Police effectiveness constitutes a foundational element of state capacity, particularly in fragile security environments where violent crime, insurgency, and public distrust undermine governance and social order (World Bank, 2023; UNDP, 2022). In Nigeria, persistent weaknesses in policing manifested in corruption, brutality, low investigative capacity, and strained police–community relations have endured despite repeated reform initiatives, most notably following the 2020 #EndSARS protests (Amnesty International, 2021; CLEEN Foundation, 2021). This article argues that these deficiencies are not merely the result of individual misconduct or leadership failure but are rooted in structural weaknesses embedded in recruitment practices and training curricula within the Nigeria Police Force (NPF). Drawing on secondary data, policy documents, and recent empirical studies published between 2020 and 2025, the article examines how compromised entry standards, politicized recruitment processes, and outdated, militarized training frameworks undermine professional competence, operational effectiveness, and institutional legitimacy. Anchored in state capacity theory and human capital theory, the study demonstrates that Nigeria’s policing challenges reflect deeper institutional fragility rather than isolated behavioral lapses. The article concludes that sustainable police reform in fragile security settings must prioritize merit-based recruitment, curriculum modernization, and continuous professional development as core strategies for rebuilding state capacity, legitimacy, and effective security governance.

Abstract Nigeria's intricate post-colonial journey continues to present a complex tapestry of challenges and opportunities for nation-building. The persistent struggles with national cohesion, aggravated by deep-seated historical grievances, diverse ethnic identities, and significant regional disparities, underscore the critical need for robust national security frameworks. Intelligence agencies, by their very nature, are pivotal in this endeavor, providing foresight and actionable insights essential for safeguarding national interests and fostering a unified society. The nation's security landscape, marked by multifaceted threats such as the enduring Boko Haram insurgency, widespread banditry, and recurrent ethnic conflicts, demonstrably highlights the urgent imperative for effective intelligence collaboration as a cornerstone of sustainable nation-building efforts.ReferencesAchebe, C. (1983). The Trouble with Nigeria. Fourth Dimension Publishing.Adamu, A., & Mohammed, A. M. (2018). Banditry and Kidnapping in Nigeria: A New Dimension of Insecurity. Nigerian Army Resource Centre.Agbiboa, D. E. (2014). The politics of insecurity in Nigeria: A critical analysis of the Boko Haram insurgency. Aljazeera Centre for Studies.Amnesty International. (2021). Nigeria: ‘We are living in fear’: Attacks on rural communities in Kaduna, Katsina and Zamfara states. Amnesty International Report.Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77-101.Creswell, J. W. (2013). Qualitative Inquiry & Research Design: Choosing Among Five Approaches. Sage Publications.Diamond, L. (1999). Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation. Johns Hopkins University Press.Falola, T., & Heaton, M. M. (2008). A History of Nigeria. Cambridge University Press.Fukuyama, F. (2004). State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century. Cornell University Press.Gill, P., & Phythian, M. (2012). Intelligence in an Insecure World. Polity Press.Hobsbawm, E. J. (1990). Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality. Cambridge University Press.Human Rights Watch. (2020). World Report 2020: Nigeria. Human Rights Watch.International Crisis Group. (2017). Nigeria: Containing the Crisis in the Middle Belt. Africa Report N°264.Johnson, L. K. (2005). Blowing the Whistle on the CIA: An Insider's Tale. Yale University Press.Kohn, H. (1944). The Idea of Nationalism: A Study in its Origins and Background. Macmillan.Lewis, P. (2007). Growing Apart: Oil, Politics, and Economic Change in Indonesia and Nigeria. University of Michigan Press.National Research Council. (2004). National Security and Homeland Security Enterprise: Emerging Challenges and the Role of the Department of Defense: Proceedings of a Workshop. National Academies Press.Obasanjo, O. (2011). My Watch: Political and Military Affairs. Olusegun Obasanjo Foundation.Olowu, D. (1993). An analysis of the performance of the Nigerian civil service as an institution for promoting economic development. African Administrative Studies, 40, 23-44.Omotola, J. S. (2010). The National Question and the Crisis of Political Leadership in Nigeria. Spectrum Books.Osaghae, E. E. (1998). The Crippled Giant: Nigeria Since Independence. Indiana University Press.Schwandt, T. A. (2000). Three epistemological stances for qualitative inquiry: Interpretivism, hermeneutics, and social constructionism. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (2nd ed., pp. 189-213). Sage Publications.Scott, W. R. (2000). Institutions and Organizations. Sage Publications.Smith, A. D. (1986). The Ethnic Origins of Nations. Blackwell.Suberu, R. T. (2001). Federalism and Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria. United States Institute of Peace Press.Usman, S. (2015). Nigeria's Security Sector: Issues, Challenges and Options. Centre for Democracy and Development.Yin, R. K. (2018). Case Study Research and Applications: Design and Methods. Sage Publications.

