Change Of Government Research Articles

The Impacts of Government Subsidies on Public Transportation Customer Complaints: A Case Study of Taichung City Bus Subsidy Policy

The government has implemented an operational subsidy program with the expectation that bus companies can provide better services to passengers. However, does the change in government subsidy policies affect the service levels of bus companies? This study analyzed passenger complaint data to objectively express the results of changes in bus subsidy policies. Taking Taichung City buses as an example, there was a change in transportation policies after a change in the municipal government. Under the old policy, Taichung City buses implemented a subsidy policy based on passengers (SPP), where the first eight kilometers of a route were subsidized. Later, the SPK subsidy policy, based on kilometers (SPK), extended the subsidy coverage by bus mileage to 10 km. This study collected bus passenger complaint data before and after the change in subsidy policies, within six months. A t-Test was conducted to verify if the average customer complaint types were consistent between the two policies. The results showed significant differences in six categories of customer complaints, which were then presented in GIS. Finally, we drew two main conclusions: (1) SPP policy, bus companies focus on operating in CBD; (2) SPK policy, bus companies focus on operating in suburban areas.

The African Court’s Jurisdiction over the Crime of Unconstitutional Change of Government and the African Union’s Sanctions Regime: A Comparative Analysis

This paper provides a comparative assessment of the criminalisation of unconstitutional change of government before the proposed African Court of Justice and Human Rights (African Court), and the African Union’s sanctions regime, which is part of its legal and policy framework to respond to unconstitutional change of government. Using Niger and Gabon as case studies, the paper examines the efficacy of the African Union (and the Economic Community of West African States, in the case of Niger) sanctions regime in response to the recent military coups in these selected countries. It is argued that the African Union’s policy and legal framework in response to unconstitutional change of government and the sanctions regime have not been effective in countering the scourge of unconstitutional change of government on the African continent. The paper then examines the potential of Article 28E of the Malabo Protocol, which criminalises unconstitutional change of government, to effectively address the problem of recurring unconstitutional change of government in Africa. It concludes that this Article has the potential to effectively address the problem of unconstitutional change of government when the African Court becomes operational.

Street Begging among School Age Children and Social Protection Policy in South western, Nigeria

This study discussed the factors that caused street begging among school age children and investigated social protection policies aimed at eradicating the menace in Southwestern, Nigeria. It also examined the impact of the social protection policies on street begging among school-age children and assessed the challenges confronting social protection interventions. The study’s primary data were sourced through multi-choice structured questionnaires and semi-structured interview guides. The study administered one hundred and fifty copies of questionnaires on teachers, parents, and school age children in Ondo, Oyo and Lagos States. Interviews were conducted with twelve 12 respondents on the basis of four from each state based on their experience of street begging by school-age children and social protection policies meant to tackle the menace. Purposively sampled interviewees were from ministries of education and schools, with two education officials from each of the three states and two school principals from each of the three states. Secondary data were from books, relevant journals, government publications, policy guides, gazettes, and online publications. We analyzed quantitative data with the use of descriptive and inferential statistical tools, and qualitative data with content analysis. The study showed poverty, unemployment, broken homes, and poor feeding and other factors as responsible for street begging among school age children. Some of the social protection policies that are in place to eradicate street begging by school-age children in Southwestern Nigeria include Zero Project, Better Education Service Delivery for All, Integrated Qur'anic and Tsangaya Education, and other domesticated policies of the federal government. Social protection policies in Southwestern, Nigeria are impactful in reducing street begging but poor funding, change in government, overstretched facilities, and corruption are some of the challenges militating against them. The study concluded that street begging by school age children in Southwestern, Nigeria is a social menace that requires intensification of existing social protection policies and serious government attention.

Local government in Northern Ireland: partnerships, minimalism and marginalisation

ABSTRACT In 2015, a reformed local government system was introduced in Northern Ireland following a lengthy period of review. In the new dispensation, great emphasis is placed on the concept of partnership, vertically between the regional institutions and government departments, and horizontally between local councils and statutory organisations, through a process of community planning. Despite the importance placed on partnerships, they have received little attention in the governance of Northern Ireland. This article assesses recent changes in local government in comparison to Great Britain, Ireland or elsewhere. Through a theoretical framework on partnerships within the New Public Governance literature, the article evaluates the significance of local government reforms and possible further enhancement of powers. In illustrating the fundamental imbalance in the regional-local nexus, resulting in continued over-centralisation and a fragmented model of sub-regional governance, the article concludes that the system remains characterised by marginalised local government, with aspirations for partnership unfulfilled.

