Collapse Of The USSR Research Articles

Бреттон-Вудс 2.0: на пути к новой мировой финансовой архитектуре

The unipolar global monetary and financial system (GMFS), formed after the collapse of the USSR, contrary to the expectations of the collective West, was unable to ensure financial stability and crisis-free development, since it does not consider the multipolar nature of the modern world economy and the strengthening of the positions of developing countries as regional monetary and financial centers. Intensifying confrontation between developed and developing countries is a real threat to continued existence of the current world order. The article proposes a gradual transformation and describes the future configuration of the existing GMFS, in which, along with traditional institutions, new ones will function, established on the initiative of the currently most influential group of countries represented by the G20, the composition of which should be expanded with new participants. The new configuration of the GMFS can be considered as a transitional structure that will allow participants in the world community to coordinate their positions, redistribute roles and master new tools of interaction. The world has entered an era of irreversible transformation, which should ultimately move it to a qualitatively new stage of development. There is an urgent need to formulate general rules for a new world order, which will be based on the principles of justice and multipolarity. However, humanity has a difficult road ahead until relevant agreements are reached. The sooner members of the world community accept the new reality, learn to listen and hear each other and begin a constructive dialogue, the faster and less painful this transition will be.

Participation of Jewish Citizens in the Government Bodies of the USSR

There is a widespread opinion about the predominance of Jews in party and Soviet government bodies, especially the Cheka, in 1917–1939. New sources introduced in post-Soviet historiography does not confirm the fact of Jewish dominance either in the Russian revolutionary movement or in the administration of the USSR in the pre-war period, although they indicate a significant presence of Jews in the ranks of Russian revolutionaries, and from 1917 to the end 1930s — among Soviet officials. During the thaw years (mid-1950s — mid-1960s), discrimination was mitigated, but in a hidden form it existed informally until the collapse of the USSR. Infringement of the rights of Jews was observed in all spheres of life, but especially in the political one. Most discriminatory measures did not have clear legislative or administrative formalization and were disguised as a fight against bourgeois nationalism, cosmopolitanism or Zionism. The correction of the role of Jews in power is based on numerous data, but due to their fragmentation and incomparability, it is not systemic in nature, leaving open the question of the dynamics and scale of Jewish participation in the governance of the USSR not only after 1953, but also in the pre-war period. Turning to mass statistical data from population censuses, containing information on employment, sectoral and professional structure of the employed population at a national level, helps to close this gap. The analysis carried out leads to the conclusion: there is no reason to talk about Jewish dominance in any government body either in the pre-war or post-war period. The presence of Jews in power and their influence is often exaggerated for the reason that the percentage of Jews in leadership was transferred to the entire administrative apparatus.

The South Caucasus as one of the priority geopolitical regions of the post-Soviet space for Russia: geographical analysis

The article is focused on identifying the properties of the territory of the countries of the South Caucasus / Transcaucasia (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia), influencing Russian foreign policy. Based on an assessment of the geopolitical situation of the region and content analysis of the official document regulating the modern foreign policy of Russia “The Concept of Russian Foreign Policy” (2023), four groups of interests are identified: military-political, territorial, social, economic. Military-political interests are considered through the prism of countries' membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization and interaction with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Territorial interests are studied in the context of conflict that arose after the collapse of the USSR and associated with the need to legally determine the passage of state borders (in the Caspian Sea; delimitation of the Russian-Azerbaijani border; the formation of independent Abkhazia and South Ossetia; the formation of the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh). Social interests — from the point of view of the process of radicalization of Islam, the problem of “divided peoples”, de-Russification, economic migration of the population. Economic interests have been studied in a multidimensional way, both in the context of the influence of the transit status of countries on the functioning of transport systems in the region, and from the point of view of the distribution of Russian direct investment. In conclusion, it is emphasized that Russia and the countries of the South Caucasus remain part of the post-Soviet territory. The connection of their interests is largely of a conflicting nature, which is manifested both in integration processes oriented towards Russia and disintegration processes supported and actively used by other extra-regional states (Turkey, Iran, EU, USA). This, in turn, creates a geographical property of the region that it did not have during the Soviet period — transitivity. In the context of the reorientation of Russia's foreign policy and foreign economic activities towards Asian countries, it began to be used as the most effective tool to facilitate this process.