The article examines the implementation of international humanitarian law (IHL) norms in virtual environments during contemporary armed conflicts, with a focus on challenges posed by the metaverse and immersive technologies such as virtual reality (VR) and augmented reality (AR). In the context of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, which began in 2014 and escalated in 2022, the study considers examples of the use of drones, autonomous artificial intelligence (AI) systems, and virtual simulators within the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The author emphasizes the universality of the fundamental principles of IHL ‒ humanity, distinction, proportionality, and precaution ‒ and the need to adapt them to digital realities in which legal gaps arise, including the collective consequences of cyberattacks, the indiscriminate nature of drone-swarm tactics, and double-tap strikes as potential violations. The literature review covers key sources: the 1949 Geneva Conventions and the 1977 Additional Protocols, the positions of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on autonomous weapons systems, NATO hybrid warfare strategies, and reports by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International on documenting war crimes. The article discusses specific examples, including Russia’s massive attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure in 2022–2023 using Shahed-136 (Geran-2) drones and cyberattacks (Industroyer2, Sandworm), which caused large-scale blackouts and severely affected the civilian population, as well as the cyberattack on the Viasat KA-SAT satellite network in February 2022, which resulted in collective collateral effects across Europe. Within the Armed Forces of Ukraine, immersive technologies are being integrated into training through simulators by L7 Simulators (UNITS VR, DRONOBII, Vartovi, Dvobii) and IHL training programs supported by DCAF and the ICRC, which foster a culture of compliance with humanitarian norms. Ukraine is positioning itself as a leader in shaping new IHL standards for hybrid conflicts, advocating for updates to existing norms in UN, CCW, and NATO forums. The study proposes several recommendations: establishing a digital platform for monitoring violations, expanding training programs, strengthening interagency coordination, and deepening international cooperation. Overall, the article underscores the need to clarify and modernize IHL to ensure civilian protection in the era of digital technologies, contributing to broader discussions on the ethical regulation of future warfare.

Human rights are fundamental rights and freedoms that are inherent to all individuals, regardless of race, sex, nationality, religion or any other status. However, despite their formal recognition in international law, these rights are not always guaranteed in practice. Countless individuals around the world continue to suffer from systemic discrimination, injustice, violence and the denial of fundamental freedoms. In such contexts, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have emerged as key actors in the promotion and protection of human rights. Operating independently of state institutions, NGOs play a multifaceted role: they raise awareness of human rights violations, provide legal aid and psychosocial support to victims, monitor abuses, and hold governments and other powerful actors accountable. Their efforts often extend beyond advocacy to include outreach, research, education, and policy development. This paper examines the expanding role of NGOs within the international human rights framework, highlighting their diverse functions and their growing influence in shaping both local and global responses to human rights abuses. The discussion also considers the challenges these organizations face, including political resistance, security risks, and financial constraints, as well as ongoing efforts to advance justice, accountability, and dignity for all. Keywords: Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Human rights system, Leading International NGOs, Advocacy, Legal Assistance, Challenges, Types of non-governmental organisations, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Legitimacy.

