Biblical Paraphrases Research Articles

Biblical Versification and French Religious Paraphrase in Anne Lock's “A Meditation of a Penitent Sinner”

Biblical Versification and French Religious Paraphrase in Anne Lock's “A Meditation of a Penitent Sinner”

Strangers in Strange Lands: Biblical Models of Exile in Early Modern England

For the many sixteenth- and seventeenth-century English men and women who found themselves in states of exile, physically, socially, or spiritually, the expressions of sorrow and hope by those in similar conditions in the Bible provided a crucial consolation. Exploring the various complex ways in which writers represented their conditions of exile by biblical allusions, paraphrase, and adaptation, especially to The Lamentations of Jeremiah and Psalm 137, "By the waters of Babylon," demonstrates the central role of the Bible in this area of early modern thought and culture. A broad spectrum of English writers, including the earl of Clarendon, John Donne, John Quarles, James Forsyth, and John Saltmarsh, wrestled with problems of exile, and they tried to solve them, or at least understand them, in terms of biblical models.

Editorial

Hwaet! It is with great pleasure that I welcome you to the new volume of English, at the start of a new decade. As is indicated by my opening word – the invitation to listen with which Beowulf commences – this issue marks our journal's interest in medieval literature and its reception in later ages. I am delighted that colleagues working in medieval and related literary studies consider English a mead hall for their musings, and that their work, in turn, reaches our international audience of readers. The sequence of articles within this edition demonstrates a range of critical approaches of the second millennium towards literature written around the turn of the first. All of the contributing authors, in their various ways, signal the long-lasting influence of the medieval on writers in later centuries. We begin with an article by Helen E. Wicker who explores the fascinating world of the appropriation of medieval moral verse into a variety of different contemporaneous contexts: sermons, household books, and general literature. Two further critical contributions examine the work of J. R. R. Tolkien (1892–1973), the outstanding medievalist to whom students remain indebted for, among other works, his edition of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight and his British Academy lecture of 1936, ‘Beowulf: the monsters and the critics’, the latter marking a turning point in the study of this poem. Many more have been introduced to the joys of medievalism through Tolkien's fiction, namely The Hobbit and his trilogy, The Lord of the Rings. In this spirit, Jonathan and Kenneth Padley provide a new perspective on the evidence for Christological imagery in the representation of three key characters from Middle-earth: Gandalf, Frodo, and Aragorn. Our third article positions Tolkien's work firmly in the historical context of the early twentieth century. Aaron Isaac Jackson explores the relationship between Tolkien's pre-war experience of life in England and his later writings, offering insight into some of Tolkien's less familiar work and a reading of The Hobbit as a response to the First World War and the trench memoires of his generation. Our second and fifth articles might seem, at first, to have little connection to the medieval. Robert Wilcher's detailed and nuanced reading of Lucy Hutchinson's Order and Disorder reveals the influence and effects of the genre of romance on Hutchinson's poetic paraphrase of Genesis. Our fifth article, by Sam Perry, offers a fresh reading of the poetry written by Philip Larkin during his final year at St John's College, Oxford. Perry examines the poet's work through the prism of the philosophy and art of the Surrealists, identifying correspondences in terms of content and modes of expression. The texts addressed by Wilcher and Perry clearly are not medieval but both Hutchinson and Larkin are indebted, albeit unconsciously, to medieval literary practices and aesthetics. Hutchinson is following in a long tradition of biblical paraphrase modified by other genres, such as the Cursor Mundi written around 1300, whereas the surrealist dreamscapes that Perry detects in Larkin's imagery are very much in the tradition of medieval dream poetry as exemplified in Geoffrey Chaucer's House of Fame.

