Asia Policy Research Articles

The main directions of Turkey’s policy in Central Asia

Central Asia is strategically important for the security and stability of the EuroAtlantic region. The region’s energy resources are vital to global energy security and it is a major hub for oil and gas pipelines and trade corridors. This article provides an overview of Turkey’s bilateral and multilateral relations with the states of Central Asia since independence. The relevance of the article is due to the major political changes that are taking place in the states of Central Asia, and in the two largest of them, there is a change in political leadership. Despite the fact that the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in Central Asia over the past thirty years has had its ups and downs, it is considered indisputable that the country has managed to become one of the significant geopolitical players in the region through the strengthening of bilateral relations, as well as in the framework of multilateral cooperation. As the largest Turkic-speaking state, Turkey is considering the new “Turkic” states of the CAR from the point of view of creating a Turkic union under the auspices of Turkey – the “Great Turan” project. The idea of a Turkic union is one of the main priorities of the Turkish foreign policy strategy, which would allow it to strengthen its position in the international arena. Historical, cultural, linguistic, and religious identity with the countries of the Central Asian region, as well as in the context of R. Erdogan’s new foreign policy and a more active role in international relations, Turkey is becoming a new participant in the “Great Game”. In this sense, when analyzing the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in Central Asia in this article, this issue is studied both in bilateral and regional formats.

A policy and research agenda for Asia's poultry industry

AbstractMeat consumption and production in Asia have boomed over the last decade to meet growing regional and global demand. Asia now supplies around 40% of the global broiler or meat chicken industry. Dominant policy frameworks such as ‘One Health’ aim to manage the health risks associated with factory livestock farming, which has rightly become a major concern because of regular disease outbreaks. Yet this approach provides a limited basis for addressing broader risks and challenges associated with what we term the Asian ‘broiler complex’. This includes the intertwined networks of feed production, factory farming and meat distribution nodes through which health and environmental risks can accumulate and be amplified. By applying this broader lens, we highlight the need to better understand the industry's pressing environmental, animal welfare, social and health challenges to inform more integrated policy approaches.

The Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region in the Implementation of China's Educational Policy in Inner Asia

The article is devoted to a brief overview of the main trends in educational cooperation between Russia, China and Mongolia. The focus of the research is the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region as a special cultural and educational space within which interaction in the field of higher education is implemented. Based on statistical data, it was revealed that students from Mongolia and the regions of Siberia and the Russian Far East represent the overwhelming majority in the proportion of foreign students in the region. The main "attraction factors" are scholarship programs at various levels — the Government of the People's Republic of China, the People's Government of Inner Mongolia and universities. A significant incentive is the allocation of special quotas for applicants from Mongolia, as well as partner universities from Russia. The universities of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region over the past 15 years have become one of the key centers for attracting foreign students from Mongolia and the Russian regions of Inner Asia. The Chinese leadership considers Inner Mongolia as an important region for the implementation of domestic national policy. In recent years, this region has played an important role in building relations with Mongolia and Russia in the context of China's global initiatives and humanitarian cooperation in general. Quite possibly that in the future Inner Mongolia will fulfill strategic tasks both from the point of view of domestic policy and from the implementation of the PR China's foreign policy. Acknowledgements: I would like to express deep gratitude to Prof. Luo Jianjin (罗见近教授) for his guidance, encouragement and gracious support throughout my scientific work in Li Di Institute of the Institute of History of Science and Technology of The Inner Mongolia Normal University (内蒙古师范大学科学技术史研究学院李迪书院).