The regulation of force by state authorities is a complex area of international human rights law, balancing state sovereignty, public security, and human dignity. This paper examines the legal framework governing law enforcement and security agencies, focusing on principles of legality, necessity, proportionality, precaution, and accountability as articulated in instruments such as the UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials (1979), the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms (1990), and the right to life provisions of the UDHR, ICCPR, and General Comment No. 36. Leading jurisprudence from the European Court of Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights including McCann and Others v United Kingdom, Nachova and Others v Bulgaria, Makaratzis v Greece, Armani Da Silva v United Kingdom, and Nadege Dorzema et al v Dominican Republic alongside domestic cases such as Tennessee v Garner, illustrates how these standards are applied, emphasizing operational planning, non-discrimination, effective investigation, and institutional accountability. Empirical research and reports by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the Council of Europe, complemented by academic analyses, reveal persistent gaps in practice, including inadequate training, weak oversight, discriminatory policing, militarization, and challenges in protest management. The paper concludes that while international human rights law provides a robust normative framework, structural, political, and cultural barriers continue to impede effective regulation, highlighting the need for strengthened accountability and comprehensive institutional reform.

The revision of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) Law is under intense scrutiny for its closed process and lack of meaningful public participation. This abstract critically analyzes how such legislative practices create an "illusion of participation," eroding the foundations of constitutional democracy. This normative-empirical case study analyzes legal documents, credible media reports, and official statements from institutions like Universitas Gadjah Mada, the National Commission on Human Rights, and Amnesty International. Findings reveal significant procedural flaws, notably the absence of a publicly accessible academic draft and minimal public consultation, creating a crisis of legal legitimacy. Analysis of problematic articles (Article 3, Article 47, Article 53, Article 65, and Article 74) concerning the expansion of military roles, accountability, and retirement age suggests a potential return of the military's dual-function doctrine (Dwifungsi ABRI) and weaker security sector accountability. Cumulative impacts include the erosion of checks and balances, the degradation of citizens from sovereign subjects to policy objects, and an increased risk of human rights violations. This study recommends reinforcing meaningful participation, strengthening legislative oversight, and implementing legal reforms with clear sanctions. These measures are crucial to enhance accountability, ensure a substantive democracy, and protect constitutional integrity.

The Malay-Patani ethnonationalism conflict in Southern Thailand reflects the complex dynamics between identity construction, violence, and the violation of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). The background to the conflict is rooted in the political, cultural, and religious marginalization of the Malay-Muslim community by a Thai state that emphasizes the homogeneity of the Thai-Buddhist national identity. The suppression of the Malay language, religious institutions, and collective historical memory led to armed resistance and escalation of violence in the region. This research aims to analyze in depth how the construction of the Malay-Patani identity contributes to violence and forms of violation of the basic principles of IHL, such as distinction, proportionality, and necessity. This study used a descriptive qualitative method with a case study approach. Data were obtained through literature studies, reports from international organizations (International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch), and critical discourse analysis of identity narratives and violence. The results show that the construction of identity suppressed by state policy results in the legitimization of violence by separatist groups, while the state also responds with repressive actions that violate international humanitarian norms. Both state and non-state actors have been involved in systematic violations of IHL, including attacks on civilians, torture, and the use of banned weapons.

