Collective Defense Research Articles

Workplace violence in the Psychosocial Care Centers of a city in the state of São Paulo.

Introduction:Workplace violence against health care professionals is a highly prevalent problem and is considered a public health concern by the World Health Organization. Yet most studies on the topic focus on its negative impact on the mental health of workers rather than the causes of these incidents.Objectives:To describe the frequency of workplace violence and its impact on professionals working in Psychosocial Care Centers (Centros de Atenção Psicossocial [CAPS]) in a large city in the state of São Paulo.Methods:A quantitative cross-sectional study was conducted on a non-probabilistic sample of 193 health care workers across 11 Psychosocial Care Centers. Participants completed two self-administered instruments: a biosocial questionnaire and the Survey Questionnaire on Workplace Violence.Results:The results showed that 42.4% of respondents had suffered physical violence; 64.8% had experienced psychological violence; and 29.5% had been victims of bullying/mobbing. In most cases, the victims responded to these incidents by taking no action, asking the perpetrator to stop, or speaking of the incident to a colleague or superior. A verbal warning was issued to perpetrators in only 21% of cases of physical violence. Mobbing had the greatest negative impact on respondents, followed by psychological and physical violence.Conclusions:Workplace violence is a part of everyday work in Psychosocial Care Centers. Though this violence is often naturalized and considered a collective defense against suffering, it did not prevent participants from reporting high levels of job satisfaction, reflecting the degree to which professionals at Psychosocial Care Centers are committed to their colleagues and to service users, as well as their search for professional recognition.

Inferred predation of Fairy Tern eggs by Ruddy Turnstones at Rottnest Island, Western Australia, an internationally significant shorebird site

Ruddy Turnstones Arenaria interpres have been identified as egg-predators at seabird and shorebird colonies, including gull and tern colonies in the tropics and Northern Hemisphere. The Australian Fairy Tern Sternula nereis nereis is a threatened (Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999: Vulnerable) coastal seabird, whose breeding behaviour and ecology expose it to a wide range of threats. This study describes inferred predation on Fairy Tern eggs at a small breeding colony on Rottnest Island, Western Australia, by Ruddy Turnstones, a previously unsuspected predator for thisspecies. Unlike the behavioural response shown towards Silver Gulls Larus novaehollandiae and Australian Ravens Corvus coronoides, which includes collective group defence and dive-bombing, Fairy Terns showed a lack of aggression towards Turnstones within the colony. The lack of a behavioural response suggests that the Terns did not recognise the Turnstones as predators, which may increase the risk of egg-predation. This study suggests that we should be alert to threats from unsuspected predators, which have the potential to reduce the breeding success of this Vulnerable tern.

Women and Community in Medieval and Early Modern Iberia ed. by Michelle Armstrong-Partida, Alexandra Guerson and Dana Wessell Lightfoot