Translation and Metrical Experimentation in Sixteenth-Century English Poetry: The Case of Surrey's Biblical Paraphrases

Translation and Metrical Experimentation in Sixteenth-Century English Poetry: The Case of Surrey's Biblical Paraphrases

The Middle English Apocalypse Gloss in British Library MS Additional 18633

AMONG the ten manuscripts of the late thirteenth-century biblical paraphrase Revelacion, shown in Table 1 below, only British Library MS Additional 18633 (A) presents Apocalypse materials in three languages. In addition to its planned Apocalypse components – the picture cycle, Vulgate Apocalypse, Revelacion, and commentary in French prose – A contains extensive portions of a commentary in Middle English prose. In her description of A, Justice alludes to ‘English translations of text … in the margins, written in a 16th-century cursive hand’.1 The purpose of the present note is to establish that the ‘translation’ in question is a paraphrase into Middle English of the same non-Berengaudus French prose gloss that characterizes the γ group of manuscripts (ACT). The inscriptions occupy principally the broad outer margins of fos 10v–39r, but also occasionally the top or bottom margins – in some instances all three areas (e.g. 34v, 36r) – or, exceptionally, sideways in the inner margin along the trough (11v, 23v). The glosses occur on nearly all leaves in this section, which corresponds to Episodes 18–94 of Revelacion.

Pietro Aretino, religious writer

Although Pietro Aretino's vernacular biblical paraphrases and saints’ lives were popular and greatly admired in the sixteenth century, modern scholarship often has dismissed them as commercial potboilers. This study presents the case that Aretino was a serious reformer in religion and possibly a Nicodemite. It traces his long relationship with Antonio Brucioli, who was an important conduit of Protestant writings and whose reformist Bible translation enabled Aretino's paraphrases. Relying on their letters, it examines Aretino's friendship with Pier Paolo Vergerio and his attraction to Bernardino Ochino, both of whom became apostates, and his reaction to the arrest of his confessor for having Lutheran sympathies. Aretino's biblical paraphrases were esteemed in Italian reformist circles and translated into French by a prior attached to Marguerite of Navarre's court. In England Sir Thomas Wyatt based his Lutheran Penitential Psalms on Aretino's I sette Salmi.

Tractarian Poetry: Introduction

In Practice of Everyday Life, Michel de Certeau defines belief, as object of believing (a dogma, a program, etc.) but as subject's investment in a proposition, act of saying it and considering it as true-in other words, a modality of assertion and not its (1) We might consider field of Tractarian poetics in light of such a statement, one in which catholic Anglicans sought to propose and enact their belief in manner they knew would have greatest impact: by writing poetry. While content was far from secondary, since Tractarian poetry was reliant on aesthetic expression and exegesis of doctrinal law, its form loudly announced belief-system in whose service it had been composed. This system was primarily outlined in a series of ninety pamphlets written between 1833 and 1841 and published under collective title Tracts for Times. (2) John Keble, John Henry Newman, Isaac Williams, J. A. Froude, and E. B. Pusey were amongst various contributors, many of them poets as well as intellectual clergy concerned with reviving use of traditional catholic doctrines within Church of England. Tractarians, or Movement, as group became known, sought to reintroduce to Anglican worship centrality of Eucharist, daily prayers, feasts and fasts, Apostolic succession, confession, sisterhoods, and also ritual as it was performed through use of candles, crucifixes, high altars, and incense. Moreover, movement placed a significant emphasis upon private devotion, personal holiness, and disciplined, restrained way in which such faith might be practiced and communicated. best, most oblique and sacred manner of expression available to believer, according to its adherents, was poetry. Poetry and religion had long been interconnected, but eighteenth century in particular had witnessed a surge of interest in their relations, notably through popularity of Methodist hymn and biblical paraphrase and also due to Robert Lowth's Oxford Lectures on Sacred Poetry of Hebrews (1753). Lowth argued that poetry proceeds from divine inspiration, able to communicate virtue and piety through its rhythm, modulation, and meter. The language of he claimed, is the effect of mental emotion, vehement and temperate alike and able to invoke passionate belief while disciplining experience such faith delivers: It is office of poetry to incite, to direct, to temper passions, and not to extinguish them, Lowth declared. (3) John Keble's own Oxford Lectures on Poetry (1832-41) echo Lowth's focus on emotional impact religious poetry can effect on believing reader, underlining supernatural, sacramental element within poetry as a spontaneous overflow of spiritual feeling. mode in which such an overflow aesthetically communicated beliefs of Oxford Movement was a subject with which Keble became preoccupied in his critical prose and volume of poetry, Christian Year (1827). That these preoccupations resulted in a movement we might now label Tractarian poetics is significant not only for immense popularity poetry written in this mode secured in Victorian period but also for equally profound distaste of later scholars for its lyrical Christian content. This distaste meant that G. B. Tennyson's Victorian Devotional Poetry: Tractarian Mode was a landmark publication for modern critics searching for a balanced, insightful commentary on Tractarian poetics when it appeared twenty-five years ago in 1981. (4) Certainly striking critical renaissance of recent scholarship addressing Victorian religion and poetry owes a considerable debt to Tennyson. recent flurry of work on women's poetry, poetic theory, affect, and belief has clearly been encouraged by his important book. Victorian studies has always recognized influence of Tractarianism on Tennyson, Arnold, Clough, Christina Rossetti, and Gerard Manley Hopkins, but few critics (the rare exceptions being Rodney Stenning Edgecombe and Margaret Johnson) have sought to unpack carefully extent to which Tractarian ideas of poetics addressed contemporary concerns. …

