British Position Research Articles

The Impact of Entrepreneurial Leadership on EU High Politics: A Case Study of Jacques Delors and the Creation of EMU

This article argues that entrepreneurial leadership (Young, 1991) of European Commission president Jacques Delors was a necessary factor in the creation of an Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). More specifically, it examines Delors’s role during the creation and duration of the Delors Committee in which a group of member state central bank governors and experts met to examine how an EMU could be accomplished. The Delors Report led to a change in the German position and a weakening of the British position. This article contributes to the growing literature on leadership in international bargaining, as well as the role of the Commission in European integration.

Islands of the Mind: New Labour's Defensive Engagement with the European Union

This article reviews the cumulative development of New Labour's attitude and strategy towards the EU since the late 1980s and argues that the first two New Labour governments' approach to the EU represented a distinct retreat from the 'constructive engagement' and social democratic philosophy of Tony Blair's early modernising phase, moving steadily to occupy a much more traditional British position of 'defensive engagement', mixing national preferences with Atlanticism, and resisting further political integration in favour of traditional 'intergovernmentalism'. It is further argued that New Labour's prioritisation and preferencing of a UK institutional and political economy based upon economic liberalisation, the preservation of key aspects of national sovereignty, and maintaining Atlanticism as the bedrock of Europe's external foreign and defence policies have left Britain almost as far from the true 'heart of Europe' as when Blair inherited office from John Major in 1997.

Divergent Interests and Different Success Rates: France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom in EU Legislative Negotiations

In this paper, we evaluate the relative success rates of France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom in the area of European Union legislative decision-making. We present a research design that encompasses data on the policy profiles of these four EU member states for 70 European legal acts that were recently negotiated. We find that, among the four countries, the policy outcome on the European level is most closely related to the British position. Moreover, the results show that the preferences of the UK and Germany are more closely related to each other than the preferences of France and Germany. We detect a ‘north versus south’ coalition pattern rather than the existence of a ‘Franco-German axis’.

Labour, neo-liberalism and the conflict over economic and monetary union: a comparative analysis of British and German trade unions

Trade unions have generally been neglected in the discussion of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the related neo-liberal restructuring of European social relations of production. This article helps to fill this gap through a comparison of British and German unions' position on EMU and European co-operation. It is demonstrated that there is a split between British transnational production sector unions, which support EMU and Europe-wide co-operation, and British national sector unions, which criticise the deflationary implications of EMU and focus on the national level in their policy-making efforts. In Germany, by contrast, EMU is generally accepted by unions with the exception of the construction workers' union. A division between internationally oriented and nationally oriented sector unions can only be identified in relation to the issue of Europe-wide co-operation, where the former are in favour and the latter reluctant. Importantly, however, unions in both countries strongly criticise neo-liberal economics, whether they support or oppose EMU. This may become the basis for a counter, neo-liberal strategy within the European Union.

Foreign Policy Analysis in the Twenty-First Century: Back to Comparison, Forward to Identity and Ideas

Current research in foreign policy analysis (FPA) is vibrant and multidimensional; it bridges gaps with adjacent disciplines, the policymaking community, and the larger field of international relations. Consistent with the purpose of this symposium, this essay will identify two general directions in which contemporary research on foreign policy is likely to proceed: (1) returning to being more comparative in nature, and (2) developing a connection between constructivist research on identity and ideas and previous work in FPA. These directions are intended to be partly corrective in purpose as well as partly projective. A key goal is to project some emerging trends, although an attempt will be made to draw the distinction between what is already being done and the direction research will likely move in the future. This effort is unabashedly normative as well, given that it presents the author's preferences for the particular research topics that the field should pursue. One of the most disappointing features of contemporary FPA is the relative dearth of comparative studies. If a researcher wants to investigate many of the traditional factors that explain foreign policy—factors such as a state's position in the international system, the role of public opinion, political culture, state-society relations, and the impact of governmental organization—it is necessary to compare foreign policies across time, space, and issues to understand the general explanatory power of these various influences on governments' behavior. Policy questions demand this type of comparative knowledge. In the international debate over policy toward Iraq in late 2002 and early 2003, for example, one underlying question was: “What explains the French position as compared to the British position as compared to the German position as compared to the Turkish position?” The answers to this question were central to an understanding of the origin and outcome of the transatlantic division …

A Splutter of Musketry? The British Military Response to the Anglo-Iranian Oil Dispute, 1951

This article examines the British response to the crisis that resulted from the Iranian decision to nationalise the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. The British government contemplated the use of military force from the outset of the crisis and a series of plans were developed. Unfortunately, in a manner similar to the Suez Crisis five years later, the military were unable to provide a suitable response until political considerations had made the use of force unattractive. Despite this, the Foreign Secretary, the Minister of Defence and the Chiefs of Staff continued to press for an armed response. This article uses newly released archival sources to examine the military plans and preparations and to analyse the way in which these interacted with political considerations to undermine the British position in Iran.

