British Administration Research Articles

Variations in the colonial representation of Islam and Muslims in Northern Ghana, Ca. 1900–1930

The aim of this article is to investigate British perceptions of Islam and Muslims in the Northern Territories in Ghana up to the early 1930s. Although the study of the relationship between Muslims and the colonial state is rather well established, some aspects have thus far been less focused on by historians. My key objective is to study the various positions towards Muslims taken by the colonial officials in the North and how these perceptions changed during the period of observation. In the Northern Territories, it will be argued that British attitudes shifted from a ‘pro-Muslim’ perspective to an indifferent, if not prerogative one. On the other hand, there existed no clear-cut or systematic British ‘Islamic’ or Muslim policy during most of the colonial period, and such a situation is well reflected in the period under investigation in this essay. British colonial administrators did not take Islam into consideration as an independent category when they formulated their colonial policies in their four West African colonies. They only appropriated Muslim personnel and institutions—if and when they existed and were found suitable for the administration of the colonial dependencies.

British Colonial Military Recruitment Policy in the Southern Kordofan Region of Sudan, 1900–1945

British Colonial Military Recruitment Policy in the Southern Kordofan Region of Sudan, 1900–1945

Making the Personal Civil: The Protector's Office and the Administration of Indian Personal Law in Colonial Natal, 1872 – 1907

2 The contemporary legal meaning of personal law is ‘the system of law which applies to a person and his (sic) transactions determined by the law of his (sic) tribe, religious group, caste, or other personal factor, as distinct from the territorial law of the country to which he belongs, in which he finds himself, or in which the transaction takes place.’ See D.M Walker, Oxford Companion to Law. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980. Historically, however, the creation and definition of Personal Law was more complicated. Under the British administration of India (East India Company) and sovereignty (British Charter for India), the Westminster and Common Law models were introduced. However, the imported Rule of Law was rendered almost unworkable by the existence in India of a great diversity of customs, cultural traditions, regional legal systems, group identities and community memberships. Initially colonialists tended to ignore traditional cultural practices, ritual legalism, textual records of moral thinking (Arthashastras, Dharmashastras, Yanjavalkyasmriti, nibandhas, Manusmirti, and so on). By the late 1700s, the British administration would attempt to accommodate aspects of the personal or an artificially separated private area of morality from the public civil and criminal codes under the newlyevolved jurisdiction of Personal Law. See http://www.law.emory.edu/IFL/cases/India.htm for more on this.

