Basic Verbs Research Articles

МОРФОНОЛОГІЧНІ ТИПИ І ВЛАСТИВОСТІ ВЕРШИННИХ ДІЄСЛІВ СЛОВОТВІРНИХ ГНІЗД В УКРАЇНСЬКІЙ МОВІ

The article describes the morphonological structure of word- forming units with indivisible and divisible bases verbs is clarified in the article and the morphonological types and properties of bases verbs of word-forming units in the Ukrainian language are determined. The morphonological structure of word-forming units is determined by the structure of the apical verb, morphonological transformations, morphonological positions, morphonological type, morphonological model. The ending of the verb base, which undergoes changes under the influence of the initial of the formant, signalize morphonological transformations. All word-forming units with an inarticulate verb are divited among 22 morphonological types, with an indivisible verb is divided between 50 morphonological types, notice the character of the verb base, complex morphonological transformations (consonant or vocal alternations, types of final consonant base), open, closed), increase of radical or suffix morpheme, change of accent positions (shift of emphasis on root or suffix morpheme). Morphonologically marked deverbatives of substantive, adjectival, verbative, adverbial blocks are analyzed. The character of realization and regularity of morphonological phenomena in word formation during the formation of deverbatives are influenced by structural and phonemic properties, characteristics of creative bases and word-forming affixes, features of the contact zone on the morpheme seam, stress position, truncation, number of syllables. Indivisible verb bases are characterized by open and closed verb bases, divisible verb bases are characterized only by open verb bases. For articulated verb bases, the open structure of the suffix (V, VCV) is typical, open or cover-open (CV). Analyzing the bases verbs of word-forming units in the Ukrainian language, it is appropriate to take into count the indivisibility and divisibility of bases verbs, the final formative basis, variability / non-variability of verb bases, formant initials, morphonological transformations, morphonological positions, presence / absence of constraints in compatibility.

Evaluative Wortbildung und Personenreferenz.

The word formation pattern [ __-i]N mask. in Alemannic mainly derives masculine agent nouns from verbs resulting in output semantics of ‘someone who notoriously acts in the manner of base verb’. I analyse the pattern as an instance of evaluative morphology embedded in a more general output oriented schema and propose a scenario how the pattern may have developed from an OHG hypochoristic pattern primarily used in names. In a qualitative and quantitative analysis of two dialect dictionaries on Zürich German and Bernese German I look into the possible lexical fillings of the pattern and derive areas of stereotypisation. As the products of the pattern are masculine nouns, it is of interest whether the lemmas are flanked with a feminine form or not, and if they are, whether the feminine form follows or precedes the masculine form or is added as a separate lemma without a masculine pendant. The analysis also includes neuter forms ending in -i listed in the dictionaries. As the masculine products of the pattern already reflect stereotyped behaviour, the feminine (and neuter) forms included in the diction­na­ries are expected to sediment gender stereotypes to a high degree.

Review of Szawerna (2007): A Corpus-Based Study of Nominalizations Predicated by English Deverbal Nouns In -tion

In A Corpus-Based Study of Nominalizations Predicated by English Deverbal Nouns in -tion, Michal Szawerna presents the results of his PhD research on -tion nominalizations. Szawerna’s approach is couched in the Cognitive Grammar framework as developed primarily by Langacker (1987 and 1991) and fits in with the traditional approach to nominalization in that it is essentially word-based (i.e. it focuses on the word level rather than on the nominalized NP as a whole or the discourse context in which it functions). As in most traditional analyses of nominalization, Szawerna takes the lexical-descriptive and aspectual properties of the base verb as starting point (described in cognitive terms) and then attempts to capture the distinct ‘profiles’ of the derivations in -tion in a schematic network of interrelated meanings. Since there are relatively few publications that have nominalizations as their sole focus (other monographs on nominalization are Marchand 1969; Heyvaert 2003; Nordrum 2007) and even fewer that consider derived nouns in -ion, Szawerna’s book is a welcome addition to the literature. Unfortunately, the carefulness with which the author tackles the issue is obscured by the book’s heavy-going style, long-winded explanations, repetitions and extensive use of abbreviations and cognitive terminology. The overall structure of the book, with only three chapters, two of which take up more than 100 pages, moreover makes for hard reading. Those willing to work their way through it, however, will find a rich overview of subtypes of -ion nominalizations and a serious attempt to map out the semantic intricacies of the -ion nominalization system.

