Collapse Of The USSR Research Articles

ВИНОГРАДАРСТВО ЧЕЧЕНСКОЙ РЕСПУБЛИКИ В СОВЕТСКОЕ ВРЕМЯ (1954−1991), УСПЕХИ И ПРОБЛЕМЫ

The article discusses issues related to the unsuccessful introduction of viticulture in the administrative regions of the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, where grapevine culture was new or non-traditional. These regions are Malgobeksky, Kurchaloevsky, Shalinsky, Grozny-Selsky districts. It has been established that the main reason for the spread of viticulture was the state’s desire to employ unemployed population and the high profitability of the industry. For this purpose, collective and state farms, which previously specialized in the cultivation of grain crops, feed production and livestock breeding, were restructured. The state allocated sufficient funds and material resources for the formation and functioning of a new sub-sector of the agro-industrial complex of the republic in these areas. However, hopes were not justified. The reasons that contributed to attempts to accelerate the introduction of grapevine culture in the “new” regions of the republic, as well as the failure of work in this direction, have been identified. An analysis of the activities of farms involved in the development of viticulture in these areas was carried out. Excesses of higher authorities have been established in planning for wine state farms the volume of new plantings of vineyards, achieving the planned yield and gross grape harvest, as well as planned targets for financial and economic indicators, and in the absence of proper consideration of soil and climatic factors and their compliance with the economic and biological characteristics of the grape culture. As a result, it was revealed that this crop was not adaptable to local conditions, which was reflected in the low survival rate of plantings, the high sparsity of plantings and their unprofitability for further exploitation. All wine farms were unprofitable. The factor of psychological incompatibility of the local population to this culture also had a certain influence. At the same time, all these undesirable phenomena intensified due to the fact that they coincided with the time of the weakening of the foundations of the state under the slogans of perestroika, the fight against alcoholism and drunkenness, and later − with the tragic events of the collapse of the USSR and their negative consequences. It is concluded that the widespread involvement of “new” regions in the development of viticulture was not a fully thought-out campaign. This led, in particular, to disastrous results: the vineyards were written off before they reached productive age. In the future, introducing grapevine culture here is not economically feasible.

Landscape multifunctionality, agroecology, and smallholders: a socio-ecological case study of the Cuban agroecological transition

After the fall of the USSR, Cuba was plunged into an economic crisis with devastating effects on the agricultural system. With few options, the government restructured its agricultural system from an industrial model to a model based on smallholders and agroecology. After several decades, the results of this transition have been far reaching for both landscapes and livelihoods. This research uses mixed-methods, including remote sensing, interviews, and economic and agricultural statistics to present the case study of a smallholder community that has undergone a shift from industrial sugarcane to small-scale agroecology. This work reveals that while agricultural extent has plummeted, production of staple crops has increased dramatically. At the same time, on-farm incomes and food market availability have risen steadily. In the context of strong social, economic, and environmental protections, this represents a process of a sustainable rural transition with several concurrent benefits to people and the environment.

WATER SECURITY IN THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC: POST-SOVIET CHALLENGES AND REGIONAL DYNAMICS

The article describes the features of the use of water resources of the Kyrgyz Republic after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Water security, stocks and potential of water resources are considered. At the same time, examples show the importance of water resources in the economy and politics of the Kyrgyz Republic, relations with the states of Central Asia. An analysis of tensions with neighboring countries on water resources was carried out. The importance, benefits and potential problems of the CASA-1000 project are also analyzed. The article describes the legal regulation of water resources in the Kyrgyz Republic, economic benefits and role in international relations.