Critics to Enthusiasts: the Hollands Discover Portugal

Critics toEnthusiasts: theHollandsDiscover Portugal JOHN CLARKE AND JOSÉ BAPTISTA DE SOUSA WhenLordandLadyHollandarrived inPortugal towards theendof1808 - theirsecondvisit tothePeninsula- they founda country depressed and apathetic. The nationwasdivided,devastated bytherecentFrench invasionand occupation,and abandonedbyitsroyalfamily. It is hardly surprising thatthefirst reactionof the Englishtravellers was negative. The political backwardness theHollandsfoundinPortugal wascompared bythemtothatofTurkey. The Portugal of1808wasan unhappynation, ruled,inLordHolland'swords, bya government inwhichthere'does not seemtobe one manofconsequence,character orabilities'.1 This period of political,economic,social,but mostly spiritual crisis, lasted until 1820. But Portugalthen took her futureinto her own handswhena LiberalRevolution brokeout in Oporto and ended the British administration led bythedespoticWilliamBeresford. A fewyears later,in 1828, following D. Miguel'susurpationof the throneand the re-establishment of Absolutism, the Portuguesenation again proved capable of risingagainsttyranny by organisinga credibleresistance, thusimpressing theEuropeanpowersand, above all,publicopinionin Britain.The Portuguesecapacityforregeneration was identified and acknowledged byLord and LadyHolland,who decided thattheymust respondto a desperateplea forhelp.In a letter to Lord Holland,dated 18 November 1831, Pamela wrote:'Serai-ce trop demander à Angleterre quelui demande au moinsΓappuipacifiqueetmoralenfaveurdela ReineMane 2.ω2 It wouldnot be excessiveto assertthatBritain'ssupportforPedro's claimtothePortuguese throne, on behalfofhisdaughter Maria- timid though itwas- waslargely theresult ofLordHolland'spersonalcommitmentto the cause of liberation. His efforts to persuadehis colleagues in Parliament, and especially in theGovernment, werecrucialto future developments favourable tothePortuguese Liberals. Themainpurposeofthis article istomaketheHollandsandtheHolland House Papersbetterknownto thegeneralpublicand to establish their significance inAnglo-Portuguese Studies.Itseekstoachievethisobjective byexamining theHollands'reflections on Portugal. These areidentified as forming thebasisofa Lusophilia, whichwastobe so important in the 1 BritishLibrary, Holland House Papers (henceforwardabbreviatedto HHP) MSS, Travel Tournais Add. 51862, fol.2ir (1808-1800). 2 BL, HHP MSS, [PapersRelativeto Palmeia and others]Add. 51632. THE HOLLANDS DISCOVER PORTUGAL 71 future and whichwasto findphysical expression in thecreationofthe celebrated'Portuguese Garden'atHollandHouse. Largelyforunselfish and ideologicalreasons,HenryRichardVassall, thirdBaron Holland,3and his privateSecretary and friend,Dr John Allen,4werestrongly committed to the constitutional cause in Spain. Spanishhistorians have widelyacknowledgedthe importanceof their accountsoftheirtravels to theestablishment ofa parliamentary regime in thatcountry.5 But Portuguesehistorians have not made a similar acknowledgement - an omission surprising inthelightoftheHollands' subsequentrolein theoverthrow ofMigueland there-establishment of Liberalism inPortugal in 1834.Indeed,HollandHouse wasthecentreof British support forPedro'sLiberalcause. Perhaps themost likely explanation isthat theHollandswereconsciously involved in thepoliticsofSpain in 1808 and 1809, urgingthatBritain follow a rather different policyto theone pursuedbyGeorgeCanning. In the case of Portugal,however,involvement was unintendedand indirect. Hollandand histravelling companionshad no initialintention ofembracing a 'Portuguese cause'; they respondedonlygradually towhat theysawand thenlargely on thebasisoftheviewstheyhad formedin Spain.Thus,whileitisreasonably easytoshowthattheHollandsplayed a crucialrole in theestablishment ofa parliamentary regimein Spain, exercisingconsiderableinfluenceupon the first Iberian Constitution (i.e. the Cadiz Constitution of 1810) - widelyacknowledgedas the basisofthePortuguese Constitution of1822- itishardertotracetheir influence on Portuguese society and politicalinstitutions. The effects of 3 Henry Richard Vassall Fox(1773-1840),third LordHolland. 4John Allen, M.D. (1771-1843).Political andhistorical writer. SonofJames Allen, a Writer totheSignet andtheowner ofthesmall estate ofRedfoord whobecamebankrupt, John Allen wasbornon 3 February 1771atRedfoord, intheparish ofColington, nearEdinburgh. He was apprenticed toMrArnot, an Edinburgh surgeon, inwhosehousehecompleted hiseducation. In 1801 LordLauderdalerecommended himto Lord Holland,whowasseeking a young doctor toaccompany himtothePeninsula. He becamean habitué oftheHollandHouseand, eventually, itsresident doctor, secretary andlibrarian. Inaddition toa few articles published in theEdinburgh Review, Allen wastheauthor ofSuggestions onthe Cortes (London:Blackader, 1809), Inquiry intothe Riseand Growth ofthe RoyalPrerogative inEngland(London: Longmam,1830) and A Short History ofthe HouseofCommons, with reference toReform (London: JamesRidgway, 1831). 5TheHollands'influence on theestablishment ofa parliamentary regime inSpainhasbeen stressed byseveral Spanish authors. Recently ithasbeenassessed bytheAndalusian historian ManuelMoreno Alonso, mainly inLa generación espanola de1808(Madrid: Alianza Universidad, 1989) and La forjadel liberalismo en Espana: los amigosespanoles de LordHolland 1J93-1840 (Madrid: Congreso de losDiputados, 1997) and alsoin articles suchas 'LordHollandylos orígenes del liberalismo espanol'and 'Las «insinuaciones» sobrelas Cortesde JohnAllen' published respectively in theRevista deEstúdios Políticos (no. 36, 1983) and theRevista delas Cortes Générales (no.33,1994).Alsocrucial totheunderstanding oftheextent oftheHollands' influence on Spanishpolitical institutions, isJohnAllen'sSuggestions ontheCortes, published forprivate circulation in 1809.Thisvaluablehistorical sourcereveals theimportance ofthe Hollands' roleintheestablishment oftheCortes ofCadiz(1810). 72 JOHN CLARKE AND JOSÉ BAPTISTA DE SOUSA theideas formedbythe Hollands about Portugalwerefeltonlymuch laterand thenmostly indirectly through Spain. The taskis made more difficult bythe factthatthereare fewsourcesthatshed lighton the Hollands'relations with Portugal atthetimeoftheir visit - eventhough thereisplenty ofarchival material from laterperiods. In particular, the absence of contemporary correspondencewith anyPortugueseacquaintancescertainly constitutes an obstacleto the studyof the...

