Complex Predicates Research Articles

A Study of Wordhood in Complex Predicates

This paper is based on the two aspects of PV V compositions: the language's status as lexical compositions and the lexical units which often function as morphologically complex predicates but consist of syntactically independent words. With Ackerman (1997, 2003), PVs in Serbo-Croation(Algonquian) and Hungarian(Ugric), which parallel many of the phenomena cited by Craig and Hale(1988), are syntactically independent words. PV V compositions in the languages are lexical units and are sometimes complex morphological units. So, Conditions on (in)separability are morphological and independent of the lexical status of PV V compositions and the PVs are neither clitics nor bound morphemes.

Theoretical aspects of the chiShona passive

ABSTRACTThis paper analyses passivisation in chiShona within the Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) theoretical framework. We treat passives as operations on the argument structure of a verb, represented as a nested list just like causatives. We describe passive typology and explicate its morpho-syntactic characteristics with regards to complex predication. We conclude, in contradistinction to the valence altering causative counterpart that, though passives are complex morphologically, on the overall, they are not complex predicates. Our conclusions are based on the unavailability of aktionsart alternations, lack of event modification and the inability to be accounted for through argument composition. We reveal that chiShona intransitives passivise, which is evidence that passivisation is a backgrounding rather than foregrounding operation. We examine the relationship between passives and causatives, discovering that different passivisation possibilities are available, which depend on whether the causative type is morphological or periphrastic. Well-formed constructions are accounted for through HPSG formalism and the semantic meta-theory Lexical Resource Semantics constraint satisfaction mechanisms.

Complex Predicate Constructions in Uzbek Language

Complex predicates are defined as constructions consisting of preverb/converb/coverb + ‘light verb’ (Bowern 2006). Each component of the complex construction contributes to the internal argument structure. The typology of complex predicates exhibits cross-linguistic similarities and differences. This study investigates the complex predicate constructions in Uzbek, which possesses a rich variety of light verb constructions. Novel data from Uzbek is provided, and it is analyzed on the basis of proposed criteria in the government and binding theory (GB) literature for complex predicates. The analysis reveals that these constructions express simultaneity, cause and effect, and consecutivity. Both verbs in complex constructions share the same subject, and they describe a single event. However, the object may or may not be shared by both verbs. What is significant about Uzbek light verbs is that they both host inflection, and contribute to the event structure. That is, tense and agreement markers, as well as aspectual markers are carried by the light verb. The constituency is strict in complex predicates, and there cannot be an intervention between the converb and the light verb by such elements as interrogatives, negation, or temporal adverbs. Key words: Complex predicates, light verbs, Uzbek language, construction, derivation

Long passives in Norwegian: Evidence for complex predicates

The purpose of this article is to show that Norwegian has complex predicates, in which two verbs are reanalyzed as one predicate in a monoclausal structure, comparable to complex predicates that have been proposed for other languages. The central evidence comes from the construction called the long passive, in which the subject of the first verb is typically the patient of the second verb. Norwegian long passives often have passive morphology on both verbs, and I consider this a case of verbal feature agreement. The article also discusses evidence for complex predicates from active sentences.

Notes on Non-occurrence of Case Markers

Ahn & Cho (2006a,b, 2007, 2009) suggest that non-Case-marked nominals are part of complex predicate or instances of left dislocation (LD). More specifically, the complex predicate option is available only when a bare NP takes place inside V domain. The other bare NPs are analyzed as LD. Ahn & Cho (2009) further propose that Korean has two types of LD: Hanging Topic LD (HTLD) and Clitic LD (CLLD). Given this analysis, we can resolve the puzzles on non-Case nominals pointed out by Bak (2008), Hong (2011) and Lee (2012). Clause-internal Caseless objects that Bak (2008) points out are analyzed as CLLDs that can be embedded. Clause-internal Caseless subjects that Lee (2012) indicates are also analyzed as embedded CLLDs. Finally, the examples Hong (2011) indicates are analyzed as HTLDs (crucially not CLLDs).