Increased methane emissions from oil and gas following the Soviet Union’s collapse

Global atmospheric methane concentrations rose by 10 to 15 ppb/y in the 1980s before abruptly slowing to 2 to 8 ppb/y in the early 1990s. This period in the 1990s is known as the "methane slowdown" and has been attributed in part to the collapse of the former Soviet Union (USSR) in December 1991, which may have decreased the methane emissions from oil and gas operations. Here, we develop a methane plume detection system based on probabilistic deep learning and human-labeled training data. We use this method to detect methane plumes from Landsat 5 satellite observations over Turkmenistan from 1986 to 2011. We focus on Turkmenistan because economic data suggest it could account for half of the decline in oil and gas emissions from the former USSR. We find an increase in both the frequency of methane plume detections and the magnitude of methane emissions following the collapse of the USSR. We estimate a national loss rate from oil and gas infrastructure in Turkmenistan of more than 10% at times, which suggests the socioeconomic turmoil led to a lack of oversight and widespread infrastructure failure in the oil and gas sector. Our finding of increased oil and gas methane emissions from Turkmenistan following the USSR's collapse casts doubt on the long-standing hypothesis regarding the methane slowdown, begging the question: "what drove the 1992 methane slowdown?"

Inequality and social stratification in Russia during the Putin regime: From market transition to war on Ukraine

AbstractThe collapse of the USSR in late 1991 inspired social science research on levels, patterns, and trends in inequality within Russia, due to theoretical interest in how market transition affects social stratification. The start of the Putin regime in 2000 marked a new era in Russia's post‐Soviet political economic trajectory: in contrast to the 1990s, the economy first took off, then stagnated, while the state rolled back institutions of democracy and civic freedoms. In short, Russia became a consolidated market economy under authoritarian rule. In this context research has continued to produce insights into social stratification. The labor market featured high levels of employment but with downward wage flexibility, modest decreases in earnings inequality, and persistent returns to education, gender wage gaps, and locality‐based differences. Waves of labor migration to Russia, resurgent traditional gender norms, shrinking population, housing inequality, health disparities, and a small contingent of ultra‐rich represent additional noteworthy developments. Although market transition is no longer an intriguing theoretical lens through which to view social stratification in Russia, the topic nonetheless holds broader theoretical interest because inequality became closely intertwined with Russia's political economy, social policies, and geopolitical actions, including those that culminated in Putin's decision to invade Ukraine.

Нагорный Карабах — 2023: проблемы международно-правовой квалификации

The Second Karabakh War of 2020, which ended with the defeat of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) and Armenia supporting it, reversed the balance of power but did not resolve the conflict. The absolute superiority of Azerbaijan — both military and political, the insufficient clarity of the Statement of 9 November, the remaining contradictions between the parties — all this created the preconditions for the Third War, which began on 19 September 2023 and lasted only one day. The eventual defeat of the NKR and the transfer of the entire region under Azerbaijani jurisdiction, however, does not appear to be the final point: Azerbaijan demands the eight occupied villages and insists on the extraterritoriality of the Zangezur corridor. This article continues an article published in 2021 and dedicated to the legal aspects of the 2020 conflict. The author describes developments after 2020; analyses the use of force and assesses new interpretations of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter; gives qualification to the blockade of the Lachin corridor and the Armenian exodus from Nagorno-Karabakh in autumn 2020; examines some aspects of the right to self-determination that became relevant in 2023; defines the remaining territorial disputes; and assesses the effectiveness of the settlement formats. In legal terms, the 2023 conflict significantly improved the position of Armenia and the Armenians of Nagorny Karabakh; in the final analysis, it can be argued that the blockade and the 19 September attack created the preconditions for a remedial secession, the realisation of which, however, is unrealistic. Some of the new qualifications are based on scientific hypotheses that reflect progressive trends in the development of law rather than being an established element of it. Politically, on the contrary, the conflict has seriously worsened Armenia’s situation. There are several scenarios for the development of events. The first assumes the satisfaction of all Azerbaijan’s claims and Armenia’s transition to a subordinate position; the second — modification of the status quo through compromise regimes built on the basis of mutual respect and equality; the third — restoration of the status quo as it existed or should have existed at the time of the collapse of the USSR. This scenario seems realistic and fair; its realisation, however, is impossible without the participation of external actors: Russia, Iran, Turkey, the West, the US and China. Unfortunately, the position of these actors is not consolidated, while the Caucasus is still perceived as a peripheral region unworthy of the attention paid to some other regions.

