Black Trade Unions Research Articles

The Communist Party of South Africa and the African Working Class in the 1940s

The Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) was unprecedentedly active during the 1940s. From its isolated and ineffectual position in 1940, Communists had established an unmatched presence in the black trade union movement and a considerable influence in South Africa's urban locations by 1945. The transformation of activity that followed the invasion of Russia expanded the Party's membership from a mere four hundred in 1941, to between 2-3,000 by the war's end. Communists abandoned all pretense at upholding the principle of a Leninist vanguard and committed themselves to achieving a mass membership. Yet for all its activity, and in spite of its increased size during the 1940s, the CPSA failed to establish a mass following among the African working class, and delegates to the Party's last annual conference in 1950 expressed considerable disappointment at the progress made.1 This article briefly outlines the growth of Communist activity among African workers and seeks to understand why the Party failed to win mass support.2

South African Black Trade Unions as an Emerging Working-Class Movement

The Recent resumption of popular protest signals a new phase in South Africa's internal opposition, characterised notably by the rising political engagement of black labour unions and their federations. Membership in these unions has reached over a million workers, reflecting the dramatic expansion of South Africa's industrial manufacturing sector in the last 20 years. With severe restrictions placed on the leading national and local political organisations since 1985, the unions have developed beyond their initially narrow concerns for their members into the forefront of opposition to established economic and political order. As a result, class consciousness and working-class organisation have increasingly been combined with, and taken precedence over, previous conceptions of opposition based on racial and national identity. This development has exacerbated both remaining ideological divisions and pressures for united action within the union movement.

The Popular Upsurge in South Africa, 1984-1986

This paper examines the popular revolt in South Africa between 1984 and 1986. We survey the course of this revolt in different regions of South Africa. Special attention is given to the emergence during this period of a more powerful independent black trade union movement. We also consider the nature of the white minority regime and its response to the popular upsurge. Finally, we note the emergence of new forms of popular resistance that point toward a new stage in the struggle against apartheid.

Prospects for Revolution in South Africa

The unprecedented violence that has engulfed South Africa's black townships since 1984, the creation of the United Democratic Front, and the emergence of large black trade unions have once again focused attention on the prospects for a revolutionary overthrow of the white government. Speculation has been further fueled by the relatively easy overthrows of dictatorships by popular rebellions in Iran, Haiti, and the Philippines. Indeed, some scholars and many inside the African National Congress now argue, in direct contrast to the strategic thinking of the Congress over the last twenty years, that a quantitative increase in the current form of popular protest may lead to a successful rebellion in South Africa. An examination of the revolutionary opportunities and constraints created by the most recent outbreak of protest is, therefore, necessary if the future evolution of South Africa is to be understood. After arguing that the present protest activities do not pose a threat to the continued existence of the white regime, the article will suggest what developments would indicate that a truly revolutionary situation is developing in South Africa.

South African Labor and International Support

In the early 1960s when the South African Government outlawed the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), the South African trade union movement was an almost unnoticed casualty. The South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU), affiliated with the ANC in the Congress Alliance since 1955, had become the leading trade union movement based on non-racial principles in direct competition with the racialist Trade Union Congress of South Africa (TUCSA). Although not completely outlawed, SACTU's leadership was driven into exile or underground and a decade after its founding SACTU was moribund and union organizing within the country was at a virtual standstill (Luckhardt and Wall, 1980; Feit, 1975). During the late 1960s and early 1970s, what little international support was generated for the South African working class was funneled through the exiled SACTU organization and its ANC ally. This was a small but important part of the general campaign against Apartheid South Africa, which like the campaign against apartheid sport, sought the total isolation of the regime and all apartheid institutions. As with the sports movement, statements of support by international bodies and the exclusion of internal Soulh African bodies from international forums was the key to the SACTU/ANC policy on South African labor (Luckhardt and Wall, 1980: 470-91). In the early 1970s, a spontaneous revival of trade union activity within South Africa challenged the racialist principles of TUCSA and the authority of the South African state. The independent black trade union movement which dates from the Durban strikes of 1973 represented a new phenomenon among South African workers (Macshane et al., 1984).