Socrates Scholasticus on Greek Paideia

In his discussion about the Biblical paraphrases written by the two Apolinarii Socrates Scholasticus claims that the study of pagan literature is necessary for the Christians. He starts by proving the harmlessness of studying Greek philosophy and comes to the conclusion that far from being harmful it is actually desirable, since familiarity with Greek philosophy (especially with logic) enables the Christians to argue against the pagans more effectively. Socrates, a lawyer from Constantinople is not averse to a little prevarication, neither is he accurate when he is writing about the purpose and contents of Julian's edict (362), which throws a bad light on the reliability of the church historian. The fact that Socrates' argument for Greek paideia was timely at the beginning of the fifth century proves the vitality of paganism and Greek philosophy on the one hand, and the antipathy of certain groups of Christians (especially monks) towards pagan culture on the other.

Loyola's Bees: Ideology and Industry in Jesuit Latin Didactic Poetry by Yasmin Haskell (review)

188 Reviews a study of mystical expression and religious subjectivity spanning the late medieval and early modern periods. They are furtherunited, if perhaps somewhat tenuously, by a common association with the Iberian peninsula. Four were Iberian by origin; the works of the Flemish Hadewijch and the Italian Catherine were translated into Castilian in the early sixteenth century. Given the neat and cohesive nature of the book's first seven chapters, then, the reader might understandably be surprised to encounter, in the final chapter, Miguel de Cervantes: Iberian to be sure, but hardly an author who could be classed as a mystic or indeed as a religious writer of any kind. Courcelles has included this seemingly anomalous figure in her study because she sees him as participating, albeit in a differentmanner, in the same overall movement towards modern humanistic thought. Like the mystical writers studied here, Cervantes can be seen to be deeply concerned with the power of the imagination, the nature of the individual, the effectiveness of language to express the self, and the desire that motivates the individual to seek contact with some form of transcendence. The book focuses to a large extent on the power and limitations of language, both written and spoken, as well as that of silence as a kind of language of intuition. Courcelles looks at the impact of the spoken or written word on the individual, as for example in scenarios of religious conversion: that of Augustine, with the famous 'tolle, lege' command, and the imitation and internalization of his formative example by subsequent readers of the Confessions. Equally central is the pervasive notion of the Word as an image of God, the Word made flesh,object of contemplation, love, and desire. In conclusion, Courcelles argues for the fundamental role of mysticism in the production and articulation ofcultural trends thatwould prove central to modernity: a fascination with language, a cultivation ofvernacular expression, an all-encompassing curiosity and desire for knowledge, and an intense consciousness of the self. Pembroke College, Cambridge Sylvia Huot Loyola's Bees: Ideology and Industry in Jesuit Latin Didactic Poetry. By Yasmin Haskell. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2003. x + 353pp. ?50. ISBN o19 -726284-8. The foundation of the Jesuit Order in the sixteenth century, with its strong belief in the educational value of rhetoric, history, and poetry, and the great emphasis placed upon fluency in Latin, coupled with the writing of original Latin in the schools and colleges under its control, resulted in an enormous increase in the numbers of original Latin plays, poems, and prose treatises that were produced in the Latinate world for the following two hundred years or more. Obscure volumes of Jesuit Latin verse were perhaps among the most commonly found items on the shelves and in the catalogues of second-hand and antiquarian booksellers until a decade or two ago. Elegies, encomia , personal and devotional poetry, descriptions of landscape, hymns, and biblical paraphrases are common topics for such verse, and are found in all formats, from dumpy octavos to elaborately printed quartos which would grace a splendid library. The present volume is devoted to some representative examples of but one section of this poetry, Latin didactic poetry. The author has identified some 250 Latin didactic poems by Jesuits, out of a wider corpus of 350 such poems. After an introduction in which she elucidates the