Reviewed by: Women and Community in Medieval and Early Modern Iberia ed. by Michelle Armstrong-Partida, Alexandra Guerson and Dana Wessell Lightfoot Tatevik Gyulamiryan Armstrong-Partida, Michelle, Alexandra Guerson, and Dana Wessell Lightfoot, editors. Women and Community in Medieval and Early Modern Iberia. U of Nebraska P, 2020. Pp. 288. ISBN 978-1-49620-511-7. Women and Community in Medieval and Early Modern Iberia edited by Michelle Armstrong- Partida, Alexandra Guerson, and Dana Wessell Lightfoot is a compilation of twelve essays looking into the communities of early modern Iberia with a focus on women and their roles. The essays connect to each other through a common thread—women in their respective communities— while also presenting various social, cultural, and political contexts ranging from financial support systems to violence against women to minoritized women’s lives in early modern Iberia. The contributors have carried out notable archival research, and they relate their findings about early modern Iberian women in such an inviting, engrossing way that the reader cannot help but be transported into the era and context due to the vivid pictures of various communities painted by the contributors of the volume. Before presenting the contributors’ pieces, the editors of the collection write in their Introduction, Contextualizing Women, Agency, and Communities in Premodern Iberia, of how they see “similarities and differences across the medieval and early modern period of women influencing, navigating, and managing their roles within their communities, including testing the bonds and limitations of the community within which they operated” (1–2). The volume is consequently divided into three parts, and each part invites readers to explore a different aspect of female agency in the early modern Iberian reality. The first part, Community Networks and Economic Agency, begins with Sarah Ifft Decker’s essay “Credit and Connections: Jewish Women between Communities in Vic, 1250–1350.” The author follows the transactions of a woman named Reina to tell the story of Jewish women creditors who lent money to the people of and around Vic. Natalie Oeltjen researches the lives of several conversas and their families from Mallorca, tracing the fiscal and royal mandates that further complicated converso lives beginning in 1391. Her essay “Challenges Facing Mallorcan Conversas after 1391” is a very intriguing read regarding the systemic oppression that conversos and conversas withstood in all parts of Iberia. Grace Coolidge, in “Death and Gender in Late [End Page 297] Sixteenth-century Toledo,” analyzes the wills of a single woman, a married woman, and a widowed woman, showing how inheritance, rights to dowry, or financial control worked among women in sixteenth-century Toledo. Part 2, Challenging Communal Ties, is a compilation of essays that relate the experience of women who withstood physical violence at the hands of men in their community. The first essay in this section is “Women, Injurious Words, and Clerical Violence in Fourteenth-century Catalunya” by Michelle Armstrong-Partida. The author recounts various instances of clerical beating of women and how such beatings were viewed by women and men of the neighborhood, based on the court reports that Armstrong-Partida consulted. Following this essay is Mark Meyerson’s “Women, Violence, and Community in Late Medieval Valencia,” in which the author discusses the roles of women in violent incidents. What remains unclear to me is the author’s frame of argument—whether Meyerson contends that women incited violent contests of honor, or that women fell victim to violent acts at the hands of men who were following the social construct of “honor” of the time. Next, Alexandra Guerson and Dana Wessell Lightfoot’s “Mixed Marriages and Community Identity in Fifteenth-century Girona” invites the reader into the world of mixed marriages, opening with the 1420 order for men to abandon their spouses of Jewish heritage (132). This interesting essay precedes the concluding essay of this part, Stephanie M. Cavanaugh’s “In Defense of Community: Morisca Women in Sixteenth-century Valladolid,” in which the author illustrates how morisca women came together in “collective legal defense of their community, properties, and shared neighborhood in Valladolid” (152). Part 3, Institutional Relationships and Creating Communities, commences with Mireia Comas Via’s essay titled “Looking for a Way to Survive: Community and Institutional...

Air Power Projection in Conduct of NATO Deterrence Activities and Operations

This paper provides an overview and analysis of the role, place and importance of air power for the success of joint military operations in conduct of NATO deterrence activities and operations. Air power has been highly valued in defence, security and in warfare from its very beginning, since the establishment of the first Air Forces. With its modern development it has become crucial for achieving military goals, as well as national ones. The importance of air power is shown through its definition and comparison in the military doctrines of the air forces of certain countries and NATO, where it is obvious how important it is in the structure of national power, security and defence, as well as in collective security and defence of NATO. The emphasis is on the ongoing implementation of NATO military activities and operations and the projection of the Alliance’s air power in deterring Russia’s potential threats to its members in Northeast Europe, in the Baltic region. The current method of projection of air power and the use of its elements in these NATO military activities are discussed and presented. The special features and capabilities provided by the air power, which do not possess other military components and cannot compensate for these effects, give it a key role in supporting and conducting joint military operations, and in enabling the success of their implementation.

