens the mental structure towards democracy. The stated reasons came together and the result was that the population became a more open society, thus increasing the desires of societies for a democratic system. In light of this, this study has appraised the correlation between the economy and democracy, and has ascertained that the flow from the economy to democracy holds true for both Kenya and Ethiopia.

Cancellation of Regional Regulations in Indonesian: An Overview of the Conception of Constitutional Democracy

In connection with the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 137/PUU-XIII/2015, this study examined the cancellation of regional regulations reviewed in Indonesia's constitutional system. The research method is normative legal research, or looking at the laws and regulations that are in effect. This study also collects legal materials using the library method, which are presented qualitatively and descriptively. This study will demonstrate the connection between the cancellation of regional regulations and the authority and position of the Minister of Home Affairs as assistant to the president in the Indonesian constitutional system. The regional regulation was scrapped because it was thought to make it harder to make investments in Indonesia. The Republic of Indonesia's central government has the authority to oversee the administration of regional governments, overseeing every regional regulation and regional head regulation. Be that as it may, after the choice of the Protected Court, the Clergyman and lead representative as delegates of the focal government never again have the position to drop a territorial guideline. In conclusion, this study reveals that the governor and the Ministry of Home Affairs can only cancel regional regulations that conflict with higher regulations, are not in line with interests, or violate moral norms in general through the process of testing regional regulations before they are enacted (executive). preview). This is different from the situation before the Constitutional Court's decision, when the Minister of Home Affairs and the Governor still held authority.

The New Horizons of Tax Law between Energy Policies and Ecological Transition: the Case of Energy Communities

In view of the objectives of environmental sustainability and climate neutrality, advocated by the Paris Agreement and the “European green deal”, energy taxation represents a fundamental tool for the gradual replacement of traditional fossil fuels with renewable ecological sources in a cost-saving manner. Moreover, it enables us to rethink energy supply models. The reflection considers measures developed at both EU and domestic levels, examining tools, mechanisms and tax incentives designed to facilitate an environmentally-friendly energy transition. Particular focus is given to energy communities – a form of energy system democratization allowing users to become producers, consumers and managers simultaneously, transforming the energy market, still reliant on fossil fuels and organized around centralized production and distribution networks, from a “green” perspective.

Breaking Silences: Women, Citizenship and Theatre In Northern Ireland

This essay seeks to weave together an analysis of women’s citizenship and its dependency on certain silences, and the exploration of this tension in two recent productions by Belfast- based Kabosh Theatre Company. Kabosh, and company Artistic Director Paula McFetridge, stage work that examines the realities of the region in the post-conflict era. In constructing the theoretical frame for the analysis, the concept of “silence” and “silencing” draws from Kristie Dotson (2015), and from work on violence such as Gayatri Spivak’s concept of “epistemic violence” and a wide range of sources on the performance of violence in theatre. Chantal Mouffe’s concept of agonistic democracy shapes the discussion of the Northern Irish state, and Wendy Brown and Joane Butler are the key scholars for the consideration of citizenship and nation.

Educational Democracy in the Perspective of Islamic Education Philosophy

This paper explains the concept of educational democracy in the perspective of Islamic educational philosophy. Although democracy and Islamic education may seem contradictory at first glance, an in-depth study reveals the fundamental compatibility between the two. In Islam, education is seen as a basic right of every individual, similar to the basic principles of democracy that emphasize freedom and human rights. In this context, educational democracy is not only about access, but also about how education is delivered and how education-related decision-making processes are carried out. Islamic educational philosophy emphasizes the importance of justice, equality and recognition of diversity, principles that are in line with democratic ideas. This article suggests that by integrating democratic principles into the Islamic education system, a more inclusive, participatory and just approach to education can be achieved. Thus, educational democracy in the perspective of Islamic philosophy of education represents a paradigm that values diversity, participation, and justice in education.
 Keywords: Educational Democracy, Islamic Education, Philosophy Perspective

