Character Of Nationalism Research Articles

Nationalism and Minorities in the Ottoman Balkans: Greek Discourses on the Eastern Crisis (1875–1878)

This article focuses on how the Eastern Crisis of 1875–1878 and the Slavic revolts were interpreted in Greece, given its national aspirations and its relationship with the Orthodox people of the Balkans. The analysis draws on the Athenian press and parliamentary minutes of the time, and rather than focusing on the diplomatic developments follows instead the social discourses on and dominant interpretations of the Slavs and Bulgarians after the Balkan uprisings as well as the dilemmas faced by Greece. It explores a moment in the discursive shift, which introduced an ethno-racial language within the Greek kingdom that began to replace the portrayal of Hellenism as an ecumenical ideology with one of a more exclusive and nationalistic character. It thus shows how the events sharpened the division between Hellenism and Slavism.

Geopolitical jockeying: Economic nationalism and multinational strategy in historical perspective

Research SummaryWe explore multinational strategy formation in the context of rising economic nationalism. Specifically, we examine how firms develop strategies to capitalize on the historical and aspirational attributes of national identity. Analyzing the histories of two German multinationals in late colonial India, we find that these firms engaged in “geopolitical jockeying” to delegitimize rival multinationals and position themselves as complementary to the economic and political goals of the host nation. Toward that end they employed “aspirational political practices,” addressing the inherently future‐oriented character of nationalism, and invested in the development of political capabilities to gather information and shape perceptions of national contexts. The paper contributes to a more robust conceptualization of nations and nationalism and their role in the formation of international competition and strategy.Managerial SummaryRising economic nationalism can create political and economic opportunities as well as threats for multinational firms. Through a historical analysis of the emerging strategy of two German companies—Siemens and Bayer—in late colonial India, we show how firms can engage in “geopolitical jockeying” to delegitimize rival multinationals and position themselves as complementary to the economic and political goals of host nations. To do so the companies engaged in “aspirational political practices,” addressing the inherently future or goal‐oriented aspects of nations, and created political capabilities designed to both gather intelligence on and shape the nationalist movements. The paper uses history as a mirror for reflecting on the causes and consequences of economic nationalism for international strategy in our own time.

Lukewarm Nationalism: The 2020 Tokyo Olympics, Social Media and Affective Communities

This article considers the way in which a new nationalism is being created in the age of the Internet and social media by looking at the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games and other Games in the past. The development of media technology from film, radio, and television to the Internet and social media has changed the character of the Olympic Games as media event. It has been argued that these developments have created a shared consciousness, a sense of belonging and enthusiastic nationalism in the age of modern nation‐state. While the spread of the Internet and social media was originally expected to contribute to globalization or to the emergence of global citizens in a global village, as McLuhan once predicted, it seems that the world is more divided, fragmented, and fluid than ever. At the same time, the digital media organize various layers of community not only by ideology but also by affect: affective communities. This often leads to the rise of chauvinistic nationalism in developed countries. With reference to McLuhan's famous argument on hot and cool media, the article tries to examine the character of contemporary lukewarm nationalism in the age of digital media.

Culture and Revolution: Violence, Memory, and the Making of Modern Mexico by Horacio Legrás

Reviewed by: Culture and Revolution: Violence, Memory, and the Making of Modern Mexico by Horacio Legrás Adela Pineda Franco Legrás, Horacio. Culture and Revolution: Violence, Memory, and the Making of Modern Mexico. U of Texas P, 2017. 246 pp. Rather than focusing on the perceptible hierarchies imposed upon culture by the Mexican post-revolutionary state through its ruling ideology, Horacio Legrás takes the absolute contingency of the revolution, and the suspension of institutional life, as the point of departure for his study Culture and Revolution: Violence, Memory, and the Making of Modern Mexico. The disarticulation of the dogmas upon which the Porfirian order rested allows Legrás to revisit the remarkable importance [End Page 795] of culture during the process of state formation and during its consolidation, in the 1920s and 1930s, respectively. In terms of historical implication, this book is akin to the wave of revisionist works on the Mexican Revolution that have questioned the paradigm of a monolithic revolution since the 1970s by highlighting its heterogeneity, and by bringing into discussion the dynamic and multifaceted character of Mexican nationalism during the early years of revolutionary settlement. Hence, the originality of this book does not rest in its historical approach but in its theoretical significance for understanding modern Mexico through the lens of deconstruction. With Derrida's Specters of Marx in mind, Legrás asks whether and how Mexico could have "inherited" its revolution, and whether it is possible for us, skeptics of national origins, to conceive the Mexican Revolution as a transformative inheritance rather than as a passive transmission of institutionalized images of the past. Legrás's response to this inquiry involves the assumption that social reality cannot be understood outside the realm of textuality. The case of the Mexican Revolution provides a fertile ground to carry out this approach, since this revolution, and the cultural crusade that followed its armed phase, produced an archive of boundless proportions that has been subject to multifarious interpretations. "How can we reach the uniqueness of the revolutionary past if everything we discover about it adds another layer of meaning that removes us from the center?" Legrás asks in the first pages of this book, to make it clear that his concerns are far removed from those favoring archival objectivity (3). The author delves into Mexico's revolutionary archive with a post-structuralist sense of language and meaning, and encounters a wide expanse of interpretative possibility regarding a topic that one might have considered exhausted. Textuality, characterized as "A mood, a way of behaving and understanding the world" (3), is not only the main attribute defining Mexico's revolutionary archive but also the principle behind Legrás's interpretations of modern Mexico. Each chapter interconnects a myriad of cultural productions, social actors, public performances, architectural structures, philosophical and ideological trends, and sociopolitical and academic practices. Legrás approaches this corpus through relationships based on contiguity, and by means of textual analysis that privilege aporia and ambivalence over causation and agreement. Throughout the book, he highlights a series of paradoxes, including the one surrounding the culture/revolution divide, in order to display a horizon of struggle and confrontation over the goal of creating a shared national community after the revolution. The transmutation of life into politics, the inclusion of the indigenous population as the index of the nation's "negative within", the existential impasse of the public within the private, and many other challenges brought about by the revolution, were all deliberated through the mediation of culture among the most diverse sectors of society and through opposite fronts and ideologies. Hence, culture, and not revolutionary violence, became the compelling force behind the cluster of works, social agents, and practices that became modern Mexico. Contrary to the characterization of Mexico's national culture as official ideology or as the product of a lettered class, Legrás shows that, during the 1920s and 1930s, this culture was complex, paradoxical, and most of all, marked by the passion of revolutionary action at the moment of its inscription. [End Page 796] In order to propose an analytic of the textuality of the revolution, Legrás performs a veritable archeology of modern Mexico...

Analisis Implementasi Pembelajaran IPS Dalam Membentuk Karakter Nasionalisme Di Mts Miftahul Jannah Parakan Trenggalek

The implementation of the 2013 curriculum begins with designing the design of the learning planning program in the form of syllabus and learning implementation plans which are the elaboration of core competencies and basic competencies that have been set by the National Education Standards Agency. Conceptually the development of social studies education in Indonesia is inseparable from the development of universally developing Social Studies thinking. In social studies learning mainly discusses forming the character of nationalism where the definition of one's own character is quality or mental or normal strength, morals or individual character which is a special personality that becomes a driver and driver, and that distinguishes it from other individuals. On the contrary, the explanation of nationalism means stating the superiority of a group activity based on the similarity of language, culture and region.

MANAJEMEN PENDIDIKAN MULTIKULTUR DAN AKTUALISASI ISLAM MODERAT DALAM MEMPERKOKOH NASIONALISME DI INDONESIA

The purpose of this study is to describe the management of multicultural education in instilling the value of Indonesian culture through learning in educational institutions to cultivate and instill a variety of cultures, religions and Indonesia, this is an engineering or developmental ideas in learning from the age of elementary school to university, so as to be able to provide the basis of national values ​​(nationalism), tolerance and not thinking and acting radically. This research is a field research with a descriptive qualitative approach with a tool to collect observation data, interviews from several key informants and analyze them with inductive thinking. The development of multicultural education in fostering a spirit of nationalism, and radicalism in radicalism, is carried out through: 1. Integrating moderate Islam by planting the attitudes of tawassuth, tassamuh, and tawazun, 2. Introducing the environment around as plural learning (contectual learning), 3. Instill the attitude of anti-violence truth rahmatan lil alamin These three things as engineering application of material development, are thoroughly integrated in the learning process in the classroom and outside the classroom. Conclusion, Education is carried out programmatically while: 1). Transformation of knowledge through the understanding of contemporary Islam, 2). Adopt good culture (repertoire), 3). Acting in the educational environment with the attitudes of tawassuth, tassamuh and tawazun, amar ma'ruf nahimunkar anti violence 4) Performed in the form of behavior and developing tepo seliro tolerant concepts on all learning processes and 5) Character of nationalism in life (Khoirunas Anfauhum Linnas) . The impact that arises in a timely manner recognizes moderate Islam, fosters the development of nationalism fostering a sense of love for the land as a manifestation of the preservation of Islam rahmatan lil alamin and strengthening the unity of the Indonesian nation.

The Core of Resistance: Recognising Intersectional Struggle in the Kurdish Women’s Movement

Abstract The paper addresses the women’s movement in the Northern Syrian region known by Kurds as Rojava, a movement whose central role in building an autonomous political project has its roots in the Kurdish nationalist struggle, specifically that organised by the Kurdish Worker’s Party, also known as the PKK, in Turkey. This study brings to the fore reflections on the power relations that cross the struggle carried out by these women, who, for their part, are crossed by the intersection of gender, ethnicity and class, which feeds and composes the critical praxis of this organised struggle. The Kurdish women’s political path is approached through the contradictions and ambiguities they encounter when they face the challenge of becoming aware of their own place in a political project, which at first had a nationalist character and is now beginning to gain new contours. The presence of the female figure in a political context of armed conflict endows these women with the role of challenging the boundaries on which the foundational elements of international politics rely, namely, the boundary between public and private spheres and gender roles played socially and politically. The Kurdish women’s movement in Rojava disturbs the foundational boundaries of the modern nation-state alongside the hegemonic constructions of masculinity and femininity, and the militarised character of politics, which are constitutive of the modern imaginary of political community.

Nation, national remembrance, and education — Polish schools as factories of nationalism and prejudice

This article describes and attempts to explain the reasons for the conservative and nationalist character of Polish schools. The author uses data from surveys, analyzes political programs, postulates concerning education put forward by conservatives, and quotes poems emphasizing national identity from textbooks used at schools to teach reading skills. According to the author, it can be observed that nationalists build an atmosphere of aversion to immigrants, which affects racism in the school hallways. The article also presents the phenomenon of so-called school chambers of national remembrance, which are part of patriotic rituals practiced by Polish society. The author emphasizes that nationalism is the basis for changes in history programs of study, which are part of the educational reform implemented by the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość — PiS) government. The cultural soft power, which is used to make reality more “national,” complements the administrative and political hard power of the PiS party — both tools are used to create an authoritarian-nationalist vision of social order.

Appropriated authority: a theory of transnational sport governance

ABSTRACTThe organisations regulating international sport comprise a distinct mode of transnational governance. Although domestic and international sport governing bodies are typically constituted as private entities, international sport’s (hyper-) nationalistic character and the degree to which these organisations are able to influence public policy suggest that their authority extends well beyond the private sector. This study advances a theoretical explanation of legitimacy and authority in transnational sport governance. To accomplish this task, the author builds on a theory of private authority, developed by Jessica Green, which posits two types of private authority (delegated and entrepreneurial) in international affairs. While transnational sport governing bodies first emerged as a form of entrepreneurial private authority, the author contends that these organisations today possess ‘appropriated authority’. These organisations operate as a de facto governing institution around which state preferences have converged and retain the legitimacy typically associated with delegated private authority, but they exercise this authority outside the constraints of the principal–agent relationship, which Green suggests is a necessary condition for state delegation of authority. In this article, the author argues that appropriated authority in transnational sport governance is a function of two distinct processes. First, through a process of legitimacy adoption, states come to acknowledge and share in perceptions of private sport organisations’ legitimacy to govern. Second, private authority in transnational sport is perpetuated by states’ ability to free ride (to capture low- or no-cost benefits of transnational sport), an arrangement that varies depending upon domestic regime type.

Nationality swapping in the Olympic Games 1978–2017: A supervised machine learning approach to analysing discourses of citizenship and nationhood

While the practice of nationality swapping in sports traces back as far as the Ancient Olympics, it seems to have increased over the past decades. Cases of Olympic athletes who switched their national allegiances are often surrounded with controversy. Two strands of thought could help explain this controversy. First, these cases are believed to be indicative of the marketisation of citizenship. Second, these cases challenge established discourses of national identity as the question ‘who may represent the nation?’ becomes contested. Using state-of-the-art machine learning techniques, I analysed 1534 English language newspaper articles about Olympic athletes who changed their nationalities (1978–2017). The results indicate: (i) that switching national allegiance has not necessarily become more controversial; (ii) that most media reports do not frame nationality switching in economic terms; and (iii) that nationality swapping often occurs fairly unnoticed. I therefore conclude that a marketisation of citizenship is less apparent in nationality switching than some claim. Moreover, nationality switches are often mentioned rather casually, indicating the generally banal character of nationalism. Only under certain conditions does ‘hot’ nationalism spark the issue of nationhood.

Gerakan Sosial Melalui Sosio Drama Berbasis Kearifan Lokal Untuk Meningkatkan Nasionalisme Daerah Pedalaman

Social movement is an effort to provide benefits to others. However, within the context of cultivating the character, research on social movement through socio-drama based on local wisdom is very limited. This study aims to examine the increasing character of nationalism through social movements in the form of socio-drama. Research subjects were elementary and secondary students residing in rural area. This research used qualitative and descriptive method. Data collection techniques were documentations, observations, and interviews. The results showed that the increased character of nationalism only arise when playing socio-drama only, they would return to the previous character. Cultivating the character values need a long time, so the change of character did not necessarily happen.

The nationalisation of religion: Youth and Soka Gakkai in Singapore

The nationalisation of religion is introduced in this article as the condition in which the secular interests and values of the state are articulated and enacted by religious organisations or individuals participating in public life. It has two attributes: (1) performances are shrouded in a nationalistic character that renders the religious significantly invisible and as a result; (2) the prevailing political order proceeds unquestioned. To make its case, the article draws from the experiences of the youth of Soka who perform in public events such as the National Day Parade and Chingay in Singapore. These performances are some of the ways in which Soka presents itself as a cultural organisation working for peace and progress in Singapore. For them, it is about sending a message that individual and collective struggles can be overcome and that in spite of their differences, people can come together.

Pengembangan Modul Pendidikan Multikultural Berbasis Karakter Cinta Tanah Air dan Nasionalis pada Pembelajaran Tematik

This research aims to describe the development steps and the appropriateness of multicultural education module based on the character of patriotism and nationalism in thematic learning for students in 2nd grade Elementary School. This is a research and development applying Borg and Gall design. The trial was conducted on 10 students of 2nd grade in Muhammadiyah Bodon Elementary School. The data collection techniques in this research were interviews, observations, module feasibility assessments by experts, teachers’ assessment, and questionnaire of learners’ responses. The eligibility of the multicultural education module is shown by the result of the assessment by the validation experts at the time of FGD. The validation by media expert scored of 72, the validation by learning expert scored of 74, and the validation by language expert scored of 60. The limited product trial were conducted in class II A, based on the students' assessment get the mean score of 37.5, while the assessment by the teacher scored 70 , both are very good category. The field trial were conducted in class II B, based on the students' score, obtained 36.94 score, and 76 from the teachers; both are very good category.

Etnogênese e Movimento Indígena: Lutas Políticas e Identitárias na Virada do Século XX para o XXI

Neste artigo procuro retomar o debate em torno da noção de etnogênese, estendendo-o ao contexto histórico da América Latina e do Caribe e relacionando-o à categoria de Povos Indígenas, utilizada por movimentos de cunho étnico-político (mas que se diferenciam de movimentos de cunho nacionalista) ao redor do mundo. Aquilo que Lévi-Strauss chamou de aquecimento das sociedades indígenas no final do século XX, e que outros autores descrevem como um despertar do movimento indígena, continua a provocar debates dentro e fora do meio acadêmico. Fruto do contato direto com os colonizadores, mas indicando um movimento reverso de retomada de terras e direitos, assim como de símbolos, autoestima e orgulho nativo, tais movimentos contemporâneos estariam imbricados nas diferentes reivindicações de identidade étnica que passaram a configurar a assim chamada etnogênese, redobrando a preocupação dos Estados com tais novas formas de organização política, como é o caso do contexto brasileiro aqui abordado.

PENGARUH LIVING VALUES EDUCATION PROGRAM (LVEP) TERHADAP PENANAMAN KARAKTER NASIONALISME SISWA SD DALAM PEMBELAJARAN TEMATIK

Living Values Education Program (LVEP) is one of the educational programs, which can facilitate the students to explore and develop the twelve universal values, which are cooperation, freedom, happiness, honesty, humility, love, peace, respect, responsibility, simplicity, tolerance, and unity. This research aims to know the influence of LVEP towards character building on the 3rd grade students in elementary school, within the topic of nationalism on the thematic learning. This type of research is quasi experiment design by utilizing pretest-posttest control group design. The population of this research is the 3rd graders of SD Negeri Pujokusuman academic year of 2017/2018. The selected sample was 3rd graders A, B, and C chosen by using cluster random sampling techniques. 3rd graders in class B as the control group, while 3rd graders in class A and C as group experiments. The control group was given preferential treatment by using the method of storytelling, while the experimental groups were given a treatment using the LVEP. Data collection techniques used is observation and interview. The guidelines for observation is conducted to know whether the students show/perform character nationalism before treatment (pretest), during treatment, and after treatment (posttest). The interview guidelines are used to support the observation, which cover up character of students, learning model character, and implementation of learning before they are treated with certain experiment. The data analysis techniques used was t-test with the level of significance 0,05. The research results show that there are significant impacts during nationalistic character building by implementing Living Values Education Program (LVEP), which is done through storytelling method in thematic learning for 3rd graders of SD Negeri Pujokusuman. Distinction appears vividly in all sub nationalistic character, which is observed during the learning process, namely responsibility, tolerance, cooperation, unity, love, respect, and peace.

Aspects of Nationalist Propaganda in the Late Nineteenth-Century Romanian Musical Press

In the last decades of the nineteenth century, two widely different attitudes regarding local music were evident in the Romanian musical press. One viewpoint had an obviously nationalist character, and was manifested in an apologetic idealization of Romanian music – especially folklore – but also in calls for the improvement of composition and performance in the local music scene. The other attitude revealed a pronounced inferiority complex connected to everything that contemporary Romanian music represented. This was manifested especially in the (sometimes harsh) criticism of Romanian musical life, and in a hostile position towards or ignorance of Romanian musicians, composers or interpreters, except when they attained success and recognition abroad – and sometimes not even then. The two extreme attitudes are not mutually exclusive, but complement each other; essentially, they can be seen to be in a cause–effect relationship.These two faces of nationalist propaganda are reflected by publications such as Lyra română – foaie musicală şi literară, a weekly magazine published between 2 December 1879 and 31 October 1880, and România musicală, which appeared twice a month between 1 March 1890 and 28 December 1904.

Historiography in Saudi Arabia: Globalization and the State in the Middle East

Historiography in Saudi Arabia: Globalization and the State in the Middle East

EUROPEANISM VS EUROSCEPTICISM IN THE COUNTRIES OF CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE

Euroscepticism is a comparatively new political phenomenon. It consists of many aspects, such as critics of Europeism as a political ideology of the EU. This ideology is syncretical and includes different elements of famous political thoughts by Hobbes, Locke, French Enlightenment and German classic philosophy. The core principles of europeism are principles of progressism, universalism (which is known as ground for the ideas of liberal democracy). Today europeism has replaced traditional ideologies of conservatism and socialism and created new types of quasi-religions. The main principles of this ideology are formed and implemented on the level of supranational European institutions. On contrary, euroscepticism restores principles of traditional ideologies, being a significant oppositional actor in relation to europeism. During the last years, euroscepticism has been taking strong positions on both national and supranational levels. Especially, this can be seen referring to the experience of Central Eastern Europe, which, nontheless, has a successful story of European integration. The case of Central Eastern European countries shows a nationalistic character of euroscepticism (in its economic and political senses) and illustrates the people’s reaction on practices of the transfer of values and political practices. In Bulgaria euroscepticism remains weak – its membership is still seen as the only alternative, keeping in mind the destroying effect of the country’s shift toward democracy and market. Bulgarian euroscepticism connects with the people’s hopelessness in relation the EU as an actor, which is to deal with national problems.

A Study on the Nationalist Character of BoCheonGyo in the Japanese Colonial Period

A Study on the Nationalist Character of BoCheonGyo in the Japanese Colonial Period

John Marshall, McCulloch v. Maryland, and the Concept of Constitutional Sovereignty

ABSTRACTScholars have long debated John Marshall's intent in his famous opinion in the case of McCulloch v. Maryland (1819). Despite long-standing disagreement concerning the character of Marshall's nationalism and federalism, interpretations of the opinion typically rely on an incomplete picture of the case. This analysis revisits McCulloch to illustrate his support for national and state sovereignty as defined in the Constitution. It then moves beyond the opinion itself to examine Marshall's defense of McCulloch in a series of newspaper essays he authored in the aftermath of the case. Situated alongside the McCulloch opinion, these essays show that Marshall was as much concerned with defending the sovereignty of the Constitution as he was with adjudicating political authority between national and state governments.