reasons for writing this type of poetry and the theory which lay behind it, the author divides her book into five lengthy chapters, each devoted to a discussion of some representative didactic poems. Most neo-Latin poetry had a classical model, and didactic is no exception here. The firstchapter is devoted to 'Jesuit Georgic in the Age of Louis XIV, and discusses first MLRy ioo.i, 2005 189 Rene Rapin's Hortorum libri IV (Paris, 1665) and Jacob Vaniere's Praedium rusticum libri XVI (Toulouse, 1730), immensely popular poems with many later editions and translations, both ultimately inspired by Virgil's Georgics, the formerconcerned prin? cipally with formal gardens, the latter containing much practical advice. The chapter concludes with a short section on some less well-known poems, including Francois Champion's poem on fishing, Stagna (Paris, 1689). The second...

Lay Literacy and the Medieval Bible

Among Arne Zettersten's impressive research publications are those on Middle English texts. His brilliant editions of The Anerene Riwle, published over years in Early English Text Society, have done so much to further our knowledge of this important religious work. Tracing sources of The Anerene Riwle author's quotations is indeed a complex task. Geoffrey Shepherd states that the Bible provides most of material of Rule medieval Bible, a vast indivisible unity, but perceived only by glimpses. Often it is a gloss which leads him [the author] to scriptural text, not to an initial memory of Scripture (1959: xxv-xxvi). 1 Shepherd goes on to show complexities involved in finding source of biblical paraphrases in The Anerene Riwle:

The Image of the Jew in Flavius Josephus' Paraphrase of the Bible

The Image of in Flavius Josephus' Paraphrase of Bible, by Paul Spilsbury. TSAJ 69. Tubingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 1998. Pp. xiv + 286. DM 148.00. This valuable monograph is a revision and expansion of a doctoral dissertation completed under supervision of William Horbury at University of Cambridge in 1994. Drawing Antiquities 1-11 to explore Josephus's construction of ideal Spilsbury provides important insights for study of late first century CE and Josephus. In a lengthy introduction (pp. 1-50) Spilsbury engages with contemporary scholarship a number of important subjects and outlines approach adopted in work. The reader is briefly introduced to Josephus, whom Spilsbury labels a Roman Jew (p. 7), and to issue of self-definition a real concern of post-70 C.E. era. While acknowledging need for proper caution in analysis of Josephus's writings regarding his own career, Spilsbury urges reader to ensure that all interpretations are based on content of he wrote taken a (p. 7). In such a context Spilsbury presents Josephus in a somewhat positive light a personally concerned to defend his people and make their customs as a whole intelligible to Greco-Roman world (p. 11) in his selective paraphrase of Bible. Next Spilsbury seeks to clarify manner in which his monograph stands apart from textual comparative work of such scholars T. W. Franxman and C. Begg and portrait studies of L. Feldman. Spilsbury points out difficulty in establishing written and oral materials Josephus drew upon. His work is primarily concerned with constructing an overall picture of ideal from entire biblical paraphrase. Here again, Spilsbury presents an important contribution to interpretation of Josephus: he did not only write what his audience wanted to hear (p. 34); he had his own views it meant to be a Jew (p. 34). In order not to impose categories onto biblical paraphrase, Spilsbury adopts a chronological approach. The net effect is production of a cumulative portrait, noting repetitions, developments, and refinements in image of contained in Antiquities 1-11. Yet even with this approach Spilsbury makes choices regarding to examine, with focus being placed the principal characters, main events and speeches (p. 35). There is a useful brief excursus in introduction Josephus's use of Jew, Hebrew, and Israelites (pp. 36-42). A second excursus Jewish Identity in Diaspora-Some Perspectives from Social Sciences (pp. 42-50) is used by Spilsbury to identify appropriate terminology by which to describe Josephus's Jew. Spilsbury signals that terms assimilation, acculturation, and accommodation- defined by J. M. G. Barclay (Jews in Mediterranean Diaspora, 1996) will be framework within which Josephus's image of will be placed. Chapter 1 (The Patriarchs) covers Antiquities 1-2.200. Spilsbury examines accounts of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Reuben, Judah, and Joseph. …