Complex predicates and light verb constructions in Modern Irish

This paper characterises complex predicates and light verb constructions in Modern Irish. Light verbs are attested in many of the world’s languages (Alsina, Bresnan & Sells, 2001; Butt, 1995, 2003). Cross linguistically, there appears to be a common class of verbs involved in these constructions and generally there is agreement that light verbs contribute to the formation of complex predicates. Light verbs seem have a non-light or ‘heavy’ verb counterpart. In this paper we discuss the light verb constructions (LVC) as found in modern Irish and how they form complex predicates. We claim that the light verb (LV) encodes the event process initiation (or cause) and the matrix verb indicates the bounded component or result. In light verb constructions, the matrix verb appears in Modern Irish syntax as a verbal-noun form. The function of light verbs in these constructions is to modulate the event and sub-event semantics. We distinguish between auxiliary verbs constructions (AVC) and those constructions involving complex predicated and light verbs (Aikhenvald & Dixon, 2006; Anderson, 2006). We provide evidence based on an analysis of Irish data that shows how aspect and argument structure considerations are resolved for the complex predicate within the light verb construction via the linking system between semantics and syntax. We motivate a functional account, based on Role and Reference Grammar (Nolan, 2012; Nolan & Diedrichsen, 2013; Van Valin, 2005; Van Valin & LaPolla, 1997), that appeals to the analysis of complex predicates within a consideration of the layered structure of the clause.

Complex SQL Predicates as Quantifiers

We propose a logical framework to analyze complex predicates (those involving a subquery) in SQL. We propose a new operator in the relational algebra for handling such predicates, and study its properties and how it combines with traditional relational operator. We focus on predicates of the form att θ MOD S, where att is an attribute, θ a comparison operator, MOD is one of SOME or ALL, and S is a (correlated or non-correlated) subquery. We provide a formal characterization of these predicate, as well as an implementation and optimization strategies for it. We show that our approach is extendible, so we can support the expression and optimization of other, similar predicates. Finally, we describe experimental evidence that the proposed approach is more efficient than the traditional approach across a variety of conditions.

The logic of complex predicates

In the literature, there are two major proposals for resolving the syntax-semantics mismatch characterizing complex predicates. The ‘verb-raising’ approach resolves the mismatch via syntactic movement (or its analog), whereas the ‘argument-sharing’ approach does so by positing merged argument structures for complex predicates at the syntax-semantics interface. Focusing on two types of complex predicates in Japanese—syntactic compound verbs and the so-called -te form complex predicate—I discuss some novel empirical data posing challenges to both approaches in addition to the set of well-known observations from the literature illustrating the tension between the two strategies. The paper then argues for a synthesis of these two approaches within a variant of categorial grammar, taking advantage of the logical perspective on the syntax-semantics interface characteristic of certain recent variants of categorial grammar. The proposed analysis integrates the analytic insights of the two previous approaches seamlessly, and has both theoretical and empirical advantages over the two: theoretically, it clarifies the deeper connection between the theory-neutral analytic intuitions guiding the two approaches; empirically, it provides straightforward solutions for both the old and new empirical problems, enabling a previously unattained unified treatment of complex predicates that has a wider empirical coverage than its competitors.

Complex Predication and the Metaphysics of Properties

The existence of complex predicates seems to support an abundant conception of properties. Specifically, the application conditions for complex predicates seem to be explained by the distribution of a sparser base of predicates. This explanatory link might suggest that the existence and distribution of properties expressed by complex predicates are explained by the existence and distribution of a sparser base of properties. Thus, complex predicates seem to legitimize the assumption of a wide array of properties. The additional properties are no explanatory addition to the sparse base. I argue, however, that construing complex predicates as expressing properties undermines the explanatory links between simple and complex predications. The argument explores a variety of accounts of complex predicates currently on offer and develops a number of themes from the work of Herbert Hochberg.

Non-finite complements and modality in de-na ‘allow’ in Hindi-Urdu

The meaning ‘to allow’ is expressed in Hindi-Urdu by the verb de-na ‘give’ with an oblique infinitive complement, which I argue is syntactically as well as semantically ambiguous. It has a biclausal control analysis, meaning ‘allow X to do A’, as well as an Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) complement with the meaning ‘allow A to happen’. The complements are smaller than finite CP and larger than the non-clausal causative complement, and the ECM complement is smaller than the control complement. I offer syntactic arguments for the syntactic ambiguity associated with the two meanings; where the control reading is unavailable, the ECM structure and meaning are available, sometimes by coercion from the context. The modal meaning associated with the control structure suggests that modals do not occur only in ECM/Raising constructions. The arguments are couched in minimalist syntactic terms, opening up a cross-theoretical dialogue with Butt’s (1995) analysis in Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG) terms of the permissive as a complex predicate in argument structure.

ChiShona periphrastic causatives as syntactic complex predicates: An HPSG analysis

This article examines the syntactico-semantic structure of periphrastic causatives in chiShona, a southern Bantu language spoken mainly in Zimbabwe. We argue that periphrastic causatives involve complex predication and are monoclausal. Evidence from scope related clause bound aspects in the form of negation, reflexivization, object and subject marking and passivization is used to corroborate the monoclausality. We utilise analytical insights from the notion of Argument Composition (AC) and Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) theory. Since AC is considered as a lexical process, its account of complex predicates satisfies strict compositionality whilst at the same time maintaining lexical integrity. Through the constraint satisfaction mechanisms of HPSG and the embedded semantic meta-theory of Lexical Resource Semantics (LRS) we provide evidence for the well-formedness of feature structures of periphrastic causatives in chiShona. We also demonstrate that as complex predicates, these causatives satisfy both the general and specific principles of both theories. The main argument that is proffered in this article is that through AC, the periphrastic causative shares much in common with its morphological counterpart, especially in the areas of valence, argument structure and lexical and compositional semantics.

Pseudo Noun Incorporation as Covert Noun Incorporation: Linearization and Crosslinguistic Variation

Pseudo noun incorporation (PNI) constructions in Sakha and Tamil obey a strict linear adjacency condition, such that not only the noun phrase (NP) but its head noun must be adjacent to the verb at phonological form (PF). I argue that this adjacency condition can be explained if the head of the NP adjoins to the verb to create a unit interpreted as a complex predicate at logical form (LF). The resulting structure can be linearized at PF if and only if no syntactic expression comes between the two copies of the noun, forcing adjacency on the construction. I also discuss two sources of variation in the syntax of pseudo noun incorporation: the fact that pseudo-incorporated nominals are invisible for case and agreement in some languages (Tamil and Sakha) but not others (Hindi and Hungarian), and the fact that the adjacency condition is canceled in languages like Hindi, where Verb-to-Tense movement serves to break up the verb-noun phrase (V-NP) cluster.

Control vs. complex predication

This paper comments on Davison’s (2013) analysis of the Hindi/Urdu permissive as: (1) a control construction with an ‘allow to do’ reading; (2) an ecm construction with an ‘allow to happen’ reading. The paper reiterates Butt’s (1995) original reasons for positing a complex predicate analysis of the ‘allow to do’ permissive and extends the analysis to the ‘allow to happen’ reading of the permissive. The argumentation covers different theoretical perspectives and brings out issues with respect to finiteness and different degrees of embedding that pertain to how “tight” a given predication ranging over subevents is. The paper argues that events embedded under a control or raising predicate are less tightly connected to the matrix verb/event than is the case in complex predication and that the different degrees of cohesion between events must be understood as reflecting embedding within different modules of grammar.

Re-thinking Compositionality in Persian Complex Predicates

Persian Complex Predicates (CPs) have been a focus of interest during the last two decades. Their formation (i.e. morphological/lexical vs. phrasal/syntactic) and their interpretation (compositional vs. idiomatic) have been thoroughly inves-tigated and various analyses have been proposed to account for their seemingly contradictory properties. In this paper, we revisit the issue of the compositionality of Persian CPs, focusing on Noun-Verb combinations, and provide a Construction-based approach which allows to overcome the apparent contradiction between their idiomatic and compositional properties, and offers a new insight into their produc-tivity.

Agentive reflexive clitics and transitive 'se' constructions in Spanish

<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 0cm; margin-right: 25.15pt; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-left: 1.0cm; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "ＭＳ 明朝"; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;" lang="EN-GB">This paper investigates the structure of transitive sentences that contain a non-doubling reflexive clitic such as <em>Juan <strong>se </strong>lavó todos los platos</em> and <em>María <strong>se</strong> leyó un libro</em>. Though these are traditionally labelled unselected (non-core) agreeing datives or aspectual datives, I argue that this label obscures a relevant difference between two classes of constructions. <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">agentive reflexive clitic</span> (= ARC) constructions are characterized by a uniform set of effects on the external argument (= it must be an agent) and the aspectual interpretation of the VP (= it must be an accomplishment). On the other hand, <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">transitive se clitic</span> (= TSC) constructions do not impose any type of uniform restrictions on the kind of external argument they take or on the aspectual interpretation of the VP. I propose that the difference between these two constructions may be captured by treating <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">se </span>in the ARC construction as the realization of a special <em>v</em><sub>DO</sub> head, based on an idea in Folli & Harley (2005), while <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">se</span> in the TSC construction is generated in the complement position of the verb and incorporates into V, forming a complex predicate, following work by De Cuyper (2006), MacDonald (2004, 2008) and MacDonald & Huidobro (2010). It is shown that many of the empirical and theoretical disagreements that plague the literature on the role of non-doubling <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">se</span> in transitive sentences have a simple solution given the new division established here</span></p>

Lexicalisation Patterns of Complex-Predicate Constructions in Japanese

This paper analyses the grammatical elements that render motion/change-of-state constructions in Modern Japanese and looks at what means are used to convey motion and resultative core schema. The finding brings us to the point that constructions rendered by a lexical V-V display two conflation patterns. In cause–effect/means/manner types and the complement relation type, the path segments are conflated in the verbs and may then exhibit verb framing. In the pair relation type, manner and path receive equal semantic and syntactic weights and thus exhibit equipollent-framed behaviour. Constructions with syntactic V-V convey path segments via path/resultative complements rather than verbs. Crucially, the complements appear outside the verb roots. In constructions rendered by a participle complex predicate, the manner verb bears a participial morpheme and appears adjacent to the main verb. The manner and path components in participle complex predicates are morphologically not equipollent. In participle adverbial clauses, the manner component is foregrounded, which suggests that manner is more like an independent lexical item and may then possibly receive equal weight as the path.

Complex predicates, eventivity, and causative-inchoative alternation

The paper examines syntax and semantics of complex predicates in Ossetian, an Iranian language spoken in the Central Caucasus. Ossetian, being a language where complex predicates participate in the causative-inchoative alternation, offers us an opportunity to investigate a case where the alternation is blocked by telicizing prefixes if the non-verbal component is not eventive. To account for this effect, an analysis is developed in which eventive and non-eventive non-verbal components are integrated into the event structure in considerably different ways. Eventivity/non-eventivity determines different attachment options for telicizing prefixes, hence constrains the spell-out of the whole structure in different ways. As a consequence of this, for one class of complex predicates, but not for the other, both causative and inchoative prefixed configurations can be spelled out by the same set of lexical items, and the alternation obtains.

Agreement in Magahi Complex Predicate

Verb carries a lot of information along with the information about agreement. Suffixes attached to verbs demonstrate the information about agreement. This paper focuses on complex predicate, which takes two elements but function as a single verbal unit. The paper shows how agreement which is a universal phenomenon of language interacts with complex predicate. Since complex predicate is a single verbal unit, agreement does not discriminate between simple verb and complex predicate. Agreement in Magahi has unique features in the sense that case markers are opaque in agreement system. The role of addressee component and honorific and non-honorific factor attached to listener/speaker play an important role in agreement between argument and light verb of complex predicate. Magahi negotiates its agreement in terms of person and honorificity.

Korean Serial Verb Construction

Korean serial verb construction (SVC) consists of two serialized verbs representing one event like a complex predicate; non-stative bivalence verbs are flexibly produced. SVC shows the argument sharing and composition, giving a temporal order or simultaneous event. Three-serialized verb construction (3v-SVC) also has a similar pattern with SVC, but its first verb is detached from the V2 and V3 relation. SVC is analyzed as the phrasal construction composed by two non-stative verb lexemes. This analysis based on Sign-Based Construction Grammar provides the plausible explanation for the grammatical properties of SVC and 3v-SVC.

How typology allows for a new analysis of the verb phrase in Burmese

This article deals with serial verb constructions in Burmese. This notion was developed through typological studies that allowed a comparison of complex verb phrases in different languages. Typology first aims at answering the following question: what do languages have in common and in what ways do they differ? This question is particularly crucial in the description and analysis of little-known or undescribed languages. I will show, in the case of Burmese, how typology provides useful theoretical concepts and helps organizing the description of the verb phrase; in return, such an analysis of Burmese provides interesting data that helps extend and refine the typology of verb phrases and serial verb constructions in the languages of the world.