Like ethnic cleansing, retaliatory or collective punishment is a subject of International humanitarian law and contrary to International and domestic legislations.This paper focuses on the startling findings of two recent human rights violation reports by Amnesty international and along with it the requirement of an ethical corporate stance that must be taken by a multinational manufacturer of bulldozers.Two recent February 2024 Reports by Amnesty International’s research exposes that Indian authorities in the states of Assam, Delhi, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, and Uttar Pradesh have carried out targeted demolitions as deterrent punishment against Muslims people’s homes, business and places for worship for allegedly participating in protests and communal violence. Such forced evictions and collective and arbitrary punishment, impact the rights to adequate housing, livelihood, life and liberty and fair trial of many, including men, women, children and elderly persons. The demolitions were carried out by the respective state authorities without any prior consultation, adequate notice, and alternative resettlement opportunities. Demolitions were also discriminatory ,causing the displacement and dispossession of Muslims, creating unbearable living conditions for the larger Muslim community and sustaining stigmatization and criminalization of Muslims. No relief or compensation has been made by the state authorities for affected parties. Victims who have initiated legal action in Indian courts are continuing their legal battles. No one worried about the effects of such collective punishment on women, children and families.

The cross-border armed conflict between Saudi Arabia and Yemen since 2015 has triggered the worst humanitarian crisis of this century, with hundreds of thousands of civilians being killed. International Humanitarian Law (IHL) normatively guarantees civilian protection through the principles of distinction, proportionality, military necessity, and humanity. However, the reality shows systematic violations in the form of airstrikes on civilian facilities, blockades resulting in mass starvation, and the indiscriminate use of weapons. This research uses a normative-critical method with a study of primary documents (the 1949 Geneva Conventions, Additional Protocols I & II, UN reports, the ICRC, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch) and a case study of the Saudi-Yemeni conflict. The analysis shows that the limitations of IHL are primarily due to the absence of effective enforcement mechanisms, the politicization of the UN Security Council, the asymmetry between state and non-state actors, and the ambiguity of the classification of international and non-international conflicts. In conclusion, although IHL norms are legally strong, their implementation remains weak due to subordination to political and military interests. Therefore, strengthening enforcement mechanisms, reforming international governance, and adapting norms to hybrid conflicts are necessary to strengthen civilian protection in modern armed conflicts.

In the international context, there is a prevailing perception that conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) did not occur during the ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland (NI), commonly referred to as the 'Troubles.' This systematic review shows that CRSV did occur and was widespread and systemic. The review focused on women and girls of all ages in NI during the Troubles. It excluded CRSV outside NI. We searched PyschInfo, EMBASE, and APA Physcarticles (via OVID); PUBMED, CINAHL Ultimate, Criminal justice abstracts, Medline, peace research abstracts, and women's study international (via EBSCOHost); the ProQuest social sciences premium collection (25 databases including the National Criminal Justice Reference Service Abstracts); the Cochrane Library; Scopus; Web of Science; the first 10 pages of Google Scholar; and specialist websites (notably of Amnesty International, the UK Ministry of Justice, the NI Department of Justice, and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights [OHCHR]). Of 4,061 database results, 300 Google Scholar results, and 5,187 'reference list checking' searches, 47 publications met the inclusion criteria. Fourteen publications were identified through database searches, 8 publications through Google Scholar, and 25 publications through reference searches. The publications illuminate the experiences of women and girls in NI who suffered conflict-related sexual, physical, verbal, and psychological harassment, perpetrated by state or non-state actors, in community or criminal justice settings. Available accounts and testimonies show that violence was pervasive, widespread, and created intense fear and vulnerability.

With an emphasis on the recurring trends of abuse and the legal frameworks put in place to deal with such misconduct, this study examined the frequency of human rights abuses by the Nigerian Police Force. Despite having constitutional and statutory protections like the 1999 Constitution (as amended), the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (2015), and the Police Act (2020), as well as being a signatory to important international human rights instruments like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, widespread violations still plague law enforcement operations in Nigeria. Using documented reports from reliable organisations like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), the study identifies and investigates frequent abuses, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detention, torture, unlawful arrests, and excessive use of force. It also looks at the structural causes of these abuses, including judicial incompetence, institutional weakness, corruption, militarised policing culture, and inadequate police welfare. Despite the existence of strong legislative restrictions, the study discovers that a lack of political will and a culture of impunity frequently compromise execution. Through the use of a qualitative methodology and secondary data analysis, the study emphasises how urgently training, accountability systems, law enforcement, and institutional control need to be changed. It concluded with important suggestions for advancing a police force that upholds human rights and fortifying Nigeria's legal and democratic systems. The report adds to the current conversation on protecting human rights and changing Nigerian policing.