The Shock of Medievalism by Kathleen Biddick

STUDIES IN THE AGE OF CHAUCER in the Bible. He suggests that "as a Christian author active in England at the end of the fourteenth century Chaucer might well have thought of his works in precisely this audacious way" (p. 207). How Chaucer thought of his work is a subject on which there are many views. Besserman, however, feels confident that Chaucer was searching for "a biblically inspired and biblically modeled vernacular literary solution to the fragmented and fractious flood of biblical transla­ tion and interpretation in which his Christian community was adrift" (p. 207). The author is responding, so Besserman maintains, to "a prob­ lem that had bedeviled Christian culture from the time of Augustine: the problem of the mutual translatability of secular and biblical poetics" (p. 209). Besserman argues persuasively that in common with the poetry of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio Chaucer's poetry was shaped by what he perceived to be "the affinities between biblical and secular poetry and biblical and secular poetics" (p. 17). The vernacular biblical paraphrases and translations that were a prominent feature of Chaucer's cultural mi­ lieu and the artistry of the biblically centered works by his Ricardian contemporaries were inspired by the religious milieu of fourteenth­ century theologians and secular drama and reflect "the unprecedented authorial freedom and affective intensity" that may be seen in some of the "biblically suffused" writing of the time (p. 23). As will be realized, this work is for the specialist. Apart from Chau­ cer's works, the beginning student should, I suggest, read good critical biographies by scholars such as those I have already named. What mis­ conceptions might arise if this book were made a primary text for begin­ ners in Chaucer, I cannot imagine. BERYL ROWLAND York University and University of Victoria KATHLEEN BIDDICK. The Shock of Medievalism. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1998. Pp. 304. $49.95 cloth, $17.95 paper. The Shock ofMedievalism means to explore how "trauma (then and now) affect[s} the ways in which medievalists connect the past to the present 456 REVIEWS and to the future" (p. 16). It also means to shock, and some of its readers will likely feel perplexed about the relation between the book's stated wish to work through trauma and its investment in provocation.But the book's power to perplex results, at least in part, from the way it replays trauma in the structure and procedures of its arguments: a bold point is made, but its working-through is delayed. Presentation of evi­ dence and reasoning often arrives too late to reassure the reader that Biddick's aim is demonstration rather than denunciation. She claims, for example, that in The Dream ofJohn Ball William Morris "misrecog­ nized the work of mourning as melancholy for work. That misrecogni­ tion persists even today among such strong new historicist readings of the uprising as Steven Justice's" (p. 39). Careful discussion of this criti­ cism ofJustice doesn't arrive, however, for four pages. Neither the essay­ istic ambience of the chapters nor the very wide range of topics they address-from "Gothic Ornament" in the nineteenth-century (chapter 1) to humanist/colonialist knowledge-production in virtual reality (chapter 3)-do much to dispel the impression thatBiddick's authorita­ tiveness may be more a matter of temper than pains taken. Rather than being good reasons not to read this book, however, these are reasons to read it twice. Because Biddick's book seems to be a particularly challenging in­ stance of the medievalist syndrome it also analyzes, and because her re­ fusal to settle keeps questions open that might otherwise prefer to close over, this book should be read by positivists, New Historicists, and the­ orists alike. Positivists may not be interested inBiddick's theoretical arguments, but if they are interested in historicizing their own tech­ nique-which would seem logical-they will find much in this book to think about. The book also includes fascinating specifics and the fas­ cination with specifics that has been so inspirational for New Histori­ cism. At many moments one feels, happily, the touch ofBiddick's train­ ing as an historian: Why was Past andPresent so thick...