NATO's Approach to China: From the Perspective of Collective Defense and Political Alliance Building

NATO's Approach to China: From the Perspective of Collective Defense and Political Alliance Building

The Study on the Religious Characteristics and Human-centered Concept of North Korean Politics

This paper tries to analyze the process and its contents of the strongly formed religious characteristics in the North Korean political system. Therefore, I considered the emergence of Kim Il-sung, the process of acquiring state power, the substitution of Marxism-Leninism in Juche Ideology, and the process of completing the national system of Kim Il-sung s monolithic system. The “national division” of the Korean Peninsula is the background of the politicization of religion. Residents of the two Koreas, exposed to a long-term cease-fire, appear to be casual in their daily lives, but unconsciously can be seen as working on a war-related security defense mechanism. Studies have shown that North Koreans anxiety about separation from the North Korean regime. Therefore, they respond quickly to crises and cope with them. The politics of the two Koreas can be seen as an active use of this collective security defense mechanism to strengthen political power. An unconsciously operated security defense mechanism can be seen as forming a collective security defense system that responds quickly and actively to security and safety when the nation is in crisis. Such a collective security defense mechanism tends to be strengthened the more powerful it is, and through its policy of antagonizing the world s most powerful U.S., North Korea has completed its nuclear capabilities that have gathered all its national capabilities. Also, loyalty to the leader will be sanctified and easily antagonized by the refusal to recognize the North Korean regime. It can be said that the religious characteristics of North Korean politics are based on the human-centered concept of Juche Ideology. To dismantle the concept of human-centeredness formed in the religiousized political system of North Korea, the horizon of perception into subjects with universal human beings and their wills must be expanded. To be able to accept the human-centered philosophy and socialism of North Koreans in a unified country, it is necessary to dismantle the concept of “human” made in North Korea s religiousized politics and re-recognition of universal “human” and subject. This is because the unification of the concept of the “human center” of the two Koreas should precede. Besides, there is no free democratic country that can accommodate the Juche ideology without an individual ‘subject’.

The cybersecurity of Georgia and threats from Russia

The world is living in a state of constant psychological warfare, technological advances and development; in the 21st century Internet governance has become a puzzle for scientists and practitioners. Virtual warfare is an alternative to real warfare, one of the biggest threats to global security. In discussing the issue, we must consider the capabilities of the world’s leading countries, and first of all, identify the threat posed by Russia, which is the core of unpredictable aggression. This state is trying to influence almost the whole world with large-scale cyber-hacking attacks and continuous disinformation and fake news. Today it is difficult to find out where the theoretical war begins and where the practical military aggression ends, so new research, recommendations, scientific papers, and defence strategies are needed. Defensive mechanisms are created for cyber-attacks and this is always followed by more powerful attacks; that is why NATO enacted Article 5 of the Washington Treaty or the principle of “collective defence.” The article discusses Russia’s aggressive policy towards Georgia during and after the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008. The features of the Russian hybrid war and cyber attacks are discussed.

Problem bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy: w poszukiwaniu rozwiązania

Independent Ukraine will soon turn 30, but the country in the heart of Europe cannot boast a predictable and stable security position. The conflict with Russia after the regime change in 2014 proved, that a prolonged conventional war in Europe is still a probability. In order to install a durable peace, the all-European security arrangement shall have no low-profile security positions of those European countries, which do not enjoy membership in military unions. The Cold-war legacy of perception of security as a divisible notion is a contradiction to the idea of security for Europe. As long as there are divergences in the level of security, there would be a temptation to test the opponent’s readiness and strength on the territory of a weaker country. This is what happened in Georgia in 2008 and has been happening in Ukraine since 2014. In search for a solution, a special attention shall be paid to the issues of status and perception of security. For a small power, which is not a member of a military bloc, it is existential to follow an approach of collective security, not collective defence. Perception of security as indivisible supposes prioritising intensive engagement of the UN and the OSCE. Ukraine as a small power shall also enhance its security position through implementation of decent democratic procedures and true market reforms. These measures have a potential to create global economic linkages through integration of Ukraine’s economy to the global capitalist system not as a supplier of raw materials, but on parity basis.