With an emphasis on the recurring trends of abuse and the legal frameworks put in place to deal with such misconduct, this study examined the frequency of human rights abuses by the Nigerian Police Force. Despite having constitutional and statutory protections like the 1999 Constitution (as amended), the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (2015), and the Police Act (2020), as well as being a signatory to important international human rights instruments like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, widespread violations still plague law enforcement operations in Nigeria. Using documented reports from reliable organisations like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), the study identifies and investigates frequent abuses, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detention, torture, unlawful arrests, and excessive use of force. It also looks at the structural causes of these abuses, including judicial incompetence, institutional weakness, corruption, militarised policing culture, and inadequate police welfare. Despite the existence of strong legislative restrictions, the study discovers that a lack of political will and a culture of impunity frequently compromise execution. Through the use of a qualitative methodology and secondary data analysis, the study emphasises how urgently training, accountability systems, law enforcement, and institutional control need to be changed. It concluded with important suggestions for advancing a police force that upholds human rights and fortifying Nigeria's legal and democratic systems. The report adds to the current conversation on protecting human rights and changing Nigerian policing.

The North Korean Department of Foreign Publications hired venerated Venezuelan poet Ali Lameda in 1966 to work as a Spanish‐language translator in Pyongyang. After he criticized the North Korean government in 1967, security officials arrested Lameda. During two separate terms of imprisonment — punctuated by an intervening show trial that led to a conviction of twenty years’ forced labor — Lameda continued to produce poetry. Following appeals from the Venezuelan government, the Communist Party of Venezuela, and the human rights organization Amnesty International, the North Korean government released Lameda in 1974. Drawing from materials including Lameda's poetry, composed throughout his confinement; from introductory essays and reflections published in Lameda's volumes of poetry; from Korean‐language periodicals (Nodong Sinmun; Chosŏn Munhak); and documentation from Amnesty International, this article examines history at the scale of an individual, a state, and a human rights organization. It argues that poetic practice as refracted through these scales complicated revolutionary visions of a unified, Third World – led, anti‐imperialist future, and that historicizing Lameda's poetry reveals what human rights claims obscure.

During the Second Karabakh War (September 27 - November 10, 2020), Azerbaijani authorities accused Armenia of deploying child soldiers in the conflict. However, current international reports do not substantiate these claims. UNICEF, other UN bodies, and major human rights organizations (Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch) have documented multiple serious violations during the hostilities, notably the targeting of civilian settlements, indiscriminate shelling, and use of prohibited munitions, yet none have confirmed the use of child soldiers. Armenia, in official communications to the UN Secretary-General, rejected Azerbaijan’s allegations as “groundless.” Legally, Article 8(2)(d)(vii) of the Rome Statute classifies the involvement of children under 15 in armed conflict, whether direct or indirect, as a war crime. Armenia is not a State Party to the Rome Statute, which means the International Criminal Court lacks direct jurisdiction. Nevertheless, other mechanisms such as the UN Human Rights Council or the European Court of Human Rights could, in theory, investigate such allegations. Currently, the lack of independently corroborated and institutionally credible evidence precludes the formal attribution of legal accountability under international law. For such claims to acquire juridical validity, they must be supported by systematically collected visual or audio-visual documentation, corroborated witness statements, and authenticated official records—each subjected to rigorous scrutiny by impartial and qualified experts. In the absence of this evidentiary process, the allegations remain situated within the domain of political narrative and do not give rise to enforceable legal obligations or consequences.