The problem of countering political extremism in the Russian Federation in the early 1990s.

The collapse of the USSR marked the collapse of the former state order. The former Soviet republics faced such destructive phenomena that seemed simply unthinkable in the conditions of the former socialist way of life. Associations and groupings became sharply active in the political arena, the participants of which expressed aggressive hostility to the changes taking place in the country. The purpose of this article is to use various materials (normative legal acts and draft laws, periodicals, statistical data, Internet resources, as well as research literature) on the basis of a comprehensive use of various materials to identify the main problems and contradictions of the state policy aimed at countering political extremism in the first post-Soviet years. The subject of the study is a holistic political and legal process aimed at the development and adoption of adequate anti-extremist legislation. For the most complete disclosure of the problem posed, problem-chronological, formal-legal, institutional and systemic approaches were used. The scientific novelty of the research lies in an attempt to comprehend the state-legal policy aimed at combating various forms of political, national and religious radicalism as an integral and, at the same time, extremely contradictory strategy, which was implemented in the context of the crisis situation in the country. The acquired knowledge will allow us to better understand the changes that have occurred in the understanding of political extremism at the state and legal level in subsequent years. The formation of anti-extremist legislation in post-Soviet Russia was complicated by the confrontation in which all branches of government were involved. Even after overcoming the "crisis of dual power" and the adoption of a new Constitution, the Russian state was in a state of division, which made it difficult to develop and adopt a law on combating extremism. In the mid-1990s, the opinion prevailed in the socio-political discourse about the increased threat from radical nationalist (fascist) formations with the dangerous inaction of law enforcement agencies. These attitudes influenced the President and Parliament, who were the main subjects of the legislative initiative. Excessive politicization of the legislative process made it significantly difficult to develop adequate solutions. The situation was exploited by radicals who continued their illegal activities unhindered. Thus, the problem of countering political extremism did not lose its relevance in the second half of the 1990s and can serve as a subject for further study.

Стенограммы заседаний последних сессий райсоветов Москвы как важный исторический источник по изучению конституционного кризиса власти в России в 1993 году

The purpose of the article is to study archival documents that make it possible to understand the deep causes of the confrontation between President Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR in 1993. Namely, to analyze the conflict not at the federal, but at the municipal level, where ordinary citizens worked. This paper reveals the main ways out of the constitutional crisis of 1993, which were expressed by deputies of the district councils of Moscow. The author identifies the main causes of the conflict between the deputies of the district councils and the executive authorities formed after the collapse of the USSR in Moscow. The conducted research has shown the importance of studying the transcripts of meetings of the sessions of the district councils of Moscow in connection with the disclosure of little-known facts about the formation of local self-government bodies.

FROM DEMOCRATIC OPENING TO DEMOCRATIC BREAKTHROUGH: A STUDY OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN POST-COMMUNIST KAZAKHSTAN

As the Soviet Union's collapse loomed, many predicted chaos and ethnic strife in Central Asia. However, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, the five republics, defied these expectations by swiftly establishing democratic institutions and market-driven economies. This successful transformation was largely due to the adept leadership in each republic, which skillfully navigated the challenges of the post-Soviet era and metamorphosed into advocates of democracy, fervently committing themselves to democratic values within their respective territories. Taking these factors into consideration, the paper aims to investigate the roots of democratic wave in Central Asia and to explore the democratic transition in Kazakhstan. To analyze any democratic transition in the post-Soviet era, it is essential to consider the historical context shaped by the rise of Mikhail Gorbachev in 1988. “Institutions do matter” and restructuring or formulating institutions shapes the country’s political development. Institutions such as, legislature, executive, political parties etc. are cornerstone for shaping and institutionalizing democratic political culture. While restructuring Political infrastructure in Kazakhstan, the study will focus on the role played by these institutions in facilitating democratic opening in Kazakhstan while emphasizing the transformative power of institutional dynamics.