Honey bees (Apis cerana) use animal feces as a tool to defend colonies against group attack by giant hornets (Vespa soror).

Honey bees (genus Apis) are well known for the impressive suite of nest defenses they have evolved to protect their abundant stockpiles of food and the large colonies they sustain. In Asia, honey bees have evolved under tremendous predatory pressure from social wasps in the genus Vespa, the most formidable of which are the giant hornets that attack colonies in groups, kill adult defenders, and prey on brood. We document for the first time an extraordinary collective defense used by Apis cerana against the giant hornet Vespa soror. In response to attack by V. soror, A. cerana workers foraged for and applied spots of animal feces around their nest entrances. Fecal spotting increased after colonies were exposed either to naturally occurring attacks or to chemicals that scout hornets use to target colonies for mass attack. Spotting continued for days after attacks ceased and occurred in response to V. soror, which frequently landed at and chewed on entrances to breach nests, but not Vespa velutina, a smaller hornet that rarely landed at entrances. Moderate to heavy fecal spotting suppressed attempts by V. soror to penetrate nests by lowering the incidence of multiple-hornet attacks and substantially reducing the likelihood of them approaching and chewing on entrances. We argue that A. cerana forages for animal feces because it has properties that repel this deadly predator from nest entrances, providing the first report of tool use by honey bees and the first evidence that they forage for solids that are not derived from plants. Our study describes a remarkable weapon in the already sophisticated portfolio of defenses that honey bees have evolved in response to the predatory threats they face. It also highlights the strong selective pressure honey bees will encounter if giant hornets, recently detected in western North America, become established.

Black Sea Region Security, Cyber Warfare, and New Technologies

In the wake of technological advances, cyber-attacks are becoming more dangerous, becoming a part of everyday life and an element of all conventional warfare. For Black Sea countries as well as the rest of the world, security is paramount. In discussing the issue, we must analyse the opportunities that the countries of the Black Sea basin have, first of all, the threats posed by Russia. This unpredictable state is carrying out the occupation of territories, military aggression, and large-scale cyber-attacks in this region, which is not a guarantee of peace and security. Russia is trying to influence almost the whole world and especially the Black Sea region – Ukraine, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Georgia with large-scale cyber-hacking attacks and continuous disinformation fake news. Against the background of cyberattacks and misinformation propaganda, it is difficult to determine what kind of safe environment can be created in this region. This requires new research, recommendations, scientific papers, defence strategies. Cooperation with the EU and NATO needs to be strengthened. Following the Warsaw Summit, the Euro-Atlantic Alliance enacted Article 5 of the Washington Treaty, that is, the principle of ‘collective defence’ in terms of cyber warfare, cyber-attacks, and cyberterrorism. The topic discusses the cybersecurity issues and defence mechanisms of the countries of the Black Sea region, as well as the ongoing processes in the field of cybersecurity in this region. The paper discusses the threats and risks posed by Russia in the field of cybersecurity, as well as its impact on world politics.