Envelope patterns in Genesis A and B

Genesis A and B both make extensive, though different, use of envelope patterns. Although in a biblical paraphrase like Genesis A the use of larger structural patterns is a priori unlikely, the poet constantly reshapes his text and converts many episodes into envelope patterns. Such patterns are used for emphasis, the central element being put into relief. They are also occasionally used by the poet to force an interpretation on the reader: he justifies any shortcomings of God's elect by mentioning their great wisdom on either side of the narrative of their faults. In Genesis B, complex sets of interlocked envelope patterns characterize the speech of Satan and his emissary. Such circular patterns, which bring us back to the starting-point and yet give the illusion of logical reasoning, exemplify the major theme of this poem: the difficulty of distinguishing true teaching from lies. Envelope patterns also buid up the structure of Genesis B as a whole. In addition, the first two works of MS Junius XI, Genesis and Exodus, are united by the repetition of the same envelope pattern at the beginning of Genesis and towards the end of Exodus.

Clio is also among the muses!

Abstract A review article of Keith W. Whitelam, The Invention of Ancient Israel (London 1996). Whitelam is praised for the courage demonstrated by the appearance of this book, which will probably not win him much applause from a scholarly world accustomed to biblical paraphrases and eurocentric interpretations of the ancient Near East. Whitelam argues in favour of a Palestinian history, but he at the same time overlooks the possibility of understanding this history as part of Syria's history. He stresses the necessity of creating a history of the Palestinians, as if they already in Antiquity formed an ethnic unit, which was hardly the case. However, his characterisation of the traditional European and North American reconstructions of ancient Israel as the predecessor not only of the modern Israeli state but — indeed — of western European civilization is precise and absolutely to the point and should not be missed by any person interested, not only in ancient Palestine, but also in Palestine of the presen...