The Diary of Michael Stewart as British Foreign Secretary, April–May 1968

The Labour governments of 1964–70 are probably the best served of all post-war British administrations in terms of diaries being kept by ministers. In the mid-1970s a very detailed, three-volume di...

Colonialism and coffee plantations: Decline of environment and tribals in Madras Presidency during the nineteenth century

This article attempts to analyse how the colonial project of establishing coffee plantations disturbed the self-subsistent traditional tribal system, damaged the ecology, and resulted in environmental decline in the Shervaroy hills of Madras Presidency during the nineteenth century. The thrust of the argument is that the colonial administration was least concerned about the tribal peopleÌs customary rights over forest resources, and their traditional administrative and judicial systems. The British administration, which disregarded the tribal system, not only encouraged the British planters but even condoned their patently illegal activities. In other words, the means adopted to set up coffee plantations in the hills/forests to favour the British planters led to the disintegration of the age old tribal socio-cultural system and their forest-oriented economy. It concludes that in the process of commercialisation, the colonial policy refused to accord due importance to ecology and environment as well as to the sustainable livelihood of the tribal communities. Instead, its only concern was with the British planters establishing coffee estates during the nineteenth century.

Relocating the Interlocutor

Taw Sein Ko, born in Moulmein in 1864 to a merchant from Fujian and a Shan princess, rose to a high position in the British colonial administration in Burma. A talented linguist and a prolific writer, his views on Burmese society, archaeology, ethnology, Buddhism, law and history circulated in English-language journals, books and pamphlets in Burma, China and Britain. This paper, seeking to draw out the role of non-Europeans as both cultural intermediaries and knowledge brokers in colonial South East Asia, sees Taw Sein Ko as a translator, negotiator and interlocutor between and across cultures – Burmese, Chinese and Western. His writings reveal a man who modelled himself in the Confucian tradition of the enlightened civil servant, while rejecting all that had corrupted that tradition in Qing China; in his economic outlook he embraced the utilitarianism of John Stuart Mill; while in his love for, and appreciation of, Burmese literary and material culture, together with his promotion of Buddhist education, he showed himself to be an early proponent of ‘Asian values’.

THE CURRENT SITUATION OF HEALTH RESEARCH AND ETHICS IN SUDAN

At the beginning of the twentieth century, health research in the Sudan developed primarily as a function of the colonial British administration. Ethical issues in the medical profession in the Sudan are governed by the Sudan Medical Council. To address these issues, the Sudan Medical Council issued Medico-legal and Ethical Guidelines in 1967. This important document has focused principally on ethical issues arising in clinical medicine. Throughout the history of health research in Sudan it is very difficult to find any reference to research ethics. Nevertheless, there have been a few attempts to articulate ethics in health research. In 1979, Sudan witnessed the establishment of the first ethical review committee, which was established by the initiative of a group of doctors and scientists from the national health research laboratory. This committee got neither political nor institutional recognition. Therefore, it was not developed and came to an end shortly after its inception. Yet, in 2000 the FMOH established an ethical review committee (ERC). The functions of this committee were to review proposals of health research to be carried out in the country for ethical issues irrespective to the funding agents. Unfortunately, the committee devoted all the jobs in reviewing only externally-sponsored health research and research carried out by expatriate researchers or international organisations.