Міжнародно-правові аспекти протидії гібридній війні

An important component in the modern hybrid warfare toolkit is legal warfare. This component is dangerous, like others, but remains poorly understood. The purpose of the article is to determine the role and place of international law in countering hybrid aggression.For hybrid warfare, there is no single universally accepted definition. Non-linear war, active measures or the conflict in the gray zone are used as alternative ones. A state that has launched a hybrid aggression achieves the goal of internal instability in another state, prioritizing non-military means, such as information attacks and influence operations, combined with economic pressure, support from local opposition groups, misinformation, and criminal activity. Also, troops without insignia or military personnel that are not part of the regular troops are used. The main emphasis is on information abilities and non-state actors. The strategic benefits of a hybrid war are that it is difficult to prove the aggressor’s involvement. The legal uncertainty of the aggressor delays adequate opposition.The UN Charter prohibits aggression through non-recognition of the use of force without legal justification. Article 2 (4) guarantees the right of states to protection from the use of force against their territorial integrity and political independence. The ban on the use of force implies a level of armed aggression at which self-defense is justified in accordance with Art. 51 of the UN Charter or collective defense in accordance with Art. 5 of the Washington Treaty of 1949 on the establishment of NATO.The unlawful use of force, regardless of whether they are regular armed forces or non-state military groups, requires international opposition. This legal norm is able to respond to changes in the methods of warfare. Economic measures, misinformation and criminal activity are not considered a violation of Article 2 (4). However, actions that do not fall within the scope of the use of force may be illegal, as they will constitute a form of interference.Thus, theoretically, the scope of the UN Charter is sufficient to stop hybrid aggression, the level of which does not exceed the classical threshold for the use of military force.

Майбутнє Північноатлантичного Альянсу в умовах невизначеності та складному геополітичному оточенні

On April 4, 2020, the democratic community marked the 71st anniversary of the formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. During all this time, NATO has been providing security in the Euro-Atlantic area. All 30 Allies are united by a system of collective defense based on common democratic values and military standards.Our world is changing and NATO is changing with it.What can NATO look like in 2025? Every important aspect of NATO is changing significantly, with the many ups and downs that have taken place since the signing of the Washington Treaty. The Alliance continues to change today and will undoubtedly change even more in the future.The issue of identifying prospects and possible scenarios for NATO's development in the global perspective is given much attention in the works of both domestic and foreign authors and institutions. Many of these articles are normative in nature, addressing the strengths and weaknesses of the Alliance.Recent trends in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in general and in NATO's Strategic Transformation Command in particular call for a closer examination of possible scenarios for the organization's development in the medium and long term.The article is based on an analysis of the Alliance's four strategic areas for the medium and long term (increasing NATO's involvement in global strategic objectives; reviewing the Alliance's relations with the Russian Federation and China; strengthening NATO-EU cooperation; focusing on the Alliance's internal efforts development and solving the problems of NATO member-countries) the following scenarios of its development were proposed: “destructive”, “negative”, “positive” and “realistic”. Which, in our opinion, is a relevant and very important issue for the direction of Ukraine's military policy and Euro-Atlantic integration for the next 5-10 years, and some additional analysis proposed by the authors will determine the prospects of NATO's military relations with Ukraine.

Age-based changes in kairomone response mediate task partitioning in stingless bee soldiers (Tetragonisca angustula)

Collective defense is one of the most ubiquitous behaviors performed by social groups. Because of its importance, complex societies may engage a set of defensive specialists, with physical and/or neurological attributes tuned for defense against specific invaders. These strategies must be balanced, however, with the need to flexibly respond to different threat levels and sources. Insect societies rely heavily on olfaction for detecting and communicating in the context of defense. We therefore asked whether threat detection via olfaction is specialized towards invader-specific cues and how this may be integrated into defense task specialization. Colonies of the stingless bee, Tetragonisca angustula, deploy a morphologically distinct sub-caste of larger-bodied workers (soldiers) for colony defense. These soldiers transition between two different guarding tasks as they age, progressing from guarding in a hovering position near the nest entrance to guarding in a standing position on the nest entrance tube. Hovering and standing guards intercept different types of invaders: primarily heterospecific versus conspecific, respectively. We asked whether hovering and standing guarding behaviors were modulated by differential sensitivity to invader-associated olfactory stimuli; then we compared their responses to these cues to those of smaller workers that perform predominantly non-defense tasks. We exposed bees under both field and lab conditions to citral, a kairomone produced by an obligate heterospecific nest robber, primarily intercepted by hovering guards. Consistent with their roles, hovering guards were more likely to move towards citral than were either standing guards or small-bodied bees within a Y-maze. We also presented guards at field nests with dummies of conspecific versus heterospecific invader types, varying whether they included citral odors. Standing guards were more responsive to conspecific intruder scenarios than hovering guards, but heterospecific response differed by presence of citral. Standing and hovering guards responded in similar proportions when citral was absent, but the addition of citral produced a marginally non-significant reduction in standing guard participation. Our results potentially demonstrate differentiated cue-specific responses that correspond to morphological task specialization and age polyethism in these eusocial societies. Group defense is a ubiquitous function of any society, but threats are often diverse. Though defense versus non-defense task specialization has been well studied, when and how individuals sub-specialize on particular threats is less understood. We asked how age-differentiated soldier sub-types in a stingless bee differ in their innate responsiveness to olfactory cues associated with nest invader type. Consistent with behavioral roles, younger soldiers were more innately reactive to odors of an obligate heterospecific parasite, and older soldiers were more reactive to odors of conspecific intruders. This suggests that either transitions in learning or discrete cue sensitivity mediate defensive sub-specialization. This is the first study to compare behavioral responsiveness to olfactory stimuli across age-specialized soldier sub-types. Results suggest benefits of flexible allocation and prompt further studies exploring the topic of defensive sub-specialization.