Black Mine Workers in South Africa: Strategies of Co-option and Resistance

The gold mining industry played a central role in the establishment of a racial dual labour system under apartheid capitalism. It continues to reflect in microcosm the conflicts and contradictions of the apartheid economy and remains at the forefront of the conflicts and debates surrounding the reforms in labour practices undertaken by the Botha government, notably the recognition of black trade unions. The Botha government has attempted to use this concession, which followed the militant struggles of black labour in the 1970s, against the black working class and the broader political struggle. Attempts are being made to co-opt key elements within the black working class to form a 'labour aristocracy'. This threat is being confronted by the 200,000 strong National Union of Mineworkers. The fastest growing union in South African labour history has scored significant victories against the largest and strongest sector of capital in the economy, the Chamber of Mines. In this struggle, new strategies and tactics are being unleashed by both sides in a grim and escalating battle.

Black Mine Workers in South Africa: Strategies o f Co-option and Resistance

The gold mining industry played a central role in the establishment of a racial dual labour system under apartheid capitalism. It continues to reflect in microcosm the conflicts and contradictions of the apartheid economy and remains at the forefront of the conflicts and debates surrounding the reforms in labour practices undertaken by the Botha government, notably the recognition of black trade unions. The Botha government has attempted to use this concession, which followed the militant struggles of black labour in the 1970s, against the black working class and the broader political struggle. Attempts are being made to co-opt key elements within the black working class to form a 'labour aristocracy'. This threat is being confronted by the 200,000 strong National Union of Mineworkers. The fastest growing union in South African labour history has scored significant victories against the largest and strongest sector of capital in the economy, the Chamber of Mines. In this struggle, new strategies and tactics are being unleashed by both sides in a grim and escalating battle.

The two faces of the black trade union movement in South Africa

In an up‐to‐date account of the black labour movement in South Africa, Webster argues that the unions have made significant industrial advances in the period since their legal registration. He argues, however, that from the point of view of the state the process of recognition accorded to the collective bargaining system will provide an inadequate means of incorporating black workers without the granting of political rights. As this is still so far from the reform agenda (particularly, we may add, in the wake of the recent all‐white general election), the unions are bound to seek to short‐circuit the ‘reform’ process by adding to its industrial face, the face of democratic and representative politics. The author assesses how far the creation of the Congress of South African Trade unions can meet this double role.

Black trade unions and the wage gap in South Africa

AbstractThis paper puts forward a model of real wage determination for black workers in South Africa. The model is fitted to data for mining and manufacturing for the post‐war period. It is found that since 1980 the rise of black trade unions has been a major factor underlying wage increases in manufacturing. In the 1970s, rising gold prices and reduced foreign labour supplies were favourable for mining labour, and in both industries pass law limitations on mobility are found to have lowered balck wages.

The Current Political and Legal Status of Unions in South Africa

I am an ordinary worker who became part of the trade union movement in the early 1970's when South Africa was hit by a wave of strikes which eventually spread to the whole country. My experience of apartheid is a practical one. I never read about it in books. Instead, I am a direct product of that system.I would like to begin by stating that trade unions in South Africa are as old as trade unions in North America. While black trade unions in South Africa were not legally recognized until 1979, black trade unionism dates as far back as 1919 when blacks were organized within the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICWU) which, at its peak, had 100,000 members. In the 1940's, many black unions existed and received guidance from the Council of Non-European Trade Unions (CNETU) which had emerged in 1941 as a coordinating body of black trade unions under progressive leadership.

Le renouveau du syndicalisme noir

The renewal of the black unions. In an effort to avoid unorganized labour conflicts and to stand aloof from the apartheid system, South African big business managed to persuade the Government of the need for legal non-White trade unions. In 1979, Black and multiracial trade unions were granted full trade union rights. Since then, they have been highly successful in attracting an ever increasing number of workers, in improving their structures and in unifying the unions into huge confederations. Nowadays, they stand as one of the main pressure groups in the country. They play a significant role not only in the field of labour relations, but also in the present political controversy. However, this tremendous potential strength is jeopardized by political divisions. The three main Black political organizations (ANC/UDF, AZAPO, Inkatha) have generated their own politically inspired trade union system, thus weakening die trade unions global bargaining power. Nevertheless, Black trade unions are definitely the symbol of an emerging Black economic power.