Strong executive, weak policy capacity: The changing environment of policy‐making in Hong Kong

This article traces the institutional features and trajectory of policy‐making in Hong Kong from the pre‐1997 era of colonial rule, to explore why, despite the high degree of institutional continuity after 1997 and the inheritance of a strong executive‐led tradition from the former British administration, the new Special Administrative Region government has seen in practice the weakening of its policy capacity. Changes in the environment of policy‐making and the government's policy‐making structure are highlighted to account for the growing problems of policy incoherence. Policy capacity is found wanting in these aspects: political leadership and the role of the centre; a strategic framework and priorities; information and analysis; policy coordination structures and processes; policy‐budget coordination; policy implementation; and administrative culture.

THE FRANCHISE FACTOR IN THE DEFEAT OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENTARY PARTY, 1885–1918

This article examines Irish nationalist attitudes towards electoral reform between 1885 and 1918. It argues that before 1917 mainstream Irish nationalist opinion attached little importance to the franchise, being instead more concerned about the consequences for home rule if the number of Irish parliamentary seats was reduced through redistribution. However, the introduction of wartime legislation to reform the franchise and registration system repoliticized electoral reform in nationalist Ireland. While the Irish parliamentary party vociferously protested at the coalition government's belated attempt to redistribute Irish constituencies, its critics (a coalition of heterodox nationalists, socialists, and suffragettes) accused it of deliberately conspiring to exclude Ireland from the ‘fourth’ reform bill because the young men and women it would enfranchise intended to vote for Sinn Fein. This article argues that the concerns of the Irish party regarding redistribution were genuine and legitimate, while the conspiracy theory was essentially a propaganda device. None the less, the theory gained widespread attention because its underlying assumption about the voting behaviour of the new electorate was shared not only by its exponents, but by sections of the press, the British administration in Ireland, and the Irish party itself. Indeed, so convinced was the party that the cleavage in Ireland was as much generational as ideological that ultimately the franchise was a factor in its defeat at the 1918 general election.

Labels and Labelling in the Field of Educational Leadership

This paper reports on theorising based on developing histories of the field of educational leadership in higher education in the UK. These histories are being constructed through the collection of professional biographies of field members, reading the outputs of the field in the form of journals and books, and analysing the papers from the British Educational Leadership, Management and Administration Society. In this paper I focus on how the field has changed its label over the last forty years from “educational administration” to “educational management”, and more recently “educational leadership”, and the link between labels and knowledge claims. In particular I argue that while there is a continuity of knowledge underpinning this relabelling process there is also a mutation in the form of management in education that has become performance leadership in schools. The latter is official government policy and practitioners are being located in an all‐embracing training framework. The paper argues that knowing about knowledge claims and field labels is an important means by which we can control our practice and identities. Through Bourdieu's theory of practice I describe and explain the development of the field and the struggle to be located and to stay located within higher education. By putting Bourdieu to work in this way I also seek to analyse how habitus and field can contribute to the development of explanatory frameworks regarding the power structures underpinning knowledge production.

Social categories and colonisation in Panjab, 1849-1920

Highly fragmented British and Panjabi populations negotiated both the content and form of social categories such as caste and tribe, suggesting an historical process of creation of colo nial knowledge that resembled less a 'dialogic process and more a multivalent set of locally focused transactions. While British administrators developed categories in order to exercise greater control over Panjab, the participation of Panjabis in the development and naming of such categories meant that Panjabis were quite aware of the stakes involved and could act, within certain limits, to maximise their own or their lineage 's material returns.

'religious Insults': Christian Critiques of Islam and the Government in Colonial Northern Nigeria

AbstractThis article discusses two Christian critiques of Islam published during the colonial era, and the response by the colonial government to each. The first goal of the article is to characterize Christian criticisms of Islam during the colonial era. The second is to demonstrate how conflict over Islam could shape relations between British administrators and Christian missionaries. The third goal is to narrate the history of a religious controversy as it developed over two generations. As will be seen, the war of words over government religious policy toward Islam could become quite vicious, even without any active participation by Muslims.