Devil take the hindmost: Deflecting attacks to other defenders

We study the indirect strategic interactions between several defenders and between several attackers if each attacker chooses one defender to attack and the force of the attack. If the target choice is based on observations about chosen defence efforts, this choice behavior incentivizes the individual defenders and the defenders compete against each other to not being among the weakest targets. If defence effort is unobservable, this competition between defenders is absent. We also compare the fully non-cooperative equilibria with the outcome if the defenders cooperate and study possible non-cooperative contributions to collective defence.

Collective Defense by Common Property Arrangements: the Rise and Fall of the Kibbutz

Common property arrangements have long been considered inefficient and short lived, since they encourage high-productivity individuals to leave and shirking among those who stay. In contrast, kibbutzim | voluntary common property settlements in Israel | have lasted almost a century. Recently, about 75% of kibbutzim abandoned their equal-sharing rule and paid differential salaries to members based on their contributions. To explain the long persistence of the kibbutzim, as well as the recent privatization of income, a model of public defense is developed, which predicts that defense depends on equal sharing, and that income privatization depends on external threats. Using settlement level data, it is shown that kibbutzim made the largest contributions to defending the Jewish territory under the attacks of surrounding Arab countries.

Refugees, Energiewende and NATO deterrence: limits of German leadership in Central Europe

ABSTRACT During the last decade, more than before, Germany has been pushed to take increasing responsibility for international affairs, including security, and move into a leadership position. Visegrad countries – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia – seem to be proper partners to follow German leadership as they are economically and in most cases politically tied to Germany. However, in recent years several discrepancies in the fields of soft as well as hard security have appeared between Germany and the Visegrad countries – most prominently the refugee crisis, Energiewende and the strengthening of collective defence military capacities on NATO’s eastern flank – substantially affecting the Visegrad countries’ readiness to be led by Germany. Having explored three policy areas where contestation appeared – migration policy, energy policy and the policy of NATO’s deterrence in Eastern Europe – we conclude that rather than as aleader, Germany is perceived as a source of unilateral pressure in Central Europe.

A befogadó nemzeti támogatás logisztikai képességeit befolyásoló globális trendek

A NATO kollektív védelmi rendszerének egyik meghatározó eleme a befogadó nemzeti támogatás, mely katonai feladatainak legnagyobb részét a logisztikai rendszer látja el. A nemzeti és szövetségi szinten egyaránt felgyorsult haderőfejlesztés célja a hiteles, dinamikus, ellenállóképes és a jövő kihívásainak megfelelő, elrettentő és támogató erő kialakítása. Egy további, átfogó vizsgálat megalapozása érdekében jelen írásban arra keresi a választ a szerző, hogy melyek a befogadó nemzeti támogatás ka-tonai feladataihoz szükséges legfontosabb logisztikai képességek, mik a kialakításukat befolyásoló tényezők és hosszú távú trendek.

