Asia Policy Research Articles

중일전쟁의 개전과 1930년대 동아시아 국제정치

When examining the outbreak and protracted course of the Sino-Japanese War, it is important to note the attitudes of neighboring countries such as the United States and the Soviet Union toward the Sino-Japanese issue, which arose as a result of Japan's aggressive continental policy, and how these attitudes influenced the outbreak of the war. Given that the Sino-Japanese War was a protracted eight-year war fought by the Chinese government with the support of the Soviet Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom, and that it was an international event that directly influenced the outbreak of the Asia-Pacific War, it is necessary to understand the diplomatic process surrounding the war, not just the decision to escalate the war within the Japanese leadership and the decision to wage a protracted global war. After the Manchurian Incident, Japan's East Asian policy included an aggressive expansion of its influence on the Chinese mainland, which was embodied in aggressive public policies such as the army-led campaign to separate Hwaseong from North Korea. In response to these Japanese public policies, the Chinese government actively sought internal and diplomatic means to resist, while the Soviet Union and the United States, both of which were paying attention to East Asian affairs, gradually shifted their policies toward supporting China in the Sino-Japanese conflict and deterring Japanese aggression. The fact that 1935 was the year when Japan's public policy became overtly aggressive, as symbolized by the separation of Hwaseong, and that Sino-Japanese relations began to trend in a friendly direction from this year shows that the attitude of neighboring countries toward the Sino-Japanese dispute had already shifted in a direction favorable to China before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War.

Bound to Lead: US-Taiwan Relations, Security Networks, and The Future of AUKUS

In 2021 the US, UK, and Australia established a trilateral security partnership known as AUKUS. This new security arrangement carries strategic implications for Taiwan's national security and prospects for regional order in Asia. It also leads to empirical puzzles: how will members of multiple alliances respond to rising threats? Under what conditions can a patron state avoid unwanted entrapment and imperial overstretch? This article contributes to existing scholarship in US foreign policy and alliance management in Asia. It offers concrete thoughts on how a US policy of strategic clarity toward Taiwan and its contingency would enhance AUKUS's resilience, while US allies in Asia and Europe could maintain a collective stance of strategic ambiguity that would lessen internal tensions among the member states. Such an arrangement could not only help stabilize Asia's regional order, but also secure Taiwan's autonomy against Beijing's forced reunification.

The Main Factors Underpinning Turkey–China Relations: The ‘Turkic World’ Narrative and Its Implications for Future Relations

This article analyses how shifts in the international system and Turkish domestic factors determine the current relations between Turkey and China. They are combined with changes in the international system and Turkish domestic economic, political and ideological factors. The Uyghur issue, Turkey’s new activism in Central Asia, and the ‘Turkic narrative’ are analysed in the context of bilateral relations. The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War brought the ‘Turkic narrative’ to a new level and gave new impetus and confidence to Ankara in forging a new assertive foreign policy in Central Asia, which could be a challenge for Beijing in the future.

Research trends on Smart Transportation policy in Asia and Europe: A Biblioetric Analysis

Smart transportation policy research has evolved over the last decade following increasingly complex changes and challenges. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to use a scoping review and bibliometric analysis to examine all publications on smart transportation policy, particularly on the Asian Continent and the European Continent. A total of 823 smart transporta- tion policy articles indexed in the Scopus database were analyzed through scoping reviews and bibliometric analysis. Articles are analyzed based on the number of publications per year, contributing countries, field of study, authors, documents cited, related issues, and papers cited. Next, Citespace is used to provide a visual analysis of keyword co-occurrence. The results of this study indicate that publications related to the Smart Transportation Policy continue to increase every year. The continent that has the highest number of publications is dominated by the Asian continent, namely China with a total of 201, followed by the European continent, namely Italy with a total of 81. Although the area of analysis is only on the Asian continent and the European continent, the United States and several countries in the Americas have seriously contributed to the topic.

The EU Foreign Policy in Central Asia: Structural and Relational Dimensions

The EU foreign policy in Central Asia pursues both structural and relational objectives. In contrast to the 1990s, the EU no longer prioritizes the transition and modernization of countries from the region but focuses on their resilience. Compared to the policies of China, Russia, or the US, the EU exerts a more limited influence on its partner countries that varies across domains and issue areas. While the Union is losing the structural power competition in this region, it nevertheless maintains its ambition to be and act as a pole of the international system. The EU conducts its dialogue and cooperation with the Central Asian states mainly in a multilateral “region-to-region” format. At the same time the Union adopts differentiated approaches towards individual countries. Many observers assert that as an international actor, the EU is more trusted than other major powers in Central Asia. It aims to support the independent development of the sovereign Central Asian countries, contributing significantly to the emergence of some degree of regionalization in this part of the world. It is on this perceived benevolence that the EU can capitalize.