Inventing Iraq: The Failure of Nation Building and a History Denied

If we think there is a fast solution to changing the governance of Iraq, warned U.S. Marine General Anthony Zinni in the months before the United States and Britain invaded Iraq, then we don't understand history. Never has the old line about those who fail to understand the past being condemned to repeat it seemed more urgently relevant than in Iraq today, with potentially catastrophic consequences for the Iraqi people, the Middle East region, and the world. Examining the construction of the modern state of Iraq under the auspices of the British empire—the first attempt by a Western power to remake Mesopotamia in its own image—renowned Iraq expert Toby Dodge uncovers a series of shocking parallels between the policies of a declining British empire and those of the current American administration. Between 1920 and 1932, Britain endeavored unsuccessfully to create a modern democratic state from three former provinces of the Ottoman Empire, which it had conquered and occupied during the First World War. Caught between the conflicting imperatives of controlling a region of great strategic importance (Iraq straddled the land and air route between British India and the Mediterranean) and reconstituting international order through the liberal ideal of modern state sovereignty under the League of Nations Mandate system, British administrators undertook an extremely difficult task. To compound matters, they did so without the benefit of detailed information about the people and society they sought to remake. Blinded by potent cultural stereotypes and subject to mounting pressures from home, these administrators found themselves increasingly dependent on a mediating class of shaikhs to whom they transferred considerable power and on whom they relied for the maintenance of order. When order broke down, as it routinely did, the British turned to the airplane. (This was Winston Churchill’s lasting contribution to the British enterprise in Iraq: the concerted use of air power—of what would in a later context be called shock and awe—to terrorize and subdue dissident factions of the Iraqi people.) Ultimately, Dodge shows, the state the British created held all the seeds of a violent, corrupt, and relentlessly oppressive future for the Iraqi people, one that has continued to unfold. Like the British empire eight decades before, the United States and Britain have taken upon themselves today the grand task of transforming Iraq and, by extension, the political landscape of the Middle East. Dodge contends that this effort can succeed only with a combination of experienced local knowledge, significant deployment of financial and human resources, and resolute staying power. Already, he suggests, ominous signs point to a repetition of the sequence of events that led to the long nightmare of Saddam Hussein’s murderous tyranny.

Resuscitating Nationalism : Brunei under the Japanese Military Administration (1941-1945)

Like in many other areas ofhistorical research, Brunei Darussalam lacks substantial study on the period of Japanese involvement which has been variously termed as the Japanese occupation periodj or the period of the Japanese interlude and so on. The disruptive nature of the occupation period aside, it has now been acknowledged that this `Japanese phase' created a new national and social awareness among the indigenous communities, especially the majority Malay-Muslim population in the region (cf. Abu Talib Ahmad 1995). The period undoubtedly witnessed the birth of a new political awareness among Malay youth, the willingness of the Malays to break off from their oppressive and parochial environment and the flowering of new social organizations in various segments of society including women (Zainal Abidin Abidin Wahid 1983; Aisah Ghani 1992). While it, may not have been the Japanese intention, the wartime occupation of Brunei, Singapore, Malaya and the Borneo territories alike gave stimulus to the pan-Malay aspirations of the educated nationalist Malay elites. wnile pan-Malayism did not take a virulently anti-British form in Brunei as it did in Sarawak (Sanib Said 1985), at the same time Brunei could not remain quarantined from the nationalist currents washing out from Indonesian anti-colonialist movement, another legacy of the Japanese Occupation. Not all Malay-Muslim communities, which came under the Japanese administration, have been studied in depth, including Brunei. In general, historical research on Brunei Darussalam have lagged behind due to several reasons. The country remained isolated during most of the British Residency rule which lasted from 1906 until 1959 (cf. Horton 1986). Also, the Brunei Malays lack a strong historiographic tradition (Brown 1988: 75-85). Since attaining fu11 independence in 1984, Bnmei has become a fbcus for specialized studies. The establishment of Brunei's first University of Brunei Darussalam in 1985 has contributed to an increased awareness to improve.research on Brunei related topics. Like in the other parts of Southeast Asia, Brunei lacks vital historical material to elucidate the period under study. The War destroyed the rudimentary Archives of Brunei built by the British Residents. The British Administration destroyed impbrtant documents to prevent them from fa11ing into the hands of their enemies. The Japanese too would have done the same. According to a story currently .circulating in Brunei, a leading Brunei official, namely Pehin Datu Haji Ibrahim Ja'afar, the Chief Secretary during the Japanese period, took care to preserve some selected documents including land grants and State Council