A.S. Panarin’s Concept of the USSR Collapse Civilizational Causes

The article discusses the concept of A.S. Panarin concerning the civilizational causes of the collapse of the USSR. The author singles out the main components of this concept, in particular: the general conditionality of this event by hidden global factors; the role of the betrayal of the Soviet elite and its causes; the mental factor effective at the level of mass consciousness; the phenomenon of social “negative selection” destroying society from within and resulting from the immanent nature of the Soviet system. It is shown that for A.S. Panarin, the collapse of the USSR was one of the manifestations of the “Enlightenment project” crisis, which still remains insurmountable nowadays and is the source of new crisis

Eulogists of Great Changes: Images of the Future in Russian Soviet Song Poetry from the Revolution to the Collapse of the USSR

Russian Soviet song from the moment of its emergence bore no ethnic character, but that of an imperial one, it was a means of relaying certain ideas and images throughout the Soviet Union. Simultaneously it bore the imprint of the events that were taking place in the country and formed the image of them among the general public. Originating initially as a revolutionary song, it called people to fi ght fi rst against exploiters and then against counter-revolutionary elements. In the 1930-ies the song formed a positive image of the present, with little reference to either the past or the future. From the second half of the 1950-ies the image of the future becomes more distinct, it is connected with the exploration of space and hard-to-reach places on Earth, the efforts made in the present will bear fruit in the lifetime of the next generations. But from the mid-1970-ies, Soviet pop began to lose the battle for the hearts of people to Russian rock, representatives of which called for escape from reality rather than building a new world. By the mid-1980-ies, the call for changes becomes the key motive, but there is no image of the future that should follow those changes

The Main Stages of the Armenian-Azerbaijani Conflict and the Consequences of the Conflict

The South Caucasus region has always been an important player in regional geopolitics, closely connected with the national interests and security of Russia, Iran, and Turkiye. Its significance increased significantly after the Soviet Union's collapse. The region is a strategically vital transport hub, where communication and trade routes from East to West (the ancient Silk Road) and from South to North intersect. However, ongoing conflicts between Georgia, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia, as well as between Azerbaijan and Armenia, have hindered the region's economic development. These conflicts have partially blocked the region, which has crucially impacted its political development. The most dangerous conflict is between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the status of Nagorno-Karabakh. In 2020, Azerbaijan regained control of seven regions around Karabakh, which were occupied by Armenians during the first Armenian-Azerbaijani war in the early 1990s. In 2023, during a one-day special operation, Azerbaijan established full control over the territory of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region. The Azerbaijani army's victorious military operations have changed the balance of forces, opening up new opportunities for strengthening peace and developing economic, political, and cultural cooperation between the countries of the region. This paper examines how the Armenian-Azerbaijani confrontation impacted on the geopolitical situation in the South Caucasian region. The official and historical documentation as well as diplomatic reports and media outlets analyzed for these purposes. The comparative-descriptive method was applied to analyze the sources.

VICTORY DAY OR EUROPE DAY? THE POLITICS OF MEMORY IN MOLDOVA IN THE SHADOW OF RUSSIA'S WAR IN UKRAINE

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 had a profound impact on the Republic of Moldova. The aftermath witnessed an unprecedented influx of Ukrainian refugees, a significant rise in inflation, a decline in political stability, and a deepening energy crisis. The root causes of political instability in Moldova are diverse, with issues of identity and memory playing a central role in the nation-building process since the Soviet Union's collapse. Moldova, situated between its Romanian roots and Russian- Soviet heritage, confronts numerous challenges in reconciling its past and navigating its future. The Russian occupation of its neighboring country has accentuated these challenges, serving as a crucial test for Moldova's European-oriented government. The response to this new geopolitical reality, however, has led to some measures that intensified ideological divisions within the population, particularly regarding matters of memory and identity. The contested memorial heritage in Moldova was notably evident during the May 9 celebrations, coinciding with Europe Day and Victory Day. While many European Union countries consider Europe Day a peripheral holiday promoting European values, Moldovan politicians and the public are increasingly giving it attention, with a growing belief that it should replace the Soviet-style Victory Day. Using the "struggle" over the significance of May 9 as a case study, this article explores contemporary Moldovan memory politics influenced by the realities of war.

Integrating Continuity and Change in the Study of Soviet Society: The Estate Origins of Democracy in Russia

Tomila Lankina has written a pathbreaking book. Impressively combining theoretical ambition, sensitive attention to historical detail, and the skillful use of multiple quantitative and qualitative methods, The Estate Origins of Democracy in Russia brings the study of Soviet history squarely back onto the agenda of contemporary comparative social science. For those of us who have spent much of our careers trying to explain to academics and policy makers alike why the story of the rise and fall of the USSR still matters for understanding our contemporary world, Lankina’s book is both welcome vindication and a reason for real optimism about the future of social-scientific inquiry. This is, simply put, the best book I’ve read about the Soviet system and its legacies in many years.

Как и почему «человейники» разрушают социальный комфорт мегаполисов?

The problem of construction of residential areas in large Russian cities in the form of so-called ‘human buildings’ in the form of a concentration of high-rise apartment buildings (MKD), which arose several years after the collapse of the USSR in 1991, is becoming more and more aggravated every year. MKDs are often built in violation of current building codes and regulations; almost all new residential complexes lack the necessary social infrastructure (primarily kindergartens, schools, clinics), which, in the absence of sufficient space for residents’ personal cars, creates conditions for uncomfortable living in MKDs. This approach does not correspond to modern ideas about the comfortable life of people in large cities, and it does not take into account such an important factor as internal mass migration (the outflow of residents from the northern and eastern regions of the country).

M.S. Gorbachev and B.N. Yeltsin meetings with the top leadership of the Armed Forces of the USSR on December 10–11, 1991 as a turning point in the history of the Soviet Union

The object of the study is the speeches of the President of the USSR M.S.Gorbachev and the President of the RSFSR B.N. Yeltsin to the supreme military leadership of the USSR after the signing of the Belovezhskaya Agreements on December 8, 1991 on the dissolution of the USSR and the creation of the CIS. The author analyzes articles of the periodical press of December 1991, memoirs of military and political figures of the RSFSR and the USSR, as well as documents of the office of the President of the RSFSR on the preparation of Boris Yeltsin's speech to the leadership of the Armed Forces of the USSR. The author pays special attention to the methods of the two Presidents in dealing with the highest military leadership, identifies the reasons for the defeat of Mikhail Gorbachev in this struggle for the support of the military and the victory of Boris Yeltsin in it. The author uses a comparative method when comparing the speeches of M.S. Gorbachev and B.N. Yeltsin, as well as the principles of historicism and objectivity. The author concludes that the President of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev, had a much better chance of success in attracting the sympathy of the military as the constitutional head of state and Supreme Commander-in-Chief, however, due to ignoring the interests of the army and navy, poor preparation of the speech and an erroneous strategy of requests for rescue, he was perceived negatively by them. The President of the RSFSR B.N. Yeltsin and his staff conducted a deep and thorough preparation of the speech, answers to topical issues of the Armed Forces were prepared, in addition, B.N. Yeltsin found time to listen to the military and give concrete answers and promises, which allowed him to enlist the support of the leadership of the Armed Forces of the USSR in an unfavorable starting situation, which helped him upon ratification of the Belovezhskaya Agreements in the Supreme Council of the RSFSR on December 12, 1991. The novelty of the research lies in referring to such a little-studied event in the history of perestroika as the meetings of the Presidents of the USSR and the RSFSR with the military leadership of the USSR after the signing of the Belovezhsky Agreement in December 1991, as well as in the author's use of unpublished archival materials of the office of the President of the RSFSR B.N. Yeltsin.