A Study of India's Foreign Policy from the Perspective of National Identity

This paper explores how a country's national identity shapes its foreign policy. India's foreign policy in South Asia is used as a case study to illustrate this. India sees itself as a dominant power in the region and has pursued a regional order with itself at the center. This has led to more coercion of neighboring powers and cooperation with external powers to contain their growth. Understanding a country's national identity is crucial to comprehending its foreign policy decisions.

TÜRKİYE-INDONESIA RELATIONS IN THE FRAMEWORK OF TÜRKİYE’S SOUTHEAST ASIA POLICY

Turkish foreign policy increasingly focused on the Southeast Asia region in the post-Cold War era. Türkiye realized the necessity to follow active policy towards the regions that Türkiye had limited access during the Cold War era. Southeast Asia region has been defined as a rising region of the post-Cold War world. The region’s economic development and opportunities made Turkish foreign policy makers instigated new foreign policy initiatives towards Southeast Asian countries and regional organizations. Türkiye became sectoral dialogue partner of ASEAN and signed Free Trade Agreements with some regional countries. Türkiye declared Asia a New Initiative in 2019. Türkiye’s trade volume with Southeast Asian countries has substantially increased. Among Southeast Asian countries, Indonesia has special importance with its strategic position and population for Turkish foreign policy. Türkiye-Indonesia relations reached the level of strategic partnership and the two countries’ cooperation in defense industry cemented bilateral relations. Türkiye-Indonesia relations created atmosphere that both countries could work together on important regional and global issues, which includes from struggle against Islamophobia to regional economic development.
 
 In this article Türkiye-Indonesia relations will be evaluated in the framework of Türkiye’s Southeast Asia policy. It is argued that Indonesia deserves more attention in Turkish Southeast Asia policy. Closer Türkiye-Indonesia relations would provide more opportunities for both countries and Turkish-Indonesian relations will become even more important for Türkiye’s Southeast Asia policy.

George W. Bush’s post-9/11 East Asia policy: enabling China’s contemporary assertiveness

It is commonly argued that China’s foreign policy and behaviour have become increasingly assertive since Xi Jinping took the reins of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This strategic transformation is seen as paving the way for a direct confrontation between China and the USA since the Trump presidency. Drawing on the logic of international order-building, however, this article argues that the groundwork for this strategic change was laid when Hu Jintao was leading the CCP and that what made it possible was George W. Bush’s China and East Asia policy after 9/11. Bush’s subsequent reduced interest in East Asia enabled China to fill the void left by an absence of US presence and influence in the region. This article asserts that American policy-makers may need to ponder what their order-building project to weaken and exclude an illiberal China should include.

Asymmetrical analysis of economic complexity and economic freedom on environment in South Asia: A NARDL approach.

The environment has become a growing concern for many countries, as pollution and other environmental degradation can harm human health, economic growth, and overall well-being. This paper probes into the asymmetrical implications of economic complexity and freedom on ecological quality in four South Asian countries from 1995 to 2019. Using Nonlinear Autoregressive Distributed Lag methodology approach, our findings indicate that carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions are intensified by economic freedom both in the long and short term, while negative and positive shocks to economic complexity increase CO2 emissions in the long term. However, a negative economic complexity shock increases CO2 emissions, whereas a positive shock has the opposite effect in the short run. Moreover, our results confirm the validity of the environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) hypothesis in the long run. Furthermore, we find that renewable energy usage and the interaction of FDI and renewable energy usage can help reduce environmental damage in both the short and long run. The findings suggest that countries should focus on attracting foreign direct investment that promotes the use of renewable energy. Additionally, policies aimed at encouraging renewable energy use should be implemented. It is important to note that as economic freedom and complexity increase, there is a corresponding increase in CO2 emissions. Therefore, South Asian policy makers are advised to prioritize the reduction in fossil fuels, the promotion of energy-saving technologies and efficient production, and trade that encourages the transition of renewable energy sources to reduce CO2 emissions.

Contesting China in the Maldives: India’s foreign policy challenge

ABSTRACT India’s foreign policy in South Asia has recently suffered revisions following increased Chinese presence in the region. Since 2007 the Maldives has also witnessed a tremendous change in its foreign policy from the ‘India First’ to the ‘India Out’ campaign. Islamic fundamentalism is on the rise in the Maldives and is impacting its foreign policy choices. China has shown great interest in the Maldives. While the Maldives has signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with China and recorded enormous Chinese investments in various projects, the Indian ground in the island state has shrunk in the last decade. This article discusses how the Maldives has realised its geostrategic significance in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and how India has succeeded in restoring its traditional clout in Malé after the return of President Ibrahim Solih in 2018. It also discusses the Indian role in the Maldives during the pandemic and the signing of several Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs), maritime security understandings and partnerships with the United States in the Indo-Pacific in view of groupings such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF). Also examined is how the sharing of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision (FOIP) has brightened the scope of India’s relations with the Maldives.

Book review: Regilme Jr, S. S. F. Aid Imperium: United States Foreign Policy and Human Rights in Post-Cold War Southeast Asia

Regilme Jr, S. S. F. Aid Imperium: United States Foreign Policy and Human Rights in Post-Cold War Southeast Asia (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2021), 308 pp. £64.95, ISBN 9780472132782 (e-book).

Beyond the flying geese? New patterns, actors, and contestations of policy transfer in East Asia

AbstractEast Asian policy transfer and diffusion is conceived as following a “flying geese” model but transformations in the region challenged this hierarchical leader‐follower relationship between countries. Based on the articles in this Special Issue, this article seeks to nuance the flying geese dynamics of policy transfer. New types of transfer agents afford a different view of agency in policy transfer. Modes of governance and administrative traditions increasingly shape transfer dynamics and its tempo. Historical relations between countries increasingly affect the perception of legitimacy and appropriateness of policies to be borrowed. Most cases point to the transfer of specialized and successful models or recipes within national and subnational entities. There is a notable variety of temporalities in transfer, often intermediated by experimentation and an active but often limited “search” for solutions. We conclude by presenting an agenda for future research about policy transfer and diffusion beyond the flying geese model in East Asia.

REVISITING THAILAND'S PARANOIA: SEATO AS A SAFEGUARD AGAINST VIETNAM SYNDROME

During the Cold War, the opposing stances of the US and USSR caused a bipolar global system that lacked a unipolar centre of power, leading to a stronger centrifugal pull. The Vietnam War made Southeast Asia a hotbed for these tensions. Following the fall of French troops in Dien Bien Phu in 1954, the US aimed to solidify its position and successfully created the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) through the efforts of Secretary of State Dulles and like-minded nations. To explain the political implications, the Michael Brecher geographical framework has been chosen. This framework highlights the dominant and subordinate systems of international relations during the Cold War period and describes the operation and evolution of SEATO. By incorporating guidelines into the charter, the treaty zone became a space where signatories could resolve their issues. This reference framework helps to identify the causal determinant in the stimuli of an individual signatory. Despite being a group of countries with varied interests, the interaction between the US and Thailand during the Vietnam War showed that Thailand's skilful aggregation of marginal gains resulted from its inherent paranoia against the Vietnam syndrome. Furthermore, the study reveals that Thailand had a significant influence in shaping Washington's policy for Southeast Asia and used its gains as a launching pad to control the spread of Communism. Bibliography Entry Javed, Tauseef, Sun Jiandang and Ayisha Khurshid. 2023. "Revisiting Thailand's Paranoia: SEATO As a Safeguard Against Vietnam Syndrome." Margalla Papers 27 (1): 138-154.

Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Central Asia: An Unfolding of Regionalism and Soft Power

The end of the Cold War brought about new challenges and opportunities for
 Turkey in redesigning its foreign policy. The independence of the Central Asian
 countries, with which Turkey shares common cultural, historical, and linguistic
 features, prompted Turkey to rapidly adapt to the new environment in the post-
 Cold War world order. After three decades, Turkey’s engagement with the Central
 Asian republics has gradually increased and reached a level at which Turkey
 is capable of effectively combining its soft and hard power capabilities within
 regional parameters. This article critically analyzes 30 years of Turkish foreign
 policy in Central Asia with a focus on its regionalism and soft power elements. We
 argue that Central Asia has provided a unique opportunity for Turkey to reshape
 its foreign policy on regional terms by utilizing its soft power resources for the
 first time, the experience later serving as a model for other regions.

THE ETHICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL ASPECTS OF G7 COUNTRIES’ PRIORITIES CONCERNING THE CENTRAL ASIAN REGION

The article examines the ethical and philosophical aspects of the G7’s involvement in Central Asia, highlighting their significance in determining foreign policy choices and outlining their broader ramifications. The G7 countries, whose influence extends beyond economic and political spheres into areas of ethics and philosophy, have taken an interest in the five Central Asian nations of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan because of their abundant natural resources and advantageous geopolitical location. The paper argues for their importance in comprehending the G7’s regional policies and objectives, even though economic and political factors frequently eclipse them. In order to combine their national interests with the welfare and ambitions of the Central Asian population, these nations face moral conundrums examined in the study. This thorough analysis seeks to bridge the knowledge gap about the ethical and philosophical underpinnings of the G7’s policies in Central Asia by providing a more nuanced viewpoint for academics, decision-makers, and spectators. The methodical analysis of the ethical consequences and philosophical foundations aids a more comprehensive scholarly discussion on international relations and global governance.

INTRODUCTION: The politics of social policy in Asia

INTRODUCTION: The politics of social policy in Asia

BALANCED POLICY OF THE EU IN CENTRAL ASIA

This article is devoted to the relations between the European Union and the Central Asian republics. It discusses a number of internal and external factors that may affect the development of bilateral and multilateral relations. These factors force the European Union to pursue a balanced policy in the region. The success of the Union's policy in Central Asia depends on the stable maintenance of this balance. In this sense, the author likens the European Union to a tightrope walker performing a grand spectacle. The relations between the EU and Central Asia have a peculiar history and development trends. The mutual relations of the Central Asian countries with the European Union differ from relations with other international organizations. Author pays a special attention to the current state and proposes to upgrade these relations through enhancement of externally and internally balanced policy.

What Makes Pro-poor Public Policy Dysfunctional? Evidence from the Select Public Policies in Odisha, India

As a welfare state, India brought many pro-poor reformist public policies and programmes now and then, but some got dysfunctional or produced little outcomes. In this context, this article addresses the issues with implementation by critically examining the land reform legislation, the Other Backword Classes reservation policy and the idea of making Odisha an industrially viable state. It uses a mixed-method research approach and draws on both primary and secondary data. The analysis shows the conflict between an upper caste and feudal-dominated state power and socially marginalised groups over access to and distribution of resources. Thus, it argues that the dysfunctional land reform legislation, under-utilised agriculture and forest resources and the tokenism in OBC reservation policy are embedded with the nature of state power and leadership, posing a conflict of interest in the creation, utilisation and distribution of resources. The study has implications for social development and public policy in India and South Asia.

Revisiting the India’s Southeast Asia policy: An Outlook of the Comparative Study about India’s NDA-UPA Governments

From the end of Cold War India has been accelerated to review her foreign policy and also learned specially to revive neighbourhood thinking around her territories. We know, India’s Look East Policy has been accessed now as Act East Policy towards Southeast Asia to East Asia. Now here arises a question why did India need to join with Southeast Asian Association? To explain this paper, we have three objectives like: a) to investigate the roles of different government of India about foreign policy; b) try to search the different approaches from different government if any; c) to draw a layout of India’s Southeast Asian policy. So the research paper will be further search the sufficient role and strategy of United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government from then to till now

An Evaluation of India’s Central Asian Policy in the Context of Regional Interests

In this study, the transformations in Central Asian policies from the post-cold war period of India to the present will be discussed. In this context, the influence of India in the power struggle in Central Asia, the basis on which India has relations with the region, and the place of this spiral of ties in India’s economy will be tried to be revealed in the context of foreign policy analysis. The main determination of the study is that despite the changes in the internal and external conjuncture of India in the historical process of more than a century, their relations have not been broken, and there has always been a unique, exceptional and always special type of economic and security relations. Another finding is that it has the potential to provide strategic benefits to India in geopolitical competition. The historical development of the relations between India and Central Asian countries and how it can be shaped in the future have been tried to be revealed. This study concludes with an analysis of the current threats for India’s national security policy.