Новый этап в решении проблем трансграничных рек Центральной Азии (2016–2023 гг.)

The article constitutes a comprehensive analysis of diplomatic efforts undertaken from 2016 to 2023, aimed at resolving transboundary water resource issues in Central Asia. The article delves into attempts to address this issue, commencing from the period immediately following the dissolution of the USSR, while also scrutinizing potential reasons for unsuccessful endeavors. In the process of dissecting the reasons behind these failures, authors identify factors that may have complicated interstate relations in this sphere. Additionally, significant attention is paid to analyzing the current state of water resources and international relations within the region. To conduct a detailed and systemic analysis of the relationships among the Central Asian states, authors employ a retrospective method, examining the initial attempts at conflict resolution. The method offers a deeper understanding of the factors and events that have influenced the current state of water relations in the region. The chronological method aids in reconstructing the sequence of pertinent events, linking them together, and documenting crucial temporal changes. Official agreements, declarations, and initiatives undertaken by countries in pursuit of solutions to water-related issues are thoroughly examined. The analysis of official documents serves to confirm the dynamics of dialogue between countries and identifies potential areas of cooperation, such as collaborative resource utilization and the development and implementation of coordinated strategies for water resource management. As a result of the study, authors conclude that despite active political engagement in conflict resolution efforts, effectiveness has remained low due to the predominant inclination of Central Asian countries to protect their national interests exclusively. If each nation's national interest includes resolving issues related to the management and control of water resources, integration could emerge as one of the primary mechanisms for achieving this goal. Education of experts and diplomats in the field of water resource management can contribute to more effective problem-solving and foster better mutual understanding among the countries in the region. For instance, collaboration in the realm of educating specialists in water diplomacy, training qualified personnel, and evaluating the efficacy of international approaches to addressing this issue are considered essential components of a potential solution.

ВЛИЯНИЕ ОТТОКА РУССКОЯЗЫЧНОГО НАСЕЛЕНИЯ ИЗ КАЗАХСТАНА В РОССИЮ НА РАЗВИТИЕ РОССИЙСКО-КАЗАХСТАНСКИХ МЕЖГОСУДАРСТВЕННЫХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ ЧАСТЬ 1

The article hypothesizes that the emigration of the Russianspeaking population from Kazakhstan to Russia during the three decades after the breakup of the USSR had no significant impact on interstate relations between Russia and Kazakhstan. To verify that hypothesis, the authors conduct a four-stage study. In the first stage, based on annual data of the Russian official statistics, the minimum number of compatriots moving from Kazakhstan to Russia in 1991–2021 is established. In order to systematize the relevant data, the main indicators of migration movements between the two states for different years are summarized in a single array presented in tabular form. At the second stage, following the analysis of relevant data, a periodization of migration movements between the two states is developed, de facto reflecting the dynamics of outflow of the Russian-speaking population from Kazakhstan to Russia. At the third stage, in accordance with the presented periodization, they identify the main achievements and challenges that took place in the Russian-Kazakh interstate relations are identified, due to which the correlation between the nature of bilateral cooperation and the rate of outflow of Russian-speaking citizens from Kazakhstan to Russia. At the fourth stage, a conclusion is given about the degree of influence of the outflow of the Russian-speaking population from Kazakhstan to Russia on the dynamics of interaction between the two states. The results of the study showed that the above hypothesis was confirmed.

As (Un)Seen from Space: Soviet Collapse and the Unwatchable in Andrei Ujică's Out of the Present

abstract: Andrei Ujică's 1995 documentary Out of the Present tells the story of Sergei Krikalev, the last Soviet cosmonaut, who was stranded aboard the Mir space station from May 18, 1991, to March 25, 1992. He was thus one of two former Soviet citizens to watch the collapse of the USSR from space. Through a comparison of Out of the Present with Theo Anthony's 2021 documentary All Light, Everywhere , this article examines the conditions, processes, and contradictions of recording and observing the present from a cosmic perspective. This analysis is performed through the critical frameworks of the unwatchable, which explore the limits of visibility in visual media. My interpretation of Out of the Present contributes to the discourse on the unwatchable by introducing the problem of the political subject and the way in which the political determining of the eye governs the field of watchability.

CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN THE GLOBAL ETHNO-POLITICAL SPACE

The modern world is faced with global instability, adaptation to which has become a motive for the transition to a new model of civilizational development. The key point of this model is the preservation of the entire cultural diversity of the world through a real mutually equal dialogue of cultures, taking into account the ethno-cultural diversity and national characteristics of peoples. The collapse of the USSR gave rise to a “fever of ethnocracy”, the desire of the new government to oust all representatives of foreign-speaking ethnic groups from the country at any cost, especially from the administration, education, ideology and spiritual life, the armed forces and law enforcement agencies, even regardless of their level of competence. The ongoing processes of systemic transformation were accompanied by a political, economic social and cultural crisis, which required national-state self-determination. It was necessary to quickly decide on filling the specific content of national sovereignty, decide on the Basic Law, deal with the “blank spots” of Belarusian history, decide what the essence of the Belarusian national idea, Belarusian identity is, how to live on, with whom to be friends, what model of development to follow. In the context of such dynamic changes and global challenges, finding an opportunity to protect traditional cultural values means protecting the national interests of your country. National identity is instilled and fixed in the cultural code of a citizen of a country that he wants to be proud of and accepts as his only homeland. People are led into the future by ideals associated with the dream of a fair society with ensuring stability and the hope of returning to national traditions. The Republic of Belarus is located in the border zone between two civilizational models of development, Western and Russian. Belarus received from each of them some features, which together formed a kind of cultural and historical unity, at the same time similar and unlike these civilizations. The rooting of the Belarusian statehood is characterized by the fact that the "European" component of the Belarusian identity is strengthened in comparison with its "Soviet" part. The formation of the national and civic consciousness of young people is quite contradictory and ambiguous. This is largely due to a certain deprivation of youth of "historical memory", the presence of "blank spots" in the history of the post-Soviet countries, and the inconsistency of the formation of a new statehood. The claims of any culture to the exclusive universal significance are counterproductive in this situation. Modern globalism is dangerous because it tries to instill in the consciousness the idea of the universal significance of only European culture.

ЦІННІСНО-СВІТОГЛЯДНІ ОРІЄНТИРИ УКРАЇНСЬКОГО СУСПІЛЬСТВА 1991 РОКУ (НА МАТЕРІАЛАХ ГАЗЕТИ «ЛІТЕРАТУРНА УКРАЇНА»)

In the conditions of the collapse of the USSR and the gaining of independence by Ukraine, the Ukrainian public faced a number of challenges regarding national identity, historical memory, national and political consciousness, etc. In this vein, in 1991, the Center for Political Psychology and Communication of the Kyiv Union of Higher School Teachers schools and scientists, together with the editorial board of the «Literary Ukraine» newspaper, conducted a sociological study on the study of public opinion regarding the topical issues of that time, historical memory, and national consciousness. A number of questions were posed to society: «Who are we?», «What are we like?», «What do we want and what must we do?», «What kind of people are we?», «What kind of historical memory do we have?», «Do we believe in the national, spiritual and state revival of Ukraine?». The article shows the national composition of the population of Ukraine. A sociological portrait of survey respondents was made. The affiliation of the respondents to one or another political culture was determined, where the attitude towards the state leader was the main evaluation criterion, when the western political culture is oriented towards the equality of all citizens, including the leader of the state, while the eastern political culture is focused on the charisma of the leader. The ratio of different personality types among carriers of types of political culture is shown in percentages, their behavior in conflicts, which gives us a certain idea about the formation of their genotype, identity. The opinions of representatives of different types of political culture regarding the principles of choosing the president, regarding the forms of cooperation of Ukraine with the subjects of the former USSR, were analyzed, regarding the rating of historical figures, the popularity of political figures of Ukraine, the significance of Ukraine’s entry into the USSR and the proclamation of the Act of Independence of Ukraine. It was concluded that the society was not monolithic, identical, because it was formed under the influence of many different factors, among which a special place is occupied by the valuable and worldview aspect of the behavior of various social groups, which was related to their interaction with the political authorities. In this respect, the issue of entry/secession of Crimea and Donbas was indicative. That is, already at the moment when Ukraine gained independence, the mentioned question began to be raised at the level of separatism.