The french and british change in position in the CESDP : a security community and historical -institutionalist perspective

The Helsinki European Council conclusions of December 1999 aimed at strengthening the Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP). The EU Member States decided that the EU should be able to assume its responsibilities for the full range of conflict prevention and crisis management tasks required to deal with crises such as the Balkan crisis. They are currently looking at the degree of the autonomous capacity of the EU to take decisions, and where NATO as a whole is not engaged, to conduct EU-led military operations in response to international crises. This paper argues that France and the United Kingdom reached a more than “Lowest Common Denominator” (LCD) agreements when they negotiated the creation of the CESDP: they changed their initial positions, and the UK changed its preference. These EU Member States were mainly motivated by the way the United States dealt with the Balkans’ crises. They were then constrained in their action by the US and the EU’s institutions. Realism, the conventional theory which is expected to explain high politics decision-making processes does not seem appropriate here to explain the change in the British and French position: the security community concept and historical institutionalism might be more useful here. This paper is divided into two main parts. The first one analyses the creation and substance of the CESDP, while the second one focuses on the evolution of the French and British change in position and looks at the possible explanations for this.

Sayyid Abd Al-Rahman Al-Mahdi: A Master of Manipulation Manipulated, 1935-44

(2002). Sayyid Abd Al-Rahman Al-Mahdi: A Master of Manipulation Manipulated, 1935-44. Middle Eastern Studies: Vol. 38, No. 2, pp. 123-148.

International Accounting Standards: A paradigm shift for corporate real estate?

This paper is concerned with International Accounting Standards (IAS) and their impact upon existing accounting practices for property within the UK. It also anticipates the wider international and European demands for IAS. There are two primary points to consider. First, the European Union (EU) has stated that it expects publicly listed companies quoted on the stock exchanges of EU member states to adopt International Accounting Standards by 2005. Others are encouraged to do so, with an implication that this will become mandatory at some future date. In earlier papers, the authors examined the recent changes within property accounting and the role played by property professionals within that process. This paper examines the requirements of international standards within the context of the British position as explained earlier. Differences are noted, the contrasting debates analysed and suggestions offered for corporate real estate professionals to consider. Secondly, unlike British Accounting Standards, IAS do not recognise property professionals or any professional organisation representing them, such as the International Valuation Standards Committee (IVSC), and none of their regulations are represented within the standards. This situation is examined, and commentary provided upon the repercussions and possible solutions.

The American Employment-at-Will Doctrine and its Impact upon Employee Rights

In Great Britain protection against arbitrary dismissal is almost taken for granted. The protection has been in existence for nearly thirty years and the basic rules are fairly straightforward and reasonably well known. The British position is not dissimilar to that enacted in other countries and is consistent with international standards. It is surprising to discover, therefore, that the world's most powerful state, the United States, lacks universal and coherent laws on dismissal. To be sure protections are available in the unionised sector through grievance arbitration, and there are federal and state statutes which provide extensive protections against discrimination at the workplace. Otherwise, workers faced with dismissal have to rely on the American common law, which is even less protective than the common law of England and Scotland. This article examines the present common law position in the United States as represented by the employment-at-will doctrine and considers both judicial and statutory developments to extend protection against dismissal. It concludes that the Model Employment Termination Act may provide the necessary impetus for change at state level.

Southern Kurdistan under Britain's Mesopotamian Mandate: From Separation to Incorporation, 1920-23

An urgent need emerged in late 1920 for the winding up of the system of divided control between the Foreign, India and War Offices in the Middle East. This was a direct consequence of both the failure of direct British control in the mandated regions such as Mesopotamia, where a bloody rising broke out in mid-1920, and the huge financial cost of the administration and defence of the mandated regions in the Middle East. These two factors were the focus of Britain's press criticisms. Soon these criticisms were carried over into parliamentary debate, in which the entire Mesopotamian policy came under severe attack. The parliamentary debate provided, in Klieman's words, 'the final stimulus' for change in policymaking process and policy direction.' Eventually, the British Cabinet decided on entrusting the Colonial Office - through the newly formed Middle East Department - with the responsibility for policy making and administration, as well as all civil and military expenditure.2 Central to the new changes was the policy of indirect control based on the formation of a native administration under British supervision in Mesopotamia - with a view to ending its huge financial burden on Britain. These changes in both the policy making process and policy direction insofar as they affected the Middle East, had a great impact on the future of Southern Kurdistan (now Iraqi Kurdistan). The analysis of this article is primarily focused on the role of Percy Cox, the new High Commissioner for Mesopotamia, and Winston Churchill, the new Secretary of State for the Colonies, with whom the two contradictory alternatives of the incorporation and the separation of Southern Kurdistan were associated respectively. Crucial to their approaches to the Kurdish situation was Britain's need for a new political formula that would accommodate two important objectives: firstly, the consolidation of the British position in Mesopotamia and

Union Exclusivity Arrangements: A Comparative Overview

The purpose of this article is to compare the new British trade union recognition procedures with those of Canada and the United States. The article considers how the new legal framework in Britain affects the collective bargaining process and contrasts this with North American arrangements. It is argued that the British legal position involves a much lower level of interference with the administration of collective agreements and a much higher level of autonomy and independence given to workers to negotiate their own terms and conditions of employment than is the case in Canada or the United States. The article also examines the level of statutory and judicial support given to union security arrangements in Canada and the United States and compares this with the British position where no change has been made to the extensive range of statutory protections given to the non-union worker.

Les mesures agri-environnementales en Grande-Bretagne

Agri-environmental schemes in Great-Britain: national concerns, european policy If Great Britain has long been characterised by a high degree of concern for the protection and management of its rural environment, the introduction of a specific EU led agri-environmental policy has both highlighted the British tradition for supporting environementally sensitive farming systems and exposed the particularity of the British position with respect to other EU member States. The first member State to introduce a network of ESAs in 1985, Great Britain has subsequently fallen behind in the full implementation of agri-environmental policy as laid out in the 1992 regulation. This paper describes the emergence of British agri-environmental policy and considers the reasons behind the current position adopted by Britain with respect to subsequent agri-environmental regulation and, crucially, CAP reform.

The UK's approach to the European security and defence identity

The Western European nations have agreed to_ create a European Security and Defence Identity within the NATO framework. This is in accordance with the British official view. Richard Hatfield here outlines the British position which emphasises that NATO has been and still is an effective and efficient defence system for the European states. Though being satisfied with NATO as a framework for European defence he believes nevertheless that certain things can be done to improve European effectiveness, the core of which should be to establish a common view in Europe which will be the basis for military operations. Adapting both internal and external agendas in NATO is the way to flexibility and modernisation of the Alliance. European security including transatlantic and Russian dimensions, is central, but Europe is larger than NATO. ESDI must be more than just a new label—it must give a reality to the concept, incorporating a specific form of European identity covered by the ESDI banner within NATO, drawing on established Alliance structure.

Contaminated Land: The British Position and Some Case Histories

Contaminated ground may give rise to hazards and that implies a degree of risk which also involves a problem of definition. The attitudes of different states to contaminated ground and its redevelopment vary appreciably. The investigation of a site which is suspected of being contaminated differs somewhat from a routine site investigation. Samples of soils, ground water and gas producing material may be required. Various precautions may be necessary in doing this and operatives may have to wear protective clothing. Three case histories are given which involve site investigation. Two are fairly standard investigations of suspected contaminated land, the third involved some of the latest methods of contaminant detection. (A)

Building the digital library: A brief look at the British library's position

Building the digital library: A brief look at the British library's position

“A disagreement between allies”: The United Kingdom, the United States, and the Soviet-Japanese territorial dispute, 1945–1956

Russian-Japanese relations are frozen in time by their territorial dispute over the Kuril Islands. In untangling the dispute, scholars have studied the history of Russo-Japanese relations, the USSR’s annexation of the islands in 1945, and the role of the United States as the USSR’s erstwhile wartime ally and Japan’s postwar partner. The United Kingdom, a key player in 1945, has been neglected in these studies. This article analyzes the evolution of the British position on the Soviet-Japanese territorial dispute from 1945 to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1956. The article reveals the marked divergence in this position from that of the United States, proceeding from a disagreement over the interpretation of the 1945 Yalta Agreement. In addition, the article highlights the manipulation of the territorial dispute by the United States to further its own political and security objectives and the British reaction to these maneuvers.

State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62

Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.

The response to Nazi Germany's crimes against axis nationals: The American and British positions

The response to Nazi Germany's crimes against axis nationals: The American and British positions

From Breechloaders to Monster Guns: Sir William Armstrong and the Invention of Modern Artillery, 1854-1880

Before dawn on Sunday, November 5, 1854, 50,000 Russian soldiers moved out of Sevastopol and quietly arranged their artillery to bombard the British and French positions in the hills around the city. It had rained throughout Saturday, and the British, believing that the thick mud and heavy fog made a Russian offensive unlikely, had no artillery on hand to defend Inkerman, one of their main positions. When the Russians attacked, Lord Raglan, the commander of the British army, ordered that two 18-pounder guns be brought up from the siege train below. There were no draft horses available, however, and it took 150 soldiers and eight supervising officers three hours to haul the 2-ton guns a mile and a half up the muddy hillside.' Once in place the guns relieved the pressure from the Russian artillery, and, when French reinforcements arrived in the early afternoon, the attack was finally beaten back. Yet the losses were large, in part because the great bulk and weight of cast-iron guns made it impossible to maneuver them quickly over the rough terrain of the southern Crimean peninsula.2 The Crimean War, and the losses at Inkerman in