Inflectional Forms of Tense in Lutsotso

Lutsotso verbs consist of more than one morpheme expressing a particular grammatical meaning. The various morphological affixes attached to the verb indicate agreement, tense, aspect and voice. Tense and aspect morphemes in Lutsotso follow the same order for all types of verb constructions. Although tense and aspect in Lutsotso are deeply intertwined, this paper focuses on tense only. The Lutsotso tense is divided into the present, past and the future. The past and the future are distributed in four degrees as follows: remote, intermediate, near and immediate. Since the verb is the unit of analysis in this paper, we first describe the basic verb form in Lutsotso. This will entail the verb root and other crucial aspects such as the final vowel and the infinitive form that influence it. We also give agreement in the feature, person, number, subject verb markers and object markers. Finally, tense forms in Lutsotso will be discussed beginning with the present, followed by the past and the future.

The influence of aspect on the countability of Polish deverbal nominalizations: Evidence from an acceptability rating study

AbstractThe paper presents the results of a study investigating a possible influence of the viewpoint (perfective vs. imperfective) and lexical (telic vs. atelic) aspect of Polish verbs on the countability of eventive nominalizations (substantiva verbalia) derived from these verbs. Polishsubstantiva verbaliapreserve many properties of the base verbs, including the eventive meaning and aspectual morphology. Native speakers of Polish rated the acceptability of nominalizations in count and mass contexts. An effect of both viewpoint and lexical aspect was found in mass contexts, where aspectually delimited (perfective, accomplishment) nominalizations were less acceptable than non-delimited (imperfective, state) nominalizations. In count contexts, only an effect of the lexical aspect was clearly present, with accomplishment nominalizations being more acceptable than state nominalizations. The nominalizations were overall rated as more natural in mass than count constructions, regardless of the aspect. The results indicate that aspect plays a role in establishing the countability of a word, but it does not fully determine it.

The cognition of caused-motion events in Spanish and German: An Agentive Cognitive Construction Grammar analysis

ABSTRACT In this paper, I present a comparative analysis of caused-motion events (involving placement, removal, causation and transfer) in Spanish and German within an emerging Cognitive Construction Grammar theory of mind and language. The aim of this article is to offer a syntactic account by which argument structure information is required to understand the encoding of transferred object/target path in these languages. The core theoretical observation is that the spatial representation of events of transfer and placement is reliant on embodied patterns of constructional attachment (constructional attachment patterns) that are not attributable to typological differences such as particle or monomorphemic verbal encoding of target path. This insight can be summarized as follows: typologically different languages encode caused-motion information in an argument structure construction, while the specific semantics of verbs encode stance, object, shape, weight and target path structure. In Spanish, verbal object–path encoding does not require the use of specific placement markers, since speakers identify the form and shape of objects encoded by specific verbs. In German, object shape and form, as well as path, are encoded by specific particles, prefixes and base verbs. The conclusion is that both argument structure and verbal meaning are required to understand the way speakers perceive and further conceptualize reality through language.