ЗОВНІШНЯ ПОЛІТИКА США: МІЖ ПОЛІТИЧНИМ РЕАЛІЗМОМ І ЛІБЕРАЛЬНИМИ ЦІННОСТЯМИ

The author of the reviewed monograph showed the mutual influence of the domestic and foreign policy of the United States. The reviewed book is interesting for its conceptual generalizations and establishment of causal relationships between different stages of the political history of the United States in the context of the history of Americanforeign policy. The independence of the United States marked the emergence of a potential world power. The North’s victory in the Civil War eliminated external threats to the United States. The author considers the period of the two world wars to be a continuation of the process of the United States entering the forefront of the world. During World War I, the United States turned from a debtor country into the world’s largest creditor. The author indirectly considers isolationism to be relevant to that time in the history of U.S. foreign policy. The policy of neutrality was based on American public sentiment. The author of the monograph considers the lack of a common vision of the post-war world, insufficient understanding of the culture of the USSR and the USA, the loss of hopes for the liberalization of the Stalinist regime, and the politics of fear for one’s security to be the prerequisites of the Cold War. After World War II, the United States supported the independence of former European colonies. The Korean War and the Vietnam War were attempts to defend the American vision of international relations. The collapse of the USSR created the prerequisites for the rise of a new world power, communist China. The author of the monograph criticizes Trump’s imperial isolationism. The balance between political realism and liberal values is the key to effective U.S. foreign policy. On the ideological scale between liberal, revisionist, and conservative paradigms of conceptual understanding of the history of U.S. foreign policy, Warren Cohen’s monograph takes a position on the left of the liberal flank with its anti-colonial discourse, criticism of interventionism, hopes for a balance between realism and idealism.

НАЦИОНАЛЬНАЯ СИСТЕМА РАЗВИТИЯ КАДРОВОГО ПОТЕНЦИАЛА НАУЧНОЙ СФЕРЫ: ПРОБЛЕМЫ И РЕШЕНИЯ

In the conditions of the fourth industrial revolution and the increasing role of science in all spheres of public life, on the one hand, and the aggravation of economic and demographic problems, the lack of highly qualified personnel in a number of important sectors of the Russian economy, on the other, the question of developing the country’s intellectual potential and using scientific resources to intensify economic growth. As a starting point for the study, statistical data for the period from 2000 to 2019 is analyzed. This selection is due to two factors: 1) the massive outflow of personnel from the scientific field in the 1990s. is largely a consequence of the collapse of the USSR and the subsequent deep economic crisis; 2) the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic have had a significant impact on all spheres of society, including science. Accounting data for the period 1991–1999. and after 2019 may affect the results of this study, the purpose of which is to identify systemic, institutional, and not opportunistic reasons for the decline in the human resources potential of Russian science. The authors analyze current measures to support scientists and the nature of the state approach to the development of human resources in the scientific field. As a result, based on systemic and institutional approaches, a set of measures has been proposed aimed at increasing the efficiency of the national system for developing human resources in the scientific field.

Secondhand stories in between fact and fiction: the impact of translators’ footnotes in Svetlana Alexievich’s narrative

This article examines the role of footnotes in interlinguistic translations of historical references from the Soviet era. The chosen corpus is Vremja sekond hènd, a collection of witness testimonials documenting the collapse of the USSR, compiled by Nobel Prize-winning author Svetlana Alexievich. This polyphonic narrative covers critical moments in Soviet history and contains numerous references to the past of the communist empire that may be unclear to the average Western reader. The aim of the study is to identify possible translation challenges and to analyze the strategies implemented in translating the original Russian text into four languages: French, Portuguese, Spanish, and English. The research findings suggest that the use (as well as the non-use) of footnotes in Vremja sekond hènd serves as the primary tool for translators to determine their degree of intervention in the text and, as a result, the extent to which they attempt to make the content more accessible to the audience. Furthermore, the decision whether to use footnotes (or not) in the translated versions appears to be influenced by the translators’ and publishers’ categorization of Alexievich’s works as fiction, non-fiction, or a hybrid literary genre.

Hotel enterprises in Nizhny Novgorod in 1918-1939.