Political transformations in Poland: will a change of government lead to a change of course?

The article examines the consequences of the change of the Polish government, headed by the right-wing Euro-skeptical Law and Justice party, which has led this country since October 2015. The article presents an analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections in Poland, held on October 15, 2023, in which the PiS won a formal victory, which, however failed to form a majority coalition. As a result, the ruling alliance, which received the right to form a government, was made up of the pre-election association of the parties Civic Coalition, which included the Civic Platform parties led by former Prime Minister Donald Tusk, Modern, the Greens and the Polish Initiative, the Third Way association, which included the parties Poland 2050, the Polish People's Party, the Center for Poland, and the Union the European Democrats, as well as the union of the Left, consisting of the parties New Left and Left together. The assessment of the activities of the leading Polish political parties over the previous four years is given, the main provisions of the election platforms of the main parties and coalitions that were elected to parliament following these elections are analyzed. To identify the dynamics of changes in the political situation in Poland, a comparative analysis of the results of the leading political parties of this country in the elections of 2019 and 2023 was carried out, as well as their main characteristics. The key differences in the approaches of the country's leading parties to the IpR and the Civic Platform on domestic and foreign policy issues, including their attitude to Russia's special military operation in Ukraine, are analyzed. The process of forming a new Polish government and the influence of the country's President Andrzej Duda on it is considered.

Abrupt monetary policy change and unanchoring of inflation expectations

Inflation expectations can quickly become unanchored if the central bank undermines its commitment to the inflation target. This paper exploits an abrupt change in monetary policy by the Brazilian Central Bank in 2011 and microdata from a daily survey of professional forecasters to establish support for this claim. Reanchoring came only years later, after a regime shift that included a change of government. A simple model with a well-defined concept of (un)anchored inflation expectations provides a coherent explanation and structural interpretation of our empirical findings.

Conspiracy Thinking and Electoral Trust During Tumultuous Times: The Case of Israel

Abstract Recent research reveals the association between conspiracy thinking, i.e., one’s predisposition to believe in conspiracy theories, and trust in elections and election outcomes. This research, however, has thus far only examined single election cycles. In this letter, we examine whether citizens’ conspiracy thinking, across electoral winners and losers, predicts electoral mistrust in the polarized, crisis-laden state of Israel. We test our expectation using four nationally representative samples fielded in 2022—before the electoral campaign started, during the campaign, and after the November national election, when a change in government took place. We show that conspiracy thinking predicts electoral mistrust and that this effect is independent of the effect of being an electoral loser. We also demonstrate that losing or winning the election does not meaningfully moderate the effect of conspiracy thinking on electoral mistrust.

Local champions and change of governments: a longitudinal analysis of firms’ political ties in Gaziantep, Turkey

Abstract This article examines business–politics ties during a shift from multi-party politics to competitive-authoritarian rule in Turkey. We conducted a longitudinal investigation of the political ties and performance ranking of top manufacturing firms in a provincial industrial centre, Gaziantep. The analysis demonstrates that major power transitions in centre politics elicited variegated local responses and intra-group contestations. The leading business elites sustained political capital through a multi-scalar diversification of political ties. Using an agent, network, and institutions framework, we highlight the political dynamics behind sub-national growth trajectories, and contribute to scholarship on urban party politics and elite localism in economic geography.

Why is there no investor-state dispute settlement in RCEP? bargaining and contestation in the investment regime

Abstract The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) is one of the most important mega-regional trade agreements signed to date. Yet, it failed to include an Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism in its investment chapter. What explains this omission? To unpack this, we examine international negotiations as a two-step process. In the first stage, we theorize that initial preferences towards ISDS are based on countries’ orientation toward foreign direct investment (FDI), experience with ISDS, and past treaty practice. Second, we theorize that during protracted negotiations, adverse regime developments and domestic politics can have a profound impact on treaty design. To test our framework, we examine the RCEP negotiations. Our analysis shows that mounting cases as well as the eroding norm of ISDS in other treaties lowered support for ISDS as the negotiations progressed. Then, a change of government in Malaysia shifted that country’s position dramatically, which tipped the balance against ISDS in the final round of negotiations. Our findings have important implications for the international investment regime. They highlight the factors that determine countries’ initial preferences while also demonstrating the importance of developments during the negotiations, which can lead to the abandonment of the institutional status quo.