Ideology Strikes Back: China’s Lessons of the Soviet Collapse, 1992–2022

ABSTRACT Drawing on Chinese studies of the Soviet collapse since 1992, this article examines the main arguments and relative influence of Sovietologists and ideological scholars from their publications in relation to the contexts of China’s political and ideological changes. The study finds that although Sovietologists dominated the academic discourse on the Soviet collapse during Deng’s lifetime, they were gradually eclipsed by the ideological scholars in the post-Deng era. As the Communist Party leadership expanded Marxist schools and allowed ideological scholars more room after Deng’s death, historical nihilism eventually displaced “irreformable structural failures” as the dominant school for the collapse of the Soviet Union in contemporary Chinese academia.

Issues of protecting the rights of compatriots living abroad in the context of increasing Russophobia in Western politics

As a result of the collapse of the USSR and the formation of new independent states, millions of compatriots found themselves separated from the Russian Federation by state borders. In many cases, they are forced to live and determine their future fate in a difficult political, economic, social, cultural and psychological situation and need help and support from both the States of permanent residence and Russia. It should be noted that the current Russian leadership pays tribute to the contribution of compatriots living abroad to the culture and economy of Russia. Currently, the problem of compatriots is a significant factor in the formation of Russia's relations with various countries and, above all, the CIS member states and the Baltic States. A state dialogue is organized with the Russian-speaking diaspora abroad, television programs are filmed about its best representatives, they become a positive example for the young generation of Russians. The article published below tells in detail about the features of this work with compatriots.

Thirty Years of Studies on Russian Emigration to Italy

In the last thirty years, studies dedicated to Russian emigration have experienced significant growth. The fall of the Berlin Wall first, and later the collapse of the USSR, allowed scholars to freely access archives, describe and reconstruct the phenomenon from qualitative and quantitative perspectives, and form research groups and networks both nationally and internationally. This article focuses on Italian studies dedicated to Russian emigration in Italy, which, over the past thirty years, have also seen a notable flourishing thanks to the contributions of individual researchers and research groups. Russian studies in Italy have thus aligned with similar initiatives in other countries, developing international projects and research lines in various fields.

Analysis of the Social Policy Organization in Post-Soviet Russia in the Context of International Experience

Relevance. The organization of social policy was significantly modified in Russia during the post-Soviet period, due to the transformation of the economic system. Many foreign countries at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries also changed their approaches in the field of social policy, introducing market elements following the example of the United States, as well as responding to demographic changes and economic difficulties. Studying the features and dynamics of domestic and foreign social policy is valuable for consideration of the best practices and problems, for the development of political science and for making decisions.Purpose: show how the preservation of the goals of social policy in Russia after the collapse of the USSR was ensured when its instruments were changed, compare the domestic system with foreign ones.Objectives: to show what challenges did the social policy system face in Russia and abroad, how approaches to solving problems in the social sphere have changed, show the formation and functioning of pensions, the healthcare system, unemployment protection and other social policy measures in Russia and foreign countries.Methodology. The article relies on comparative historical approach, analysis of legal documents, institutions, organizational features and statistical data. The article is based on reports from government departments and analytical companies.Results. Economic and demographic problems at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries create similar challenges for Russia and other countries, but in Russia the impact of these problems was stronger, and Russia also faced administrative challenges. In the post-Soviet period, Russia attempted to reorganize social support along the lines of insurance, but a universalist approach, which involves financing from taxes. The system of social policy in modern Russia does not fall behind foreign analogues in its architecture, scale and efficiency. Its weaknesses are a lot of duplicating benefits, outpacing rates of indexation of social payments and low financing of the healthcare system.Conclusions. Russia managed to preserve the most important achievements of the Soviet period in the field of social security, namely pensions, free education and health care.