Colony to Nation: British Administration in Kenya, 1940-1963

John Johnson, ed. Colony to Nation: British Administration in Kenya, 1940-1963. Banham, Norfolk: The Erskine Press, 2002. 300 pp. Illustrations. Map. Index. $14.95. Paper. An earlier generation of African historians, forged in the mid-twentieth century, often ignored history. When it was given attention, it was frequently cast as only a period of oppression in efforts to create a paradigm of modern African history rooted in vicitimization. This perspective was strongly influenced by African independence movements of the 1950s and 1960s, and a laudable desire to give African history a rightful voice. However, this approach often overlooked the intricate threads of continuity between the and postindependence eras, and the need to listen to a diversity of voices in order to achieve a fuller telling of events. In her recently published book, Twilight on the Zambezi: Late Colonialism in Central Africa (Palgrave, 2002), Eugenia W. Herbert cogently refers to recent efforts on the part of younger historians to make colonial history an integral part of African history as one attempts to piece together the intricate patterns of continuity and change (xxi). This closing of the historical circle between the and postindependence eras is nowhere more dramatically evident than in the recent creation of the Mandela Rhodes Foundation devoted to the education of South Africa's poor. In helping to create this new foundation, former South African President Nelson Mandela has sought to bring historical continuity between his country's past and present in the interests of its future. The fusion of these two names, which would have been viewed as an oxymoron two decades ago, is a powerful symbol of the need to recognize a past and to admit it into current collective consciousness. Although archival records can significantly inform an understanding of colonial-era history in sub-Saharan Africa, it is only through the voices of participants themselves that one can find a fuller dimensionality to what actually occurred. Unfortunately, many of those voices have not been widely heard over the past several decades except when mustered in support of the vicitimization model of African history. However, that is rapidly changing. Works such as Anthony Kirk-Green's On Crown Service: A History of HM Colonial and Overseas Services, 18377 -1997 (I.B.Tauris, 1999), Eugenia W. Herbert's Twilight on the Zambezi, and Heather J. Sharkey's Living with Colonialism: Nationalism and Culture in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (California, 2003) represent an important direction in African historiography in that they demonstrate clearly the vast diversity of perspectives, attitudes, and values among both administrators and subjects. We now know, although we should have known all along, that the administration in places such as Kenya was less a centrally controlled chain of command and more a collection of independent local decision-making processes, framed by broad parameters and heavily influenced by the views and reactions of the administered. …

Colonial commercial forest policy and tribal private forests in Madras Presidency: 1792-1881

The article attempts to highlight the colonial commercial forest policy vis-à-vis tribal private forests in the Kalrayan hills of Salem and Baramahal region of Madras Presidency during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (1792-1881). Further, it analyses the different strategies employed by the colonial government to encroach upon private forests, dis regarding the traditional rights of the tribals. It concludes that the British administration intruded into tribal areas merely to bring the abundant forest resources under its sole control to further commercial interests, and not to protect them from the contractors or preserve the environment.

The Civil Servant as Legislator: Law Making in British Administration

How are government policy commitments converted into legislation and what happens in the conversion? The role of civil servants in preparing legislation is far more important than is generally assumed. By looking at the work of four recent bill teams in Britain – teams of civil servants given the task of developing Acts of Parliament – their crucial roles in initiating policies, placing them on the political agenda (even helping secure their place in a party manifesto), developing them, making sure they pass through parliament and enacting them once they have reached the statute books are assessed. The article explores the composition and working methods of bill teams. These teams work with considerable autonomy in developing legislation, but it cannot be assumed that they operate outside ministerial control. Teams see themselves as reflecting the priorities of the government in general and their ministers in particular. Yet ministers typically know relatively little about the law they are bringing in until they receive the submissions and briefings from their officials. Perhaps the biggest danger for democracy is not a civil service putting forward proposals which a minister feels forced to accept, but rather that ministers do not notice or fully appreciate what is being proposed in their name despite having the political authority to change it and a civil service which bends over backwards to consult and accommodate them.