Peter Comestor, Biblical Paraphrase, and the Medieval Popular Bible

Previous articleNext article No AccessPeter Comestor, Biblical Paraphrase, and the Medieval Popular BibleJames H. MoreyJames H. Morey Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Speculum Volume 68, Number 1Jan., 1993 The journal of the Medieval Academy of America Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2863832 Views: 54Total views on this site Citations: 28Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1993 Medieval AcademyPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: Bibliography, (May 2020): 341–356.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118780190.biblioJulia C. Szirmai The Anglo-Norman Bible Stories in Ms Brit. Libr. Harley 2253, Neophilologus 103, no.22 (Nov 2018): 161–170.https://doi.org/10.1007/s11061-018-9581-9Nancy Mandeville Caciola Serpents and Lies, Speculum 93, no.11 (Dec 2017): 101–110.https://doi.org/10.1086/695777Catherine Léglu Visual Culture, (Aug 2018): 27–56.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90638-6_2Catherine Léglu Prose and Image, (Aug 2018): 87–120.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90638-6_4Brian Murdoch The Middle English Iacob and Iosep and the Medieval Popular Bible, English Studies 98, no.88 (Oct 2016): 846–865.https://doi.org/10.1080/0013838X.2016.1227135Diana Muir Appelbaum Biblical nationalism and the sixteenth-century states, National Identities 15, no.44 (Dec 2013): 317–332.https://doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2013.814624Devorah Schoenfeld Twelfth Century Literal Bible Commentaries: Comparing Jewish and Christian, Religion Compass 7, no.1212 (Dec 2013): 509–516.https://doi.org/10.1111/rec3.12090Richard Marsden, E. Ann Matter The New Cambridge History of the Bible, 110 (May 2012).https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521860062Andrew Colin Gow The Bible in Germanic, (Apr 2012): 198–216.https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521860062.013 Robert Mills Seeing Sodomy in the Bibles moralisées, Speculum 87, no.22 (Sep 2015): 413–468.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0038713412001078Julia C. Szirmai Les enfants de Lamech dans la Bible anonyme (BNF fr. 763), Neophilologus 96, no.22 (Apr 2011): 185–203.https://doi.org/10.1007/s11061-011-9258-0Crystal Kirgiss From Sacred Text to Secular Context, Prose Studies 34, no.11 (Apr 2012): 59–74.https://doi.org/10.1080/01440357.2012.686206Karin Littau First steps towards a media history of translation, Translation Studies 4, no.33 (Sep 2011): 261–281.https://doi.org/10.1080/14781700.2011.589651Timothy S. Jones The Exegesis of Outlawry in the Story of David, (Jan 2010): 111–127.https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230114685_5 WORKING WITH THE ENEMY: THE HARMONIZING TRADITION AND THE NEW UTILITY OF JUDAS ISCARIOT IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND, Journal of Medieval Religious Cultures 36, no.11 (Jan 2010): 68–110.https://doi.org/10.5325/jmedirelicult.36.1.0068Miri Rubin, Walter Simons The Cambridge History of Christianity, (Mar 2010).https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521811064Christopher Ocker The Bible in the fifteenth century, (Jul 2009): 472–493.https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521811064.033Susan Martin Biblical Authority in the Writing of Pope Innocent IV (1243-54), Studies in Church History 38 (Mar 2016): 98–105.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0424208400015758 Bibliographie sommaire, (Feb 2003): 239–241.https://doi.org/10.3917/pica.lobri.2003.01.0239Fiona Griffiths Herrad of Hohenbourg: A Synthesis of Learning in The Garden of Delights, (Jan 2001): 221–243.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07943-5_11 Marcia Kupfer Symbolic Cartography in a Medieval Parish: From Spatialized Body to Painted Church at Saint-Aignan-sur-Cher, Speculum 75, no.33 (Oct 2015): 615–667.https://doi.org/10.2307/2903398Christopher Ocker Medieval Exegesis and the Origin of Hermeneutics, Scottish Journal of Theology 52, no.33 (Jan 2009): 328–345.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0036930600050249David Wallace The Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature, 34 (Mar 2008).https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521444200David Lawton Englishing the Bible, 1066–1549, (Jan 1999): 454–482.https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521444200.021Christopher Ocker Ritual Murder and the Subjectivity of Christ: A Choice in Medieval Christianity, Harvard Theological Review 91, no.22 (Jun 2011): 153–192.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0017816000032041MARIA SHERWOOD-SMITH GOD AND GYNAECOLOGY: WOMENS SECRETS IN THE DUTCH HISTORIEBIJBEL VAN 1360, German Life and Letters 50, no.44 (Oct 1997): 390–402.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.1997.tb01700.x Back Matter, ().https://doi.org/10.1524/9783050049670.bm

Chaucer and Peter Riga

Previous articleNext article No AccessChaucer and Peter RigaKarl YoungKarl Young Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Speculum Volume 12, Number 3Jul., 1937 The journal of the Medieval Academy of America Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2848625 Views: 1Total views on this site Citations: 2Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1937 The Mediaeval Academy of AmericaPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:MATTHEW PLEN The Ideology of British Zionism between the World Wars (1919–39), Jewish Culture and History 8, no.11 (Aug 2006): 49–74.https://doi.org/10.1080/1462169X.2006.10512042 James H. Morey Peter Comestor, Biblical Paraphrase, and the Medieval Popular Bible, Speculum 68, no.11 (Oct 2015): 6–35.https://doi.org/10.2307/2863832