ON THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF NAFTULA ARONOVICH KHALFIN: (SCIENTIFIC ACTIVITY IN 1971–1987). PART II

This work continues a series of articles dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the outstanding Soviet historian and orientalist Naftula Aronovich Khalfin. This biobibliographic essay presents an analysis of his activities in 1957–1971, that is, after his appointment as head of the Sector of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences. The article shows information about the Department of Historical and Cultural Problems of the Soviet East, which included the Sector of Historical and Cultural Relations between the Soviet and Foreign East in Modern and Contemporary Times. Taking into account the profile of the new division, the scientific interests of N. A. Khalfin during this period shifted from the problems of colonialism again to the issues of Central Asia and Afghanistan, which he began to deal with in Tashkent. Since the 1970s, he has published a number of monographs and a large number of articles on various aspects of the history of this region, and continued to write reviews on Soviet and foreign publications. Khalfin made a significant contribution to the study of the biography of the outstanding Russian orientalist N. V. Khanykov. The Afghan theme, to which many works of N. A. Khalfin, including those of a popular nature, were devoted, becomes especially relevant after 1979. During this period, Khalfin, in addition to his scientific work, became known as the author of historical narratives or documentary fiction about the struggle of the Afghan people against the British. Many of his works are translated into English and the languages of Afghanistan. He also published works on the famous figure of «British colonialism» G. Curzon. In addition to his works, Khalfin carried out a lot of work on the publication of the works of the series «Central Asia in the Sources and Materials of the 19th and Early 20th Century», in which he acted as an editor, author of prefaces and notes, as well as the series «USSR and the countries of the East». Being one of the most important researchers of British policy in Central Asia and Afghanistan, Khalfin participated in international scientific joint meetings.

India and China in South Asia: Struggle for Political and Economic Influence in the Region

The article analyses India’s and China’s policy in South Asia, as well as key elements of their interaction with the regional states from the perspective of competition between the two Asian giants for regional leadership and influence in the South Asian countries. It is emphasized that nowadays China is pursuing active policy regarding South Asia. China develops trade and investment ties with the countries of the region, military cooperation, infrastructural projects, participates in the peace process in Afghanistan. The article pays particular attention to the recent events caused by the global coronavirus pandemic and the efforts made by India and China in order to fight the consequences of the spread of the disease, restore the broken connections and benefit from the situation for strengthening cooperation with the South Asian countries. It is pointed out that such Chinese activities in South Asia are of serious concern to India, and they are regarded as a threat to the national security. Due to its financial investment to the economies of the regional states, China not only displaces India from the territories of its traditional influence, but also gets various advantages and benefits in these countries, as well as access to strategic resources and assets. India is seeking to revive and strengthen its positions in South Asia, but it is difficult for it to rival with China’s huge economy, and regarding presence in the region and influence on the politics and economy of South Asia, India loses to China by many measures.

HTA CAPACITY BUILDING IN ASIA: TOWARDS ONE GOAL.

The aim of the 2022 Health Technology Assessment International (HTAi) Asia Policy Forum (APF) was to discuss experiences and challenges around health technology assessment (HTA) capacity building for both HTA agencies and companies in the Asia region and to identify possible solutions as part of a capacity building roadmap. Discussions during the 2022 APF, informed by a pre-meeting survey of HTA agencies and industry attendees from the region, form the basis of this paper. HTA is an essential element of priority-setting in healthcare; however, the scarcity of skilled technical HTA practitioners is a rate-limiting step in the conduct of HTA. The lack of investment in HTA and the political will to mandate the use of HTA in decision-making may be due to a lack of understanding of the value of the HTA process, and how HTA is interpreted and used in the healthcare decision-making process. Increased demand for HTA is created when the value of HTA is recognized. HTA capacity-building challenges may be mitigated by educating stakeholders, particularly policymakers, on the value of, and the need to invest in, HTA as a transparent process to ensure equitable access to health care for all. Investigating a means of funding and implementing an HTA intern program between agencies, in partnership with industry, to facilitate a supportive environment to foster HTA skills and knowledge, build capacity or strengthen existing capacity should be a priority.

Политика Китая в Центральной Азии: концептуальный контекст

The article discusses the state roles played by China in Central Asia from 2003 to the present, as well as the reactions of governments and civil society of the region to these roles. Within the framework of the theory of state roles the author characterizes four main Chinese roles in the Central Asian region: developer, connector, inter-governmental cooperation, and participant in regional security governance. The author also analyzes their influence on Chinese Central Asian policies. Furthermore, in the article the reactions of civil society and governments in the region to these Chinese roles are considered. Based on the analysis, the author presents two possible scenarios for the future development of Chinese policies towards Central Asian countries.