The market reforms that began in the late Soviet period and continued after the collapse of the USSR radically changed the country's hotel industry. The changes have affected literally all aspects of the industry. Similar large-scale changes were already taking place in the hospitality industry at the beginning of the twentieth century, after the socialist revolution of 1917. Therefore, it is interesting to find out how the young Soviet state, in the most difficult conditions of the civil war and foreign intervention, was able to practically rebuild the country's hotel industry. Because of this, the experience of hotel construction in the first two decades of Soviet power can be useful. The subject of the research in this article was the development of hotel enterprises in Nizhny Novgorod, such as communal hotels, "Peasant Houses", night shelters during this period. The paper provides an analysis of the main directions of development of the Nizhny Novgorod hotel industry from 1918 to 1939. The article is based on materials from regional archives (TSANO and GOP NO), periodicals, and scientific literature. The article uses historical-systemic and historical-comparative methods, as well as general scientific methods such as description and comparison. The conducted research showed that the hotel industry of the city was in a difficult situation by 1918. The change in the social system in the state, the decline in the standard of living of the population, and the refugees provoked a crisis in the hotel industry of Nizhny Novgorod. The mass closure of enterprises was avoided only by nationalization and municipalization of enterprises. The opening of the Peasant's House in 1925 was able to alleviate the acute shortage of hotel stock for a short period. But in the 1930s, due to the growth of foreign tourism, the problem of a shortage of high-class hotels worsened. The construction of the Volna, Rossiya and Intourist hotels partially solved this problem. But for ordinary Soviet citizens, hotels are still inaccessible. At the same time, the level of service was at an extremely low level.

РЕЦЕНЗИЯ НА МОНОГРАФИЮ «МОЛЕВ Е.А., МОЛЕВА Н.В. БОСПОРСКИЙ ГОРОД КИТЕЙ: МОНОГРАФИЯ. ЧАСТЬ III. – НИЖНИЙ НОВГОРОД: ИЗДАТЕЛЬСТВО НИЖЕГОРОДСКОГО ГОСУНИВЕРСИТЕТА, 2022. – 453 c.: С ИЛ., ТАБЛ.»

The review analyzes the monograph by Evgeny Alexandrovich Molev and Natalia Vladimirovna Moleva "The Bosporan city of Kitei: Monograph. Part III", dedicated to the results of excavations in the field seasons 2005-2012 and 2016-2017. The preparation and publication of the fundamental work were the result of many years of research into the ancient city of Kitei. At the time of publi-cation of the monograph, one of the authors of the work, Yevgeny Alexandrovich Molev, passed away. But the debt of memory and respect for the famous Russian archaeologist and antiquarian prompted his colleagues and associates, led by Alexander Valentinovich Makhlayuk, to complete the work and publish it. Evgeny Alexandrovich was a great friend of Kabardino-Balkarian State University named after H.M. Berbekov. After the collapse of the USSR, the eminent Russian scientist made every effort to restore comprehensive ties between Lobachevsky Nizhny Novgorod State University and Kabardino-Balkarian State University named after H.M. Berbekov. This was reflected in the par-ticipation of colleagues in international and all-Russian conferences, the opposition of candidate and doctoral dissertations, in performances as a leading organization, the preparation of reviews of dissertations, monographs and textbooks. For 15 years he was the chairman of the State Attestation Commission in the field of Histo-ry. His high competence and professionalism made it possible to objectively assess the quality of the training of graduate historians, to be on top of the requirements for modern specialists. Evgeny Alexandrovich published his articles in the electronic journal "Kavkazologiya" when he took his first steps. Therefore, we could not remain indifferent to the appearance of the latest monograph by E.A. Molev. The topic studied in the monograph is certainly relevant. For kavkazologists, it is in-teresting because it provides a new layer of knowledge about the interaction in the ancient era of the Greek cities of Bosporus and the Sinds and Meots, which is fully correlated with the identical studies of R.J. Betrozov in the Northwestern Caucasus. The structure of the work is clear and well-founded. The scientific content of the sections is relevant to existing academic standards. The publication deserves the highest appreciation and at-tention of the historical and archaeological community.