FINALNI IMPERATIV U SAVREMENOM SRPSKOM JEZIKU

The paper syntactically and semantically analyzes the constructions of the doubled imper- ative in which the second imperative has a final meaning only recognized in the latest syntac- tic literature, which is confirmed by the substitution of the imperative by the final infinitive and the final da-present-tense clause which is always possible, such as: Idi kupi [→ kupiti / da kupiš] novine. The basic question to be answered in the paper is: how, and in which syntac- tic-semantic conditions, is it possible that two finite verb forms separated neither by conjunc- tions, nor by punctuation, form a very specific asyndetic construction which is subordinate in its semantic status, and whose only conjunctive equivalent syntactically is a coordinated copulative sentence. In the conducted analysis the characteristics of doubled imperatives, unseparated or sepa- rated by commas were interrelated. Doubled comma-separated imperatives represent asyndetic copulative sentences. Thanks to the semantic correlation of imperative verbs, these sentences represent a special semantic subtype of copulative sentences: independent asyndetic and/or syn- detic copulative sentences with final meaning (e.g. Dođi, jedi / Dođi i jedi). The meaning of finality is thus, within an independent compound sentence, only a subtype of copulative meaning. The constructions of doubled imperatives not separated by commas represent a unique case of structurally subordinated constructions in the Serbian language. They are structured as dependent syntagms, since the second imperative performs the function of an adverbial complement or goal determination, just as the one the semantically equivalent final infinitive does, too. These constructions are synonymous constructions with three imperative particles: hajde, daj and de(der), due to the fact that these particles appear in the meaning of the imper- atives idi, pođi, dođi and the like (cf. Hajde / daj / deder donesi vode → Idi / pođi / kreni don- esi vode). Having in mind that imperative particles form a compact intonation unit with the imperative verb following them, then there is no justification to separate the imperative par- ticle from the verb in the imperative with a comma in writing. Since imperative particles are pragmatically synonymous with basic verbs of movement - this equivalence is also transferred to writing: no comma or any other punctuation mark is placed between the doubled imperatives. It is this fact that enables the final interpretation of the second imperative in the constructions of the doubled or reduplicated imperative. And its final meaning is confirmed by the possibil- ity of substitution by a final infinitive and/or a final da-present-tense clause without changing the meaning of the utterance.

The semantic profile of the verbal prefix do- in Bulgarian and Croatian

This is a comparative study of the verbal prefix do- in two South Slavic languages, Bulgarian (Blg.) and Croatian (Cro.). Although these two languages show many similarities in the meaning of the verb stems and prefixation patterns, there are some unusual differences that may confuse foreign learners of Slavic, who expect identical or similar base verbs to combine with the same prefixes. The cognitive linguistics framework allows us to approach these differences systematically. We apply it to two databases of Blg. and Cro. prefixed verbs developed for the purposes of this research and extracted from reference books, dictionaries, and online corpora. We systematise do- verbs in a semantic network and account for both the overlapping meaning categories and the differences between the two languages studied, taking into consideration prefixes semantically similar to do- that combine with the same base verbs to form near-synonyms of do- verbs. We point to prefix variation as ensuing from different perspectives on the same event.

What psych verbs and other verbs disclose about the role of Semantic Prominence and Thematic Hierarchy in affixal selection

This paper analyses the construction of deverbal adjectives in European Portuguese, focusing on the interface between morphology and semantics, specifically on the role of Thematic Hierarchy and Semantic Prominence on affixal selection.Supported by paradigmatic morphology, the paper shows that suffixes that work in macro-paradigms of deverbal adjectives establish a relationship with specific semantic features of the lexical-semantic structure of the base verb in order to construct the derivative. The analysis concludes that suffixes are sensitive to thematic hierarchy, which is based on the semantic prominence of features of the verbs’ theta-roles at work in the paradigm. Data from psych verbs is highly relevant to this finding.The paper is dedicated to Professor Ana Maria Brito, who has always been keenly aware that scientific knowledge is not confined to a specific theory.

SELECTIONAL PREFERENCES OF THE SUFFIX -IFY IN NAMES OF SOME MOBILE APPS IN ENGLISH

We are witnessing an increase in the number of formations with the verb-forming suffix -ify, the majority of which are names of websites, mobile apps or internet-based services, e.g. Androidify, Connectify or Fatify. The aim of this paper is to provide insight into the selectional behaviour of -ify in these new formations and determine whether there are any indications of some new trends. The suffix -ify typically occurs with Latinate bases to form causative or inchoative verbs such as intensify or mummify (Bauer, Huddleston 2002; Plag 1999). The rivalry with -ize is mainly resolved by phonological constraints: -ize occurs after one or more unstressed syllables, while -ify is always preceded by a stressed syllable. This means that -ify attaches to either monosyllabic bases or polysyllabic bases stressed on the ultimate (Plag 1999, 2003). It is uncommon for neologisms with -ify to show stress shift (Plag 2003: 93). While some of the new formations are clearly compliant with these rules and tendencies, some are not. For example, there are some formations with non-Latinate bases (Dollify), some that require a shift of stress (Androidify) and some that attach to verbal bases (Distractify). By combining corpus search results (Corpus of Contemporary American English (Davies 2008-), Corpus of Global Web-Based English (Davies 2013), iWeb Corpus (Davies 2018-)), Google Play Store data and other sources (in particular Johnson 2014a), we investigate a list of 442 new words with -ify in order to ascertain whether the suffix -ify is changing as regards its selectional preferences described above.

АСПЕКТУАЛЬНА СИМЕТРІЯ ТА АСИМЕТРІЯ В УКРАЇНСЬКІЙ І РОСІЙСЬКІЙ МОВАХ

Background. The problem of the semantic and formal comparability of lexical units of different languages is important for comparative research of the specific linguistic division and the linguistic picture of the world in general. It is also important for the practice of teaching language as a non-mother tongue, especially in the context of contact closely related bilingualism.Purpose. The purpose of this article is to study the specifics of the relationship with the derivatives, forming its aspectual paradigm, individual meanings of polysemantic Russian verbs, compared to their Ukrainian semantic equivalents.Methods. The main methodological technique is opposition analysis, applied to both units of the same language and different languages. The semantic structure of verbs is established according to lexicographic sources and is updated to reflect corpus-based approach. The composition of aspectual paradigms is established according to word-forming and reverse dictionaries, semantic relations are checked with the help of explanatory dictionaries by comparing interpretations.Results. By the symmetry of the semantic structure of the basic verbs of different languages, we usually observe aspectual symmetry: rus белеть1: забелеть – ukr. біліти – забіліти, rus. белеть2: побелеть – ukr. біліти, білішати: побіліти, побілішати, rus. белеть3: забелеть, побелеть – ukr.. біліти, дніти: задніти, побіліти. According to the asymmetry of the semantic structure of basic verbs, semantic equivalents often have similar derivatives: rus. гладить1 – выгладить, погладить, разгладить – ukr. прасувати – випрасувати, попрасувати, розпрасувати; rus. гладить2 – погладить, ukr. гладити – погладити; rus. гладить3 – разгладить, ukr. рівняти – розрівняти. By the asymmetry of the semantic structure of basic verbs, partial aspectual asymmetry occurs: among aspectual derivatives, of the Russian verb болеть we find the verb of softening Aktionsart побаливать, похварывать і прибаливать, прихварывать and the verb баливать with a multiple meaning, the parallels of which are not found in Ukrainian material, in which we find: colloquial вихворіти and dialectic виболіти, похворіти (‘start being sick’ - about all or many).Discussion. Inspite of the close relationship of languages, the semantic structure of polysemous verbs often does not coincide with them. Word-formation tools in each language are also their own, although Ukrainian and Russian have much in common due to etymological relationship. The concept of an aspectual paradigm of a basic verb allows to consider motivated verbs, that modify the aspectual meaning and are defined for each lexico-semantic variant separately, as a certain complex, that is a formal marker of the aspectual meaning of the motivator. In the formation of the aspectual paradigm, the leading role belongs to the semantic factor, therefore, the aspectual derivatives of different meanings of Russian verbs often differ from each other, but Ukrainian semantic equivalents, regardless of whether they are meanings of the same verb, whether they belong to various lexical units in the Ukrainian language, have aspectual paradigms similar to the Russian ones. Differences in the composition of aspectual paradigms of different languages are due to: the specifics of the development of prefix systems; features of word-forming structure of semantic equivalents of basic units; additional semantic shades of units used as interlingual equivalents. Comparative study of the semantic structure of the basic verbs of related languages and their aspectual paradigms helps to clarify the semantic structure of the units of each of the languages, and the establishment of their aspectual paradigms makes it possible to form a dictionary register. Vocabulary fixation of all aspectual derivatives of polysemantic verb is very important as a methodological technique for teaching language as a second one.Keywords: polysemous verb, semantic structure, aspectual modification, aspectual paradigm, interlingual asymmetry, interlingual symmetry.