NATO’s 360-degree approach to security: alliance cohesion and adaptation after the Crimean crisis

ABSTRACT In the mid-2010s NATO allies were facing the resurgence of a Russian threat at their borders, as well as terrorist actions in Europe and the MENA region. This evolving security environment provoked heated talks both within and outside NATO on its adaptation, often depicted as being the sign of irreconcilable disagreements. Conversely, this article argues that the "NATO 360-degree" concept adopted during the Warsaw Summit shows cohesion between the allies thanks to the Alliance's decision-making process. As a security community, member states were incentivised to find common grounds despite their diverging interests, which resulted in this new concept encompassing the "arc of insecurity". Its subsequent implementation also confirms the cohesion hypothesis, despite its obvious refocusing towards the East and collective defence. This article will first present the diverging threat perceptions within the Alliance. It will then focus on the implementation of the "NATO 360-degree" concept, promoted during the Warsaw summit, to finish with an initial assessment of the changes at work.

Особенности трансформации политического позиционирования и образа ОДКБ в системе региональной безопасности на современном этапе

Within the framework of the article, the role of a po-litical actor is attributed to the Collective Security Treaty Organization (hereinafter – CSTO) as a special political-military association. This study is looking for answers to a number of questions, such as what the political positioning of CSTO at this stage is, how it is evolving and what image CSTO is projecting. The author also questions whether the subject of politics perceived as a "shield of the Commonwealth", a variation of "post-Soviet NATO", a "donor of regional security", a "part of a Eurasian structure of collective defense", an intergovernmen-tal international organization or something else. In order to answer these questions, relevant materials, placed on official online portals of the Heads of CSTO member-states starting from the year 2018 (when the “Velvet Revolution” happened and the process of substituting the CSTO Secretary-General Yuri Khachaturov on charges of overthrowing the constitutional order in Armenia started) to June 2020, are being analyzed. Through the analysis of utterances and official statements by the heads of CSTO member-states regarding this Organization, features of its political positioning and image are being identified. Discourse analysis and content analysis are used as research methods.

Conceptual visions of regional and global security

Introduction. Under the influence of globalization and regionalization; the world economic development is becoming more dynamic but contradictory at the same time; creating new challenges and threats for both individual countries and entire regions. This exacerbates the urgency of forming flexible systems of security cooperation and finding solutions to regional and global security problems.Purpose. The purpose of the paper is to systematize research on regional and global security governance and a review of the balance of geopolitical forces in Europe.Methods. The research was carried out using the following methods: analysis and synthesis – to characterize the modern mainstream of theoretical intelligence in the field of regional security; comparative analysis – to compare the structures of regional security management in different parts of the world; deductions and inductions – to form a conceptual model of global governance; tabular and visual methods – for visual presentation of the material.Results. The paper considers theoretical approaches to the interpretation of regional security. It is noted that regional security governance is a set of institutions and activities at three levels: global; regional and national. A nomenclature of different types of regional security governance structures is presented; which includes a regional balance of power and ad hoc (informal) alliances; regional coherence; regional cooperative security; regional collective defense; regional collective security; pluralistic security community. It has been recognized that regional security management is provided not only by highly specialized or formal structures; but also by multi-purpose regional organizations; which initially pursued a combination of economic and political goals with growing security targets. Conceptual options for regional security governance at the global and regional levels are systematized. Based on the analysis of the mechanisms of global management; own vision of the relationship between the subjects of global governance processes is presented.Discussion. The crisis of recent decades has shown that no single group of global governance actors can act effectively to minimize global risks; which are both a challenge for business leaders and politicians in any country. That is why it is undeniable that global issues require global governance (especially in the field of security); the main goal of which should be to ensure global stability and sustainable development.