Юрій Дуброва (1955–2023) — біолог з України, якого чув світ: нотатки до біографії

The future famous geneticist Prof. Yuri Dubrova (1955–2023) was born in Kyiv (Ukraine), where he received excellent secondary and higher education and was awarded with a gold medal upon graduating from school. Eventually, he became one of the best graduates of the Department of Vertebrate Zoology at the Faculty of Biology of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. His interests included theoretical biology, evolutionary theory, genetics, biometrics, and bionics (for some time he studied the lateral lineage of cyprinid fishes). In his last years at the university, he focused on the study of spontaneous mutations. At the Vavilov Institute of General Genetics in Moscow, Y. Dubrova continued his post-graduate studies and successfully defended his PhD thesis. After the collapse of the USSR, he moved to the UK in search of better scientific and technical opportunities, where he became a professor at the University of Leicester. The scientist lived and worked in Leicester until the end of his life. He devoted himself fully to science, especially to radiation, medical and population genetics, and to teaching, and tried to participate in the study of highly complex medical and genetic issues related, in particular, to the consequences of man-made disasters—Chornobyl (Ukraine, Belarus), Semipalatinsk (Kazakhstan)—and other cases of large-scale radiation effects on life. Dr. Dubrova is the author and co-author of more than 150 scientific articles published in leading journals, including the American Journal of Human Genetics, International Journal of Radiation Biology, Radiation Research, Molecular Biology and Evolution, International Journal of Cancer, British Journal of Cancer, Science, and Nature. He co-operated with many of the world’s leading geneticists and gave lectures in Ukraine, Russia, the USA, Canada, Japan, etc. The article uses fragments of the author’s long correspondence with Y. Dubrova, which may be of interest to biographers of F. Dobrzhansky, M. Tymofeiev-Resovsky, O. Sozinov, O. Yablokov, O. Kistiakowsky, as well as to students, teachers, and historians of Kyiv National University, Kaniv Nature Reserve, and the University of Leicester.

CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION AND VALUE DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA

Since the first stages of society’s development, such phenomena as “culture” and “value” have been of particular importance, since value development necessarily leads to a change in culture, and a renewed culture forms new values in society. And currently, these phenomena are of research interest for many theoretical and applied developments of philosophers, cultural scientists, sociologists.
 At the end of the 20th century, the rapid development of digital technologies and their introduction into the daily lives of millions of people brought about global changes in culture and values. At a certain period of time, after the collapse of the USSR in the 1990s and early 2000s, Russia was guided by Western values, but since the late 2000s the situation has changed, legislative acts regulating cultural policy in the Russian Federation, including in the field of spiritual and moral values, have been adopted.
 Purpose. The article attempts to analyze the transformation of values in Russian society, summarize the state experience in regulating the sphere of culture and identify additional possible measures to preserve cultural and moral identity.
 Methods. The cultural philosophical approach has made it possible to trace the transformation of values in society in recent years. General logical research methods were used in the work. The legislative acts of the Russian Federation regulating the policy in the field of culture are considered.
 Results. Consideration of the philosophical and cultural approaches of various researchers to the renewal of culture and the transformation of values made it possible to clarify these processes and their interrelationship. Through the analysis of legislative acts and the results of opinion polls, the measures taken by the state to transform culture are evaluated.
 As a result of the consideration of the relationship between culture and values and the study of legislative acts, it has been revealed that in recent years the authorities have realized the need at the state level to review cultural policy and position the revival of national traditions and foundations. But the measures taken are still insufficient.
 Practical implications. The results of the research can be applied in any cultural, philosophical, social, humanitarian research, in the framework of educational and cognitive transformations, analysis of cross-cultural interactions.

ИСТОРИОГРАФИЯ ПРОБЛЕМЫ ГЕНДЕРА И ВЛАСТНЫХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ У КАБАРДИНЦЕВ И БАЛКАРЦЕВ В XIX – НАЧАЛЕ XX ВЕКА В ОТЕЧЕСТВЕННОМ КАВКАЗОВЕДЕНИИ

This article analyses the evolution of studying gender power relations and subordination in na-tional Caucasian studies. Gender inequality in the North Caucasus has always been of great inter-est to Russian scientists, as it was necessary to obtain the most complete information about the region’s specifics, without which its harmonious inclusion in the overall Russian legal, economic, and socio-cultural context was impossible. During the pre-revolutionary period, the knowledge gained was used to build colonial policies. A new impetus for the study of this issue by national Caucasian studies was received in the Soviet period, which was associated with the course taken towards the construction of a fundamentally new Soviet society, painting pre-revolutionary life mainly in grey tones. After the collapse of the USSR, the new Russian government aimed to build a new Russian society based on humanity and liberalism, as well as to review Soviet historiog-raphy. Caucasian studies began to more widely utilise foreign methodological achievements and explore previously unexplored aspects of the topic to obtain an objective view of the gender asymmetry among the peoples of the Caucasus. Contemporary researchers observe not only the negative but also the positive features of pre-revolutionary life, and efforts are made to investigate the key characteristics of the phenomenon under study.