Forma y función del sufijo -bel / -ble (< lat. -BῘLIS) en el gallego posmedieval

Como continuación de dos trabajos anteriores dedicados al estudio de este sufijo en el gallego medieval, en este artículo presento información sobre su forma y su función desde el siglo XVI hasta la actualidad. En cuanto a la forma, muestro que en las fuentes del gallego medio (siglos XVI-XVIII) hay un predominio casi absoluto de las variantes con síncopa de la vocal postónica (-ble, -bre), en tanto que en las del gallego contemporáneo (siglos XIX-XXI), aún predominando estas, se produjo una revitalización de la variante mayoritaria en el gallego medieval (-vel(e), ahora escrita -bel) promovida conscientemente desde el galleguismo cultural y político. En relación con las características funcionales y semánticas de este sufijo, hay que resaltar que, como ya sucedía en la Edad Media, en el gallego medio y en el contemporáneo siguió contendiendo con otros (-deiro, -dor, -tivo...) para expresar la capacidad activa, valor semántico que adopta cuando se añade a bases verbales intransitivas o usadas intransitivamente.

Valence českých verbálních jmen v nominálních konstrukcích a ve verbonominálních predikátech s kategoriálním slovesem

Czeskie rzeczowniki odczasownikowe (kończące się na przyrostek -ní/-tí) oznaczające zdarzenie (np. poučení jako proces) lub abstrakcyjny rezultat akcji (np. poučení jako przekazana informacja) różnią się z punktu widzenia walencji głównie tym, jak wyrażają swoje dopełnienia walencyjne w strukturze powierzchniowej.W konstrukcjach nominalnych wyraz powierzchniowy dopełnień walencyjnych rzeczowników odczasownikowych oznaczających zdarzenie można wyprowadzić ze struktury walencyjnej ich bazowych czasowników. Natomiast rzeczowniki odczasownikowe oznaczające abstrakcyjny rezultat akcji po to, aby powierzchownie wyrazić swoje dopełnienia walencyjne, używają oprócz systemowych form morfematycznych również formy niesystemowe. W konstrukcjach werbo-nominalnych, w których centrum syntaktycznym jest czasownik kategorialny, rzeczowniki odsłowne oznaczające zdarzenie systematycznie wymagają na powierzchni jako partycypanta czasownika Agensa (w szerokim znaczeniu). Z kolei rzeczowniki odczasownikowe oznaczające abstrakcyjny rezultat akcji często mogą na powierzchni wyrażać innych uczestników semantycznych jako uzupełnienie czasownika, a wybór różnych czasowników kategorialnych często pozwala im za każdym razem spojrzeć na wskazaną sytuację z punktu widzenia innego uczestnika.
 AbstraktČeská verbální jména (zakončená sufixy -ní/-tí) označující událost (např. poučení jako proces) nebo abstraktní výsledek děje (např. poučení jako předaná informace) se z hlediska valence liší především tím, jak v povrchové struktuře vyjadřují svá valenční doplnění. V nominálních konstrukcích je povrchové vyjádření valenčních doplnění verbálních jmen označujících událost odvoditelné z valenční struktury jejich základových sloves. Oproti tomu verbální substantiva označující abstraktní výsledek děje užívají k povrchovému vyjádření svých valenčních doplnění vedle systémových morfematických forem i formy nesystémové. Ve verbonominálních konstrukcích, v nichž je syntaktickým centrem kategoriální sloveso, verbální jména označující událost systematicky uplatňují na povrchu jako subjekt slovesa participant Agens (v širokém slova smyslu). Oproti tomu verbální jména označující abstraktní výsledek děje mohou často na povrchu jako rozvití slovesa vyjádřit i své další sémantické participanty a výběr různých kategoriálních sloves jim často umožňuje perspektivizovat označovanou situaci pokaždé z hlediska jiného participantu.

Vliv prefixace na slovesnou vazbu v češtině (na materiálu nových sloves z oblasti internetových a mobilních technologií)

W niniejszym artykule omówiono zmiany rekcji czasowników spowodowane przedrostkami czasowników bazowych. Wiadomo, że czasowniki w wyniku użycia przedrostka uzyskują rząd biernika. Jest jednak kilka przypadków, w których nie obserwuje się tranzytywizacji czasownika, np. gdy czasownik poprzedzony jest przedrostkiem po- i za- w znaczeniu ograniczającym. Czasowniki o znaczeniu przestrzennym (a także czasowniki wyrażające ruch metaforyczny) zwykle przy prefiksacji nie są tranzytywne. Przedmiotem przedstawionej analizy jest dziewięć gniazd słowotwórczych z zakresu technologii internetowych i mobilnych oraz komunikacji. Analiza wykazała, że większość czasowników z przedrostkiem jest tranzytywna. Jednak czasowniki z prefiksami do- (co oznacza ‘zakończenie czynności – na dłuższy okres lub na stałe’), po- i za- (oba w znaczeniu ograniczającym) zwykle nie są przechodnie, nawet jeśli są derywowane od przechodnich czasowników. Ruch metaforyczny jest zwykle wyrażany przez konstrukcję „przedrostek-V se [k čemu / z čeho itd.]”, w której pozycja biernika jest blokowana przez morfem se.
 AbstraktTento článek se zabývá změnami slovesné vazby způsobenými prefixací základového slovesa. Je známo, že vlivem prefixace se slovesná vazba zpravidla mění ve prospěch akuzativní vazby. Existuje však několik případů, kdy k tranzitivizaci slovesa nedochází, např. při odvozování pomocí prefixů po- a za- v delimitativním významu.Také slovesa s prostorovým významem (a slovesa vyjadřující metaforický pohyb) se při prefixaci obvykle netranzitivizují. Předmětem analýzy je devět slovotvorných hnízd z oblasti internetových a mobilních technologií a komunikace. Analýza ukázala, že většina prefigovaných derivátů je tranzitivních. Slovesa s prefixem do- (ve významu ‘ukončit činnost (na delší dobu nebo definitivně)‘), po- a za- (oba v delimitativním významu) však většinou tranzitivní nejsou, i když jsou odvozena z tranzitivních základových sloves. Metaforický pohyb je typicky vyjadřován pomocí konstrukce ‘prefix-V se [k čemu/z čeho apod.]’, u níž je akuzativní pozice blokována formantem se.

The development of perfectivity in Khamti Shan

Abstract Khamti Shan features the marking of perfectivity comprised of three clause-final particles, one perfective and two imperfectives, each emerging from the basic verbs, yau¹ ‘finish’, u⁵ ‘live’, and nam⁵ ‘(be) extensive’. While the perfective category is straightforward, the imperfective category shows an unusual bifurcation, the first imperfective marker accommodating continuatives and habituals and the second imperfective marker working exclusively with the nominal predicate construction, clauses of potentiality (hortatives, futures), and the progressive construction. All three particles of perfectivity develop from lexical sources, with the pathways ‘finish’ > completive > perfective and ‘live’ > continuous/progressive > imperfective being well-documented across languages. The pathway ‘extensive’ > imperfective, on the other hand, appears unique to Khamti Shan. I motivate the usage of these perfectivity particles (primarily) with a semantic-cognitive analysis.

The translation of Italian verb-particle constructions into French. The case of "Caos Calmo"

Italian verb-particle constructions (VPCs) are generally formed of a verb base (V) and a locative particle (P). In French VPCs are less productive than in Italian, since their constituents are subject to strict combinatorial restrictions. In this paper, the morphosyntactic structures that are most often used to translate Italian VPCs into French will be determined. In order to do so, an Italian-French parallel corpus consisting of the novel Caos calmo (Veronesi, 2005) and its translation will be analysed. Firstly, an inventory of the VPCs that were found within the corpus will be offered. Secondly, these constructions will be analysed under a quantitative and qualitative point of view. Thirdly, translation equivalents will be classified according to morphosyntactic criteria. Their analysis will lead to formulate contrastive considerations, highlighting some relevant typological divergences between the two languages.

Reconstructing the PIE causative in a cross-linguistic perspective

Abstract This paper examines the function and distribution of *CoC-éye/o- presents (traditionally labelled as causatives/iteratives) in PIE in the light of recent theoretical and typological contributions on causative formations crosslinguistically. In particular, this paper argues that: 1. The oldest function of CoC-éye/o- presents in PIE is to derive causative presents to unaccusative base verbs, as well as to some transitive verbs with an affected subject. The development of the iterative meaning is secondary and einzelsprachlich. 2. In the daughter languages, the category developed in two different directions (following Shibatani & Pardeshi’s causative continuum), depending on its degree of productivity. In Greek and Latin, the category became unproductive and underwent a “causative/non-causative” split, whereby the iterative meaning developed under certain conditions. A parallel development of the causative morpheme in the Mayan language K’iche’ is discussed into detail. 3. In Vedic and Proto-Germanic, the category became more productive and did not develop iterative semantics.

Reconstructing the PIE causative in a cross-linguistic perspective

Abstract This paper examines the function and distribution of *CoC-éye/o- presents (traditionally labelled as causatives/iteratives) in PIE in the light of recent theoretical and typological contributions on causative formations crosslinguistically. In particular, this paper argues that: 1. The oldest function of CoC-éye/o- presents in PIE is to derive causative presents to unaccusative base verbs, as well as to some transitive verbs with an affected subject. The development of the iterative meaning is secondary and einzelsprachlich. 2. In the daughter languages, the category developed in two different directions (following Shibatani & Pardeshi’s causative continuum), depending on its degree of productivity. In Greek and Latin, the category became unproductive and underwent a “causative/non-causative” split, whereby the iterative meaning developed under certain conditions. A parallel development of the causative morpheme in the Mayan language K’iche’ is discussed into detail. 3. In Vedic and Proto-Germanic, the category became more productive and did not develop iterative semantics.

Event structure and argument realization in English zero-derived nominals with particles

This paper is concerned with the morphosyntax of deverbal zero-derived nominals (e.g., to climb > a climb), which have received much less attention in the literature than suffix-based nominals (cf. the climb-ing, the examin-ation, the assign-ment). In the generative literature, in particular, after Grimshaw’s (1990) seminal work on suffix-based nominals and their possibility to inherit verbal event and argument structure, zero-derived nouns have been claimed to lack such properties: e.g., in syntax-based models of word formation, which take argument realization in deverbal nouns to indicate the inheritance of functional structure from the base verb, they have been analyzed as derived not from a verb but from an uncategorized root, as implemented in Borer (2013). Following Rappaport-Hovav and Levin’s (1998) theory of event structure and argument realization, I investigate zero-derived nouns built from verbs with preposed and postposed particles and show that they may realize argument structure on their event readings, which can only come about from the event structure of their base verbs.

NATIVE LAYER OF AVAR PERSONAL NAMES

An attempt is made to show that in the course of historical development and under the influence of other anthroponymic systems, the bulk of the original names of the Avars were lost. A small part of them that have been preserved shows that this category of names was mainly formed by suffixes added to the name, to the verb base, to the adverb, or by the word structure, and not all of them have a clear semantics. The socio-historical, ethnographic and cultural state of a people is recorded in anthroponymy only indirectly and is held by tradition for many hundreds of years after the phenomena that brought them to life have already been lost. Thus, models of personal names with the term kinship, formed probably in the bowels of the tribal system, are kept in the Avar code names in our time.