Rooted in systemic gender inequalities, sexual violence in Switzerland persists amid inadequate institutional responses and a pervasive culture of rape myth acceptance. Until 2022, Swiss law defined rape narrowly as coercion-based and recognised only women as victims, thereby excluding many experiences and reinforcing outdated assumptions. Against the backdrop of public debate and legal reform (2019–2024), this article analyses the collaborative, survivor-led artivism project We’ve Had Enough! Survivors of Sexual Violence Dispel Myths, Break Taboos and Reject Stigma , commissioned by Amnesty International and co-created with a group of ten women – seven rape survivors and three creative collaborators (a photographer, a graphic artist, and a journalist/author). Launched on International Women’s Day 2022, the exhibition challenged dominant narratives by foregrounding testimonies highlighting scenarios often dismissed in legal and social discourse, including assaults by known perpetrators, absent visible resistance, alcohol-related contexts and fragmented memories. Drawing on the framework of reparative aesthetics, the analysis examines how visual and narrative strategies enabled participants to reclaim their stories, foster public empathy and transform shame into collective responsibility. The exhibition’s collaborative process blurred the boundaries between art-based research, activism and survivor advocacy, situating sexual violence within a shared socio-political context rather than as isolated incidents. This approach invited audiences not only to witness but also to engage critically, connecting personal trauma to structural inequalities and institutional complicity. While the revised legislation stopped short of adopting a full consent-based standard, it now recognises ‘a state of shock’ as a form of non-consent – a partial shift towards survivor-centred justice. Without claiming to resolve legal shortcomings, We’ve Had Enough! demonstrates how collaborative, art-based initiatives can challenge stigma, influence public debate and complement broader efforts to promote institutional responsiveness. This case study thus contributes to scholarship on sexual violence, rape myths, reparative aesthetics, collaborative practice, artivism and art-based research, highlighting the potential of creative practice to foster recognition, healing and social change.

This article examines how the rights of gays and lesbians became acknowledged as human rights through discussions within Amnesty International (Amnesty) in the 1970s, 1980s, and early 1990s. The author argues that Amnesty, the world's leading human rights organization at the time, played a key role in this process. It examines discussions among members and decision-makers about whether to recognize people imprisoned solely because of their homosexuality as prisoners of conscience alongside lobby campaigns from the gay and lesbian, later queer movements, from 1974 and until 1991, when Amnesty changed its policy and began working for incarcerated queer people. In terms of activism, the role of ILGA, the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Intersexual Association, is highlighted. The article suggests that Amnesty's policy change was the result of a combination of factors internal and external to the organization: through the production of knowledge about homosexual prisoners, through activism that ranged from lobbying to direct action, through deal-making between different human rights interests, and through a changed geopolitical situation that created a window of opportunity.

Rohingya women living in India negotiate displacement through everyday practices that secure survival, dignity, and belonging within a tightening regime of legal precarity and social exclusion. This qualitative paper synthesizes peer-reviewed research (2018–2025), rights reports, court documents, and humanitarian briefs to examine how gender structures vulnerability and agency across five domains: legal status and bordering; safety and care within camp and city peripheries; livelihoods and labor; access to health, education, and documentation; and digital mediation of risk and opportunity. While India is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention, UNHCR registers refugees and provides limited services; yet the policy environment has grown more restrictive. The operationalization of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) rules in March 2024 excludes Muslim refugees, including Rohingya, from accelerated pathways to citizenship; subsequent judicial developments in 2025 reinforced their deportability (Amnesty International, 2024; Human Rights Watch, 2024; The Economic Times, 2025). Drawing on recent ethnographic and policy literature, we show that women’s “everyday negotiations” hinge on gendered mobility, informal networks with NGOs and local authorities, and care work that remains undervalued and under resourced (Jana, 2025; Gopal, 2025; Journal of Refugee Studies, 2024). This article argues for a gender-responsive protection approach that recognizes non-refoulement as customary international law, expands alternatives to detention, invests in women-led services, and removes documentation barriers that disproportionately disadvantage women and girls.