Evolution and prospects of the Central Asian policy of the Republic of Korea

The article is devoted to the specifics of the policies of the Republic of Korea (ROK) towards Central Asia (CA). South Korean administrations viewed the region as part of a larger regional strategy, whether tied to Asia under Lee Myung-bak or Russia under Park Geun-ha and Moon Jae-in. The difficulties with the realisaion of the Russian vector of Moon Jae-in’s New Northern Policy (NSP) led to designing the Central Asian countries as key partners of the ROK’s NSP. Under the Russian-Western confrontation and traditionally tense relations between the conservative South Korean administrations and the DPRK, the relevance of the Eurasian vector has decreased for the ROK. However, the curtailment of continental rhetoric and the shift in the priorities of South Korean diplomacy to the Indo-Pacific region will not greatly affect the practical cooperation between the ROK and the Central Asian countries. A prolonged crisis in Russian-American relations may lead to the fact that the ROK will begin to build its Central Asian course in connection to the South Asian direction of its Indo-Pacific strategy. The ROK will try to refrain from joining an anti-Chinese or anti-Russian course in CA. However, the split of the world into two groups and the growing polarization may make it much more difficult for Seoul to balance and pursue a policy independent from the United States in Central Asia.

Comparative Analysis of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and European Union Strategy on Central Asia: Confrontation or Cooperation?

In 2021, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) turned 20 years old. With “Shanghai Spirit” as its guiding principle, the scope of SCO’s activity has significantly expanded, recently adding India and Pakistan to its members. As a result, SCO policy has heavily influenced the Central Asia region. In response, in 2019, the EU launched a new strategy for Central Asia, adopting “connectivity” as its core concept. As a result, both SCO and EU strategies in Central Asia tend to conflict with each other, thus leading to uneven and inconsistent development of the region. Therefore, this paper aims to identify contradictions between SCO’s “Shanghai Spirit” guiding principle and the EU’s concept of “connectivity” by comparing the SCO and EU strategies toward Central Asia. The methodology in the paper involves a qualitative comparative method, including two qualitative case studies, represented by the SCO’s “Shanghai Spirit” and the EU’s concept of “connectivity” in their strategies on Central Asia. The article concludes that contestation between the SCO and the EU policies in Central Asia impedes stable development of the region, and therefore, a compromise between both policies in Central Asia is suggested.

Central Asia and China: Main Aspects and Directions of Interaction in Modern Realities

The article attempts to determine the significance for China of intensifying its relations with the countries of the Central Asian region, primarily those bordering it – with Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan. For the countries of Central Asia, cooperation with China is essential for their development. The author comes to the conclusion that the priorities of China’s policy in Central Asia are the support of stability, security, as well as the access on a mutually beneficial basis to Central Asian energy resources and the further development of economic ties. In the sphere of economic cooperation, the investment activity of China in the region is considered. The cultural and humanitarian aspect of cooperation between the countries of Central Asia and China is also highlighted: this is the cooperation of regions, educational institutions, the media, art groups, interaction in the field of science, technology, medicine, tourism, etc.

Small State Foreign Policy in Central Asia: The Cases of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan

This article examines and compares the foreign policy preferences of three small states in Central Asia, namely Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, in the post-independence era. Although the three countries share similar features, such as a common Soviet legacy, landlocked position, and population size, the foreign policy behavior differs in Turkmenistan. While Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan align with Russia, Turkmenistan embraces permanent neutrality. This study argues that natural resource endowment, coupled with fewer internal threats and geographical constraints compared to Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, helped Turkmenistan to pursue a neutral and more independent foreign policy. Yet, over-reliance on China as the major buyer of Turkmen natural gas may make it difficult to sustain permanent neutrality.

Trans-Regional Connectivity in Eurasia’s Heartland and the Role of Uzbekistan

Eurasia has been increasingly integrating mainly due to the Eurasian powers’ collaboration. Uzbekistan occupies the heart of Eurasia’s heartland having borders with all Central Asian Republics including Afghanistan. The land locked nature of the country induces it to search for outlets towards regional and global markets to capitalize upon its tremendous growth for expanded development. Pakistan provides the most economical and historical outlet to Uzbekistan and to the Eurasian heartland via Afghanistan. Despite having a common past the countries of Central and South Asia are least integrated in the contemporary era. Pakistan and Uzbekistan also realize that Central and South Asian connectivity via Afghanistan will help build a solid basis for sustainable peace, stability and prosperity in Afghanistan. Uzbekistan is part of important transportation corridors linking the Eurasian heartland in all directions. Pakistan has framed “Vision Central Asia Policy” and envisaging Pakistan-Afghanistan-Central Asia Corridor to supplement CPEC in fundamentally changed regional geo-political and geo-economic circumstances. The paper mainly argues that the changed regional and global state of affairs make the regional environment conducive for enhanced connectivity between Central and South Asia via Afghanistan while Pakistan and Uzbekistan have to play leading roles necessitated by their significant geographical locations in respective regions in an altered regional scenario

U.S. and ‘Turkestan’ Political Exiles during the Cold War: Information Policy of Radio Liberty in Soviet Central Asia

US policy in Central Asia is a topical issue that causes discussions among researchers. One can't help wondering about the origins of this policy, particularly during the Cold War era. This, in turn, leads scholars to question the U.S.'s role in the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the formation of independent states in the former territory of Soviet Central Asia. This article discusses the effectiveness of American propaganda services operating in Central Asia during the Cold War. The most prominent structure which tried to influence political sentiments of population of this region was Radio Liberty (RL). It consisted of former Nazi collaborators during World War II, and Soviet propaganda apparatus used this situation. RL used the concept of a united anti-communist Turkestan which was unacceptable for real situations in Soviet Central Asia. Jamming and the lack of feedback from listeners made great obstacles for activity of RL in this region. That is why the author attempts to prove that the effective-ness of this activity was not so great as its financial support. Using archives of Russian and American security services and documents of Central Asian archives, future scholars will have the possibility to clarify this conclusion.

L’université du 17 novembre à Prague : les étudiants du tiers monde en Tchécoslovaquie, 1961-1974

During the Cold War, Czechoslovakia’s policy in Africa, Asia and Latin America was not restricted to military and economic cooperation. Hundreds of scholarships were offered to international students to pursue higher education in Czechoslovakia, and in 1961 the government founded the University of 17 November, especially designed for students from developing countries. Inspired by the international education policies of the Soviet Union and Western countries, Prague assumed that this school would train a socialist and Czechoslovak-friendly elite which would occupy key positions in newly independent countries. The article examines the creation, aims and functioning of the University of 17 November. It also sheds light on its shortcomings and shows how the change in Czechoslovakia’s policy towards developing countries led the government to shut down the school in 1974. Still, the article argues, the University of 17 November embodied Prague’s ambitions for a close relationship with the Third World and had significant legacies on the country’s academic landscape.

The Origin and Character of God: Ancient Israelite Religion through the Lens of Divinity, Yahweh before Israel: Glimpses of History in a Divine Name and Yahweh: Origin of a Desert God

The Origin and Character of God: Ancient Israelite Religion through the Lens of Divinity, Yahweh before Israel: Glimpses of History in a Divine Name and Yahweh: Origin of a Desert God

Russia’s Pivot to Asia and Russia-Vietnam Economic Relations in the Early 21st Century

Russia began to refocus its attention on the Asia-Pacific region in 1994, but the policy of pivoting toward Asia was implemented dramatically in the second decade of the 21st century. Adjustments made by Russia to its foreign policy and practical activities carried out by Russia in the region have impacted Russia-Vietnam relations generally and their economic ties in particular. Based on a qualitative approach and analysis of secondary data collected from previously conducted research works, this paper focuses on the following issues: (1) Adjustments made by Russia to its foreign policy towards Asia-Pacific over the first two decades of the 21st century; (2) Position of Vietnam in Russia’s foreign policy towards Asia–Pacific; and (3) Impacts of Russia’s new foreign policy on the economic ties between Russia and Vietnam over the first two decades of the 21st century. Based on the results of the analysis and evaluation, Russia's Asia-Pacific policy has been adjusted, particularly in the second decade of the 21stcentury, when the country turned its attention to Southeast Asia. Due to the importance of this region, Russia is implementing a comprehensive Asia policy and promoting Russia's interests in this region. The Russian Federation considers Vietnam an important partner in its "Look to the East" policy and plays a leading role because Vietnam is a country with an important geostrategic position to connect both land and sea between Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia. This is reflected in the Russian Federation's upgrading of its strategic partnership with Vietnam from 2001 to a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2012. The adjustment of the Asia-Pacific policy of the Russian Federation has positively affected the relationship between Vietnam and Russia in the economic fields (trade and investment). Doi: 10.28991/ESJ-2022-06-06-017 Full Text: PDF

Health Policy in Asia: A Policy Design Approach

Health Policy in Asia: A Policy Design Approach

The Diffusion of Remanufacturing Policies in Asia

Remanufacturing policies have been gradually introduced in Asian countries, such as China, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. This paper reviews the process of diffusion of remanufacturing policy in Asia. The mechanism of this diffusion is also discussed. The United States began to promote the idea of remanufacturing around the year 2000 through bilateral free trade agreements with Asian countries and international forums such as G8 and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). This paper reviews the various efforts on remanufacturing in Asian countries and discusses policy options for promoting remanufacturing. It is crucial to identify the ways to promote remanufacturing in each country in the region to improve resource efficacy and strengthen the circular economy in Asia.

송진우의 국제지역 인식과 국가건설 사상

Song Chin-woo(宋鎭禹) learned the advanced ideas of the West while studying in Japan and laid the foundation for national self-reliance based on nationalism. During the March 1st Movement in 1919, Song Chin-woo adhered to Wilson’s principle of national self-determination, but independence from the United States and the West failed. Nevertheless, Song Chin-woo focused on self-reliance and independence in the 1920s and was wary of the American and Western order, simultaneously seizing that order’s legitimacy. Song Chin-woo maintained a confrontational stance toward the Soviet Union and communism but also expressed a willingness to cooperate with them in the interest of independence. He refused to follow China's religion and politics but emphasized friendly relations. He thought of Europe as a champion of universal human rights and ideas, but he was wary of its expansionary policies in Asia. Song Chin-woo insisted on establishing a Western democracy immediately after liberation based on longstanding international recognition, while emphasizing the injustice of establishing a communist government.

Medical Supplies Export Controls and Bans During the Early COVID-19 Pandemic in Southeast Asian Countries Compliance with the WTO

<p><em>The global markets for crucial COVID-19 products (medical supplies) are highly concentrated. Most of developing countries are highly dependent on imports for these products. However, majority of countries implemented the export controls and bans on medical supplies due to the limitation of resources they have.</em> <em>This research examines the Southeast Asian policy on medical supplies export controls and bans in response to the COVID-19 Pandemic and its justification for export restrictions based on Article XI paragraph (2), Article XX, and Article XXI GATT 1994. The research methods are based on qualitative methods and normative juridical research methods. This research uses secondary data from journals, books, official documents, and websites related to the Southeast Asian Government policy on export. The results show that the justification for the export ban and restriction on medical equipment can be exempted by referring to Article XX regarding general exceptions and regarding security exceptions in Article XXI (b) (iii). Most of the Southeast Asian countries tried to follow the provisions of GATT 1994 and its reflection to be a good international citizen by compliance the international law.</em></p>