The Emergence of Black Unions in South Africa

The area of labor-management relationships in South Africa, particularly the development of trade unions, is one area in which the South African government can assert that it has made concessions of substance, albeit within carefully defined constraints. These concessions do not involve what is characterized as the so-called petty apartheid policies. They involve, instead, new legislation enacted in a series of statutes beginning in 1979. However, the concessions were soon constrained and limited because the black trade unions were and

U.S. firms and black labor in South Africa: Creating a structure for change

Some have argued that U.S. firms should disinvest from South Africa as a means of putting pressure on the South African government to end apartheid. This argument, however, may ignore a dynamic of change in South Africa in which U.S. firms have played and are playing a large role: South African industrial relations have undergone significant evolution since 1979, the year in which major changes were introduced in that country’s labor legislation. Partly a result of these changes, black trade union membership has increased by 800 percent since 1979. By virtue of its unique exposure to varied constituencies, the multinational subsidiary in both home and host countries can be viewed as an agent of sociopolitical change in South Africa.

Democracy and oligarchy in trade unions: The independent trade unions in the Transvaal and the Western province general workers’ union in the 1970s

The aim of this paper is to examine democracy and oligarchy in the independent trade unions in the Transvaal and the Western Province General Workers Union in the 1970s. The unions considered in the Transvaal comprise the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSA TU) and the Consultative Committee of Black Trade Unions. The Consultative unions consisted of the Commercial Catering and Allied Workers’ Union (CCA WUSA) and a large proportion of the present Council of Unions of South Africa (CUSA). This study covers the period from the foundation of the unions in the early 1970s to the second half of 1979 for the Transvaal unions and to the end of 1980 for the Western Province General Workers’ Union. It is divided into two major sections. The first deals with theories of democracy and oligarchy in trade unions by considering Michels’ iron law of oligarchy. His iron law is evaluated in the light of two centuries of experience in the British trade unions as analysed mainly by the Webbs, Clegg and Hyman. Af...

L'avenir de l'Afrique du Sud

The Future of South Africa, by Klaus Baron von der Ropp A radicalisation of the political forces in South Africa is occurring today. The modest plans for reform put forward in 1979 by P.W. Botha, the "liberal" Prime Minister, have not been achieved. An extreme group, hostile to any modification of the status quo, has split away from the governing party and has regrouped with the conservative party. The struggle for freedom from apartheid carried out by the black political parties and black trade unions, which have become increasingly political, has intensified. Though they can no longer be ignored by Pretoria, it has so far refused any dialogue with the true representatives of black people, being unable to accept the principle of "one man, one vote in one state". Given this polarisation of attitudes and warning voices even amongst the Afrikaners, is it still possible to achieve a real change through the democratic process? Is civil war the only means of access to political power left to the black population? Because of the economic and strategic importance of South Africa, any such conflict would have very serious international repercussions.

Book reviews : Soweto. A people's response. Sample survey of the attitudes of people in Durban to the Soweto violence of June 1976 By RAZIA TIMOL and TUTUZILE MAZIBUKO (Institute for Black Research, Box no 19109, Durban, 1977) 96pp R3/ Black Trade Unions in South Africa: the responsibilities of British companies By RODNEY STARES (London, Christian Concern for Southern Africa,

Book reviews : Soweto. A people's response. Sample survey of the attitudes of people in Durban to the Soweto violence of June 1976 By RAZIA TIMOL and TUTUZILE MAZIBUKO (Institute for Black Research, Box no 19109, Durban, 1977) 96pp R3/ Black Trade Unions in South Africa: the responsibilities of British companies By RODNEY STARES (London, Christian Concern for Southern Africa,

Southern African contradictions: Part I, the role of U.S. based multinational corporations (MNCs)

This is the first of two articles which seek to explain how the distorted growth of South Africa has enabled it to dominate and underdevelop the entire southern African region while itself becoming increasingly dependent externally on Western multinational corporations. A simple model provides the theoretical framework for this analysis. A brief historial sketch of the handful of powerful mining finance houses, led by the Anglo American Group involving U.S. and British interests, have joined the racist South African Government to build state capitalism and coerce the black Africn majority to work for less than subsistence wages. In this context, the largest U.S. multinational corporations, many of them linked through their boards of directors and financial ties to each other and high U.S. officials, play an increasingly critical role in providing sorely-needed capital and advanced technology to strengthen South Africa's industrial complex. At the same time, U.S. interests are attempting to influence the South African black trade union movement to acquiesce to the basic structure of the resulting exploitative political economy.