The European Union's Soft Power Dynamics in Kazakhstan

The collapse of the USSR in 1991 presented the European Union with an opportunity to extend its influence into the heart of Eurasia, particularly in Kazakhstan. theoretical framework by Joseph Nye on soft power, the study underlines into three key sources regarding soft power– culture, foreign policy and political values. Through an exploration of the EU's involment with Republic of Kazakhstan, the study provides valuable insights into the multifaceted mechanisms employed by the EU to exert influence on a strategic partner in the Central Asia over the past three decades.

Цинично я гляжу на наше поколение

The article contains spontaneous reminiscences about the formation of the first Russian student generation at the Faculty of Philosophy of Lomonosov Moscow State University (1991–1996). This philosophical generation found itself in the most difficult situation of the 90s, the collapse of the USSR, the devaluation of most of all the spiritual and material foundations of life. As a paradoxical result, it can be stated that the first free philosophical generation, for the most part, was formed as more oriented not so much towards scientific or philosophical, as towards political, economic and mass media success and made its small contribution to the generation of the current stagnant state of socio-political life in the country. Nevertheless, it has given rise to several bright names that today define the face of the current philosophy of Russian philosophy.

From “Exile” to “Diaspora”: The Shift in Self-Identification among Refugee Latvians, 1944–2023

The 175,000- Latvians who fled their northeastern European homeland in the final year of World War II (1944–45) eventually resettled in some four continents and twenty different host societies. Their tasks were many, ranging from “freeing” Latvia among the politically minded to building a new life in their host societies. For some ten years after the war, their official status remained uncertain, as did the terms they used to describe themselves. Eventually, the agreed upon frame of reference became trimda (Eng. exile). It was the rare social, cultural, and polit-ical activity that was not discussed within the exile framework, and an impressive cultural superstructure was built upon it from the 1950s to the 1980s. This framework, however, became anachronistic after 1991 and the collapse of the USSR. Western Latvians could no longer claim to be in exile, but relatively few of them showed a willingness to return to the old homeland. Two decades of discussion about identity eventually led the new Latvian government and social-science researchers in Latvia to propose the term diaspora for all Latvians living outside the country’s borders. This term has been generally accepted, even by the still living World War II refugees and their descendants, who now refer to themselves as the vecā trimda (Eng. old exile) component of the diaspora.

"Municipal values": to determine the parameteral signs of phenomenology

The article examines the topical issues of defining the parametric features of the phenomenology of "municipal values”. The authors, on the basis of research and analysis of the historical retrospective of the origin and functioning of city self-government, determine the main stages of the appearance, formation and functioning of municipal values. The study of the phenomenology of municipal legal values is accompanied by the construction of a procedural chain "public values - constitutional values - municipal values”, in which the latter are considered as a natural manifestation and result of the activity of both public and constitutional values. A conclusion is made about the special role and significance of municipal legal values, which arose in historical retrospect, and were supplemented by the experience of the existence and functioning of city self-government, the achievements of which were interpreted at other levels of local self­government. This is evidenced by the borrowing by the national legislator of municipal legal values from the state legislation on local self-government and by the international legislator from the array of norms of international public law through the use of the mechanisms of international treaty law. It is also proven that modern international public law actually contains a paradigm that has developed due to the perception by the signatory states of relevant international treaties of the profile focus of international legal standards of local self­government. Its main subject, on the one hand, is the fundamental principles of local democracy, which have been generalized by the Western (European) experience of municipal activity and municipal construction, and on the other hand, they are nothing more than the values of municipalism, which must be borrowed by the post-Soviet states parties to such international agreements that after the collapse of the USSR acquired state sovereignty and entered the circle of independent member states of their European and international community.