Economic uncertainty, households’ credit situations, and higher education

In this paper, we study the relationship between economic uncertainty, households’ credit situations, and educational outcomes. Using the System Generalized Methods of Moments (SYS-GMM) on educational and economic data from the World Bank and IMF, we find that economic uncertainty and households’ access to credit have positive impacts on higher education. Further analyses suggest that economic uncertainty and households’ access to credit have heterogeneous effects on educational outcomes at the tertiary level, by gender and development status. Specifically, we find that economic uncertainties expand enrollments in developed countries and contract them in developing economies. In addition, access to credit has a more pronounced positive impact on educational outcomes in developing nations compared to developed ones. Furthermore, our analysis indicates that household credit coupled with economic uncertainty decreases women’s educational outcomes in higher education, posing a serious threat to gender equality in higher education. Lastly, we find that monetary policy appears to play a role in these results. These findings remain robust to alternative proxies of economic uncertainty and approach such as the Instrumental Variable (IV) regression method, which uses a political database on government changes and ideological gaps between cabinets as instruments. In general, the findings emphasize the enduring influence of economic uncertainties, typically associated with business cycles, on long-term aspects such as education.

Electoral Violence in Africa: An Analysis of Factors, Dimensions, Effects and Mitigating Factors

Elections are key elements of democratic processes. This article aims at providing reasons for election-related violence in Africa, their dimensions, effects, and mitigating factors. Elections are supposed to provide for a transparent and peaceful change of government, the distribution of power, and the promotion of democracy, but most elections in Africa are characterized by violence at various stages of the process. In war-torn countries and even in some stable African countries, incumbents are often manipulating or believed to be tampering with the electoral processes. The opposition parties also have incentives to further their strength through the use of violence. Such violence is potentially damaging democratic processes and undermining progress towards democratization. Electoral violence has varied causes, as highlighted in this article. Beyond direct effects such as hindering people from casting their vote and preventing candidates from participating in the electoral process, electoral violence can have long-term effects. Thus, managing election-related violence would build a strong, democratic, and peaceful society based on the rule of law, accountability, and transparency. Various strategies are used by different actors to achieve this. This article uses a qualitative research design. Information on the research is gathered purely from the review of scholarly articles and reports on the topic. The information presented is based on a synthesis of findings from these sources. From the synthesis of information from other reviews, we have in this article gathered and presented the main causes, effects, dimensions, and some mitigating factors of electoral violence in Africa.

Preparing for Government

AbstractThis article reviews a recent report by the Institute for Government on how opposition parties in the United Kingdom should prepare for power. The article comments on the distinctive constitutional context in the UK regarding government transitions, the provisions in The Cabinet Manual on access by opposition parties to the civil service prior to a general election, how opposition parties can make effective use of these access talks, and the specific challenges facing the Labour Party as it prepares for the prospect of a change of government later in 2024. It is argued that the current guidelines in The Cabinet Manual on access talks need clarification on several crucial matters, not least the timing of their commencement during a parliamentary term, which opposition parties should be eligible to participate, and under what conditions.

Cultural Identity of Malaysian Chinese language education Formed under the Influence of Two-Way Institutional Changes in Contrasting Perspectives, 1950s - 1980s

Malaysia is the Southeast Asian country with the most complete retention of Chinese language education after independence. In the face of the nationalist policies after the Second World War, why is Malaysian Chinese language education unique from other Southeast Asian countries? With such a question, this paper intercepts the development of Chinese language education in Malaysia and the Philippines during the early period of independence of Southeast Asian countries in the 1950s - 1980s, by comparing and combining the theory of two-way institutional change. It is found that there existed a Chinese education organization in Malaysia during this period that was able to compete with the government's nationalistic policy, thus under the two-way game movement of top-down institutional change by the government and bottom-up institutional change by the Chinese education organization, the survival of Chinese schools and national cultural identity became possible. This will serve as a reference for the construction and development of language schools in foreign countries and the maintenance of national cultural identity.

평화선을 둘러싼 시마네현의 독도 주변 수역에 대한 인식

The purpose of this study is to shed light on how the perception of the waters around Dokdo in Shimane Prefecture surrounding the Peace Line was expressed. Based on the theoretical background of the politicization of fishing rights, the discussion will focus on the moments that led Shimane Prefecture to transform the issue of captured fishing boats in waters around Dokdo into a sovereignty issue from the declaration of the peace line in January 1952 to the conclusion of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan in June 1965. Shimane Prefecture regarded the declaration of the peace line as a political measure aimed at cracking down on Japanese fishermen in the waters around Dokdo and the fishing grounds on the southern coast of the Korean Peninsula. Above all, Shimane Prefecture recognized the Peace Line as an unreasonable fishing border and argued that the Korean government's seizure of Japanese fishing boats was an illegal act. Moreover, while the Japanese media was raising the illegality of the peace ship, fabricated reports about the capture of Japanese fishing boats that landed on Dokdo provided an excuse to escalate the Dokdo issue. What is noteworthy is that Shimane Prefecture's self-centered perception of the Peace Ship originated from a distortion of the wrong facts resulting from changes in the Japanese government's fishing policy, rather than from a sense of victimization among fishing boats and fishermen captured by Korea. In other words, Shimane Prefecture's perception of the waters around Dokdo surrounding the Peace Line was expressed through the politicization of fishing rights, where the distorted facts of fishermen entrenched by Japan's fisheries policy infiltrated their real lives and escalated beyond securing the right to survive to a question of sovereignty.

The Role of the Law and Socialist Legal Awareness in Practice of Law of Soviet Authorities and Administration in 1917–1928

On the basis of published and unpublished documents, the authors explain changes in the social significance and the role of the Soviet law and socialist legal awareness in the Soviet state in the context of transition from revolutionary to socialist legality during the first decade of Soviet power. The negative impact of a low level of legal technique of the first Soviet laws on law enforcement resulted in the need to adopt additional departmental acts to implement them and the widespread use of socialist legal awareness in legal practice. The most multifaceted law enforcement role of the socialist legal consciousness was manifested in the activities of the people’s courts. The law enforcement role analysis made it possible to establish the mutual influence of Soviet laws and socialist legal consciousness. The Soviet law was an authoritative guide to the socialist legal consciousness, which, in turn, became the key to understanding the laws and their application by analogy in conditions of frequent changes in government policy.Using the example of the Soviet legal practice of 1917–1928, the authors conclude that the legal and technical inconsistency of laws leads to the emergence of new regulators and the erasure of the legal limits of discretionary powers of authorities. The authors substantiate that the Soviet government used the socialist legal consciousness to strengthen the mechanism of the Soviet state, to create in its structure a flexible tool for correcting rapidly outdating unsettled legislation.

Resurgence and transformation: the impact of COVID-19 on Myanmar’s tourism industry and future trends

PurposeThis paper analyses the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Myanmar’s tourism industry, identifying challenges and innovations, and predicting future trends to foster a resilient and sustainable sector.Design/methodology/approachThe study uses a comprehensive analysis of tourism trends, government and private sector responses and changes in tourist behaviour, employing data, case studies and policy reviews.FindingsThe pandemic significantly disrupted Myanmar’s tourism, causing economic losses and shifts towards sustainable, outdoor and cultural experiences. Effective strategies by the government and private sector are aiding recovery and suggesting a more diverse and resilient future.Research limitations/implicationsThe research is limited by the availability of data during the pandemic, highlighting the need for ongoing strategy adaptation.Practical implicationsThe study recommends digitalization, health protocols, domestic tourism focus and sustainable practices for a robust post-pandemic industry.Social implicationsThe study emphasizes the pandemic’s social impact on tourism-dependent communities and the need for inclusive, sustainable tourism practices.Originality/valueItprovides unique insights into COVID-19’s multifaceted impact on Myanmar’s tourism, offering valuable information for future sector strategies.

Identifying the Legitimacy of the Taliban Government and the Resurrection of Peace in Afghanistan

A government’s legality and its recognition need to be tested through the lenses of international law where the government changes through unconstitutional measures. The Taliban’s coming to power in Afghanistan is through unconstitutional and undemocratic means. Its control over Afghanistan raises questions about the fundamental nature of international law, politics, the State’s internal governance, and issues crucial for international peace. These matters although of primary concern, however, compromised to a secondary position as their accomplishment is contingent on peace being restored and guaranteed by the class of people in the ruling hierarchy. Since the Taliban government is not recognised by many States, it puts to test, the international law criteria for recognizing the government of the State. The reluctance shown by the comity of nations in recognizing the government, further raises the related issue of international law, that how the comity of nations can create an inroad for human rights and peace in Afghanistan. The objective to establish peace in Afghanistan, by identifying the legitimacy of the Taliban regime, touches the core aspect of de jure government as recognized by international law and is also a key concern for setting the trust of Afghan people in international law and international institutions. This article sets the premise to know the position of international law, for recognising a government in a State where the change of government is not established by legal measures and therefore not recognised by other nations. Besides, the author attempts to explore the possibilities of setting the foundation and establishing human rights and related objectives for sustainable peace in Afghanistan. The author sets the dialectical discourse, for setting a roadmap to achieve peace in Afghanistan by applying international law provisions through international institutions.

Primary healthcare system and provider responses to the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan

IntroductionExisting health system challenges in Afghanistan were amplified by the Taliban’s August 2021 government takeover during which the country faced an evolving security situation, border closures, banking interruptions, donor funding...

THE RESURGENCE OF MILITARY COUP D’ETATS IN AFRICA: A STEP FORWARD OR BACKWARD IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE?

This article discusses the resurgence of military coup d’états, in Africa, whether it is backward or forward movement in democratic governance on the continent. Recently there has been an upsurge in UCG in Mali, Burkina Faso, Sudan, Guinea and the latest now is Gabon. This trend is against Article 4(m) (p) of the Constitutive Act of African Union that condemns UCG; and the African Charter on Democracy, Election and Good Governance (ACDEGG), 2007. It is not also a surprise that some citizens of these countries where the unconstitutional change of government has taken place were found jubilating due to maladministration of the constitutionally elected leaders. This article aims at bringing the attention of global leaders to the regressive trend in the democratic progress of certain African nations. Doctrinal methodology is used and the data method is content analyses. The findings of the study show that some citizens of these countries are not enjoying dividends of democracy and that the military itself has not imbibed the dictates of civilian administration or rule on the continent. This paper concludes that the mere suspension of a particular country whose civilian administration has been overthrown is not enough deterrent to other countries in Africa, and stricter penalties is needed to be implemented against such country. It is one of the recommendations of this article that paper condemnation of illegal take over government and the suspension of such a country from AU is not enough deterrent to putsch in the continent.

행정구역 획정원리로서의 공유수면 매립지 경계획정 원리에 관한 일고찰

Interest in the reorganization of administrative districts is increasing due to the plan to promote the incorporation of Gimpo-si, Gyeonggi-do into Seoul Special City, triggered by the leader of the ruling party at the time in October 2023. Changes in the metropolitan local governments to which a basic local government belongs may lead to conflicts of interest between metropolitan local governments so it is highly likely that this situation will not be easily resolved depending on the political situation and will ultimately depend on judicial judgment. Under these circumstances, the confirmation of the constitutional discipline related to the delimitation of administrative districts is worth sufficient consideration from a practical aspect beyond simple theoretical interest.
 As part of the basic process for this work, it is meaningful to examine the position of the Constitutional Court on the demarcation of administrative districts for newly reclaimed lands, where multiple decisions were made in the form of competence dispute adjudication, along with the review on the legal system related to administrative district demarcation. In particular, this study reviews the Constitutional Court’s decision[Constitutional Court 2019.4.11. 2015 Heonra 2] which changed the precedent of considering the maritime boundary of public waters as the boundary of the newly reclaimed lands and demands comprehensive consideration of all circumstances based on the principle of equity. Through this study the legitimacy of the Constitutional Court's position of actively considering the purpose of reclamation and the status of the reclamation entity was confirmed, and the issue of jurisdiction over public waters remaining after reclamation and whether acquisition of prescription for the reclaimed land was also reviewed.
 In conclusion, this study can fully accept the Constitutional Court's position of pursuing equity by reviewing all circumstances related to the demarcation of administrative districts for newly reclaimed lands, but it raises some questions about conceptualizing this as a “principle of equity” and confirms that further discussion is necessary.