14 Gronlund and Other Marxists

The paradoxical relationship of the Jeffersonian individualist, Henry George, to the history of general socialism is a familiar story, well summarized by the following oft-quoted statements by Sidney Webb and George Bernard Shaw, respectively: "Little as Henry George intended it, there can be no doubt that it was the enormous circulation of his Progress and Poverty which gave the touch that caused all the seething influences to crystallize into a popular Socialist movement." (1) "When I was thus swept into the great Socialist revival of 1883, I found that five-sixths of those who were swept in with me had been converted by Henry George." (2) But when we examine the convoluted tale of George's relationship to Marxism as distinguished from socialism in the broader sense, we find ourselves on less familiar yet even more paradoxical ground. Marx and George never met. Upon receiving three copies of Progress and Poverty from various friends, Marx "looked it through" and dismissed it contemptuously as "the capitalist's last ditch," (3) characterizing George in a letter to F. A. Sorge as "behind the times" theoretically, and marked by the "repulsive presumption and arrogance that invariably distinguish all such panacea-mongers." (4) George's estimate of Marx was equally uncomplimentary; he regarded him as "a most superficial thinker, entangled in an inexact and vicious terminology," and as "the prince of muddleheads." (6) Despite Marx's low opinion of it, H. Hessel Tiltman observes that George's book "achieved the undoubted feat of making Karl Marx into a popular author, for chapters of Das Capital were published and read as sequels of Progress and Poverty. " (7) During George's lifetime his views were publicly attacked in Marxist circles, not, ironically, by Marx himself, who, as we have seen, considered him "repulsive," but mainly by two men with whom he had maintained friendly connexions, Henry Mayers Hyndman and Laurence Gronlund. Hyndman, a founder of the British Social Democratic Federation and the first British popularizer of Marx's thought, was introduced to George in 1882 by John Stuart Mill's step-daughter, Helen Taylor. Shortly thereafter, George and his wife accepted Hyndman's invitation to be houseguests at his elegant London home. Although the invitation was extended, according to the host's own account, "because I hoped, quite mistakenly as it afterwards appeared, to convert him to the truth as it is in Socialist economics," (8) Hyndman entertained a genuine, if rather condescending, feeling of affection toward George long after it had become clear that their theoretical differences could not be reconciled. (9) These differences emerged with increasing sharpness in two published exchanges between them: the first, a dialogue, in 1885; the second, a full-scale debate, in 1887. George first heard of Gronlund in 1883, when the latter was earning ten dollars a week and saving three of them to defray the cost of publication of his Cooperative Commonwealth, which came out the following year. According to Barker, George "admired and encouraged" the impecunious Danish immigrant, (10) and Gronlund reciprocated with generous references in his book to George, which were, however, interspersed with others that announced the principal points of disagreement that he was later to elaborate. Educated as a lawyer in both Copenhagen and Milwaukee, Gronlund left that profession as his socialist convictions ripened, in favor of an economically precarious career as a journalist and political lecturer. Eugene V. Debs, the labour leader and perennial Socialist Party candidate for president, acknowledged him as his ideological mentor. (11) During the period that concerns us Gronlund was a thorough Marxist, although he sought to play down the more incendiary aspects of the doctrine in order to make it less distasteful to the average American. In time he was to renounce the class struggle, and to move in the direction of Christian socialism. …

Military psychiatry – a Jordanian experience

Jordan is a Middle-Eastern country, located North West of Saudia Arabia. The total area is 93 300 sqkm. Jordan has borders with Iraq, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Syria and the West Bank. Regarding ethnic groups, about 98% of population are Arabs, 1% Circassian and 1% Armenian. Moslems make up around 94% of the population and the remaining 6% are Christians. Jordan is a constitutional Monarchy that became independent from British administration in 1946. The population of Jordan is 5 307 740 (July 2002 estimate), the capital is Amman and the language is Arabic.