Judicial practice as a source of law on issues of participatory democracy

The article is devoted to an objective analysis of judicial practice as a source of law on issues of participatory democracy.
 It is emphasized that the problem of recognizing judicial practice as a source of law has long existed in legal theory and continues to interest legal scholars. Issues of participatory democracy as a subject of consideration by courts at different levels are characterized by insufficient research and the presence of controversial aspects. The resolution of the dispute regarding the recognition of judicial practice as a source of law contributes to the closure of many more general questions of the theory of law in the direction of its modernization and approximation to the requirements of European legal understanding.
 Arguments are given for recognizing judicial practice as a source of law, but it is noted that judicial practice is a secondary, formally optional source of law. A single reference to it is not enough, it must be combined with a reference to the corresponding formally binding source of law (legal act, legal contract, etc.). However, this thesis does not apply to cases where the state directly indicates the binding nature of the conclusions set forth in the relevant judicial acts.
 It is emphasized that, despite the existing features and specifics of judicial practice and judicial precedent, the majority of scientists quite justifiably consider these phenomena as identical and interchangeable, and moreover use the same name «precedent» or use the terms «jurisprudence», «legal position».
 It is emphasized that issues of participatory democracy, due to their widespread distribution and actualization in recent years, have become the subject of consideration by courts of various levels in many countries of the world. Today, a certain judicial practice has been developed on them, which complements the legal component of the concept of participatory democracy. In Ukraine, judicial practice can be attributed to the sources of law in the case of gaps, ambiguities, legal conflicts in normative legal acts. Only under the conditions of recognition of the possibilities of justice’s participation in the creation of law will progress on the path to an effective system of justice, proper provision and protection of human rights, hence the establishment of the principles of participatory democracy, become possible.

Populism and democracy: a reassessment

ABSTRACT Populism comes in so many forms, both historically and in its contemporary manifestations, that we cannot assess its relationship with democratic institutions as if it were homogeneous. In this article, we reconnect with the history of the first movements that have called themselves populists and draw on an understanding of populism as an egalitarian impulse against oligarchic tendencies, centred on anti-elitism and the defense of a democratic common sense. This genetic approach goes against the dominant definitions which tend to overstretch its range of application while assuming a form of anti-pluralism as part of its common features. Then, we draw attention to the diversity of conceptions of democracy within populist thought and practices and show that the types of democratic institutions favoured by populist movements, and their attitudes towards intermediary bodies, are highly contextual. Finally, we argue that populism’s inherent ambiguities shed some doubt on its capacity to respond to the current challenges faced by representative institutions.

Secularism under Dispute: Towards Agonistic, Pluralistic, and Democratic Politics. A Latin American Perspective

Abstract This article introduces some discussion on the limitations of the distinction between laicidad and secularization in Latin America (and to a lesser extent, the notion of religious freedom), mainly highlighting the problem of the colonial origin of these conceptions and their relationship with the liberal hegemonic political framework of the field. The paper’s thesis is that the boundaries for achieving a secular context in the region are not only connected to the lack of secular policies but to the application of limited concepts on the separation between church and state, and the impact of this emphasis on a reductionist vision of the religious diversity phenomenon and its link with the socio-political processes of the region. Our propose, finally, is to review these ideas in the light of the concept of radical democracy, and the contribution of this category in the broadening of the processes of institutionalization of religious identity configurations. We will take as an example of application the debates raised by the Pavez vs. Chile case in the Inter-American Court, resolved in the year 2021.

Personal enemies, conceptual friends. Karl Loewenstein and Carl Schmitt on self-destructive legalism

ABSTRACT The paper aims to discuss the rarely acknowledged conceptual affinities between legal-political thinking of Carl Schmitt and Karl Loewenstein. It may sound surprising given their different political leanings, as well as the concept of democracy inherent in the legal and political thought of the two thinkers, especially in their constitutional theories. For Schmitt democracy signifies identity between the rulers and the ruled, while for Loewenstein it is the very will of the people that has to be checked and tamed through the institution of representation. But when it comes to the defence of the existing political regime against the assault of its enemies and the understanding of the reasons of Weimar Republic’s failure, they strongly agree. Schmitt identified and elaborated on the possibility of the Weimar Republic’s enemies entering through the gate of legality and shutting its doors behind them. Loewenstein clearly sides with Schmitt that defending the constitution means defending its core or substance. The concept of militant democracy bears striking similarities with the conceptual world of Carl Schmitt: critique of the legalistic blindness, rejection of neutrality in public life, friend-enemy distinctions, legitimacy versus legality and the state of emergency.