The article examines the impact of modern artificial intelligence technologies on the fundamental right of an individual to be presumed innocent until a court judgment becomes final and legally binding. The analysis establishes how automated facial recognition, algorithmic risk-assessment tools for recidivism, and predictive policing systems can introduce bias due to flawed data sampling, opaque algorithmic assumptions, and imperfect modeling methodologies. It finds that deploying these technologies without adequate oversight threatens to shift the burden of proof and to violate the “in dubio pro reo” principle enshrined in Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The study analyzes Directive (EU) 2016/343 and Regulation (EU) 2024/1689 (the AI Act), which establish minimum standards for criminal proceedings and set requirements for the transparency and accountability of algorithmic systems, and it reviews European Parliament resolutions and recommendations from Fair Trials and Amnesty International concerning defense access to source code and algorithmic audit results. Based on the identified risks, the article argues for the introduction of explainability mechanisms, the creation of independent AI audit bodies, and legislative restrictions on the autonomous use of high-risk technologies without human involvement. It also emphasizes the need for specialized training of judges, prosecutors, and defense attorneys in artificial intelligence and algorithmic fairness, as well as for guaranteeing the accused’s right to review expert assessments of the algorithmic tools used as evidence. It is established that the defense should have a statutory right to access the technical documentation of an algorithm (including descriptions of the sources of training data, validation methods, and the results of independent audits), while duly taking into account regimes for protecting trade secrets. The importance of providing mechanisms for confidential in-court review and of state-funded expert examinations where an individual cannot secure such review independently is analyzed. The advisability of imposing a procedural prohibition on the use of fully autonomous decisions in matters that directly restrict an individual’s liberty (for example, grounds for arrest or for extending a preventive measure) is substantiated – in such cases, the decision must be made by a human decision-maker who is required to consider the explanation provided by the algorithm and to record the reasons for accepting or rejecting its conclusions. It is recommended to introduce, at the national level, supervisory and certification procedures for high-risk algorithms, including periodic independent audits and public reports on their effectiveness and on any biases detected. In the context of transnational electronic evidence, emphasis is placed on the need to take into account the practices of the SIRIUS and TREIO projects when harmonizing rules on data access and cooperation with foreign jurisdictions, in order to prevent algorithmic evidence obtained abroad from evading proper scrutiny.

The 2014 military coup in Thailand, led by General Prayuth Chan-ocha, established the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), which ruled the country with authoritarian control for nearly a decade. This era was marked by serious human rights violations, including torture, enforced disappearances, suppression of free expression, and the rejection of asylum for Rohingya refugees—violations of Articles 3, 5, 9, 14, and 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). This study explores the role of Amnesty International in addressing these abuses through Clive Archer's theory, which views international organizations as instruments, arenas, and actors. Utilizing a qualitative descriptive method and literature review, the research finds that Amnesty International actively documented violations, initiated global campaigns, and facilitated international advocacy. While the organization contributed significantly to raising international awareness and mobilizing diplomatic pressure, its influence on Thai domestic policy remains limited due to entrenched political resistance. Nonetheless, Amnesty's actions were crucial in preserving discourse on human rights and empowering civil society. It serves as a vital transnational actor whose role, although constrained, remains symbolically and normatively important in the struggle for human rights in authoritarian contexts.

ABSTRACT This paper employed simple random sampling technique to critically analyse the crime situation in 11 countries that have abolished the death penalty with the aim of drawing lessons for Nigeria. Nigeria is one of the 15 African countries that are yet to abolish the death penalty. Secondary data were collected from the World Bank for 11 countries distributed across six continents. After presenting the trends using graphs, arithmetic mean was used to compare crime rates in these selected nations before and after the abolition of the death penalty. It was found that crime rates were lower in eight of the eleven nