Abstract
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 0cm; margin-right: 25.15pt; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-left: 1.0cm; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;,&quot;serif&quot;; mso-fareast-font-family: &quot;ＭＳ 明朝&quot;; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;" lang="EN-GB">This paper investigates the structure of transitive sentences that contain a non-doubling reflexive clitic such as <em>Juan <strong>se </strong>lav&oacute; todos los platos</em> and <em>Mar&iacute;a <strong>se</strong> ley&oacute; un libro</em>. Though these are traditionally labelled unselected (non-core) agreeing datives or aspectual datives, I argue that this label obscures a relevant difference between two classes of constructions. <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">agentive reflexive clitic</span> (= ARC) constructions are characterized by a uniform set of effects on the external argument (= it must be an agent) and the aspectual interpretation of the VP (= it must be an accomplishment). On the other hand, <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">transitive se clitic</span> (= TSC) constructions do not impose any type of uniform restrictions on the kind of external argument they take or on the aspectual interpretation of the VP. I propose that the difference between these two constructions may be captured by treating <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">se </span>in the ARC construction as the realization of a special <em>v</em><sub>DO</sub> head, based on an idea in Folli &amp; Harley (2005), while <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">se</span> in the TSC construction is generated in the complement position of the verb and incorporates into V, forming a complex predicate, following work by De Cuyper (2006), MacDonald (2004, 2008) and MacDonald &amp; Huidobro (2010). It is shown that many of the empirical and theoretical disagreements that plague the literature on the role of non-doubling <span style="font-variant: small-caps;">se</span> in transitive sentences have a simple solution given the new division established here</span></p>
Highlights
In this paper a detailed investigation of a particular set of transitive constructions that contain the reflexive clitic SE is presented
The first contribution of this paper is to argue that all of the effects associated with the AGENTIVE REFLEXIVE CLITIC (ARC) are derived from treating it as special kind of external argument – introducing head (Voice or little v) that is part of the lexical inventory of Spanish, following an idea presented in Folli & Harley (2005), but with a very different implementation
In this paper I have proposed a new division among transitive sentences that appear with a SE clitic, which is sometimes called a DATIVO CONCORDADO or DATIVO ASPECTUAL
Summary
In this paper a detailed investigation of a particular set of transitive constructions that contain the reflexive clitic SE is presented. Verbs that describe events of ingestion where the object becomes part of the subject either mentally or physically readily appear with the SE clitic in transitive clauses, as is well known While such verbs do appear in the ARC construction with all of the subject-oriented effects that follow, the most common ingestive verbs like comer appear in contexts that explicitly deny what I have labeled the non-cancellable (conventional) implicature of willful intent that is a property of ARC. (18) Me lavé todos los platos {en una hora / #durante una hora} SE.1s I washed all the plates in one hour / for an hour ‘I washed all the dishes in/*for an hour [+ARC effects]’ This can be further illustrated in cases that involve verb phrases that may be interpreted as activities or accomplishments in the presence of a direct object that describes a specific quantity as in (19a). Require agents (w/ Only occur with Tend to be willful intent) accomplishments ‘noteworthy’ or ‘impressive’ events
Sign-in/Register to view highlights & summary Talk to us
Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have
Schedule a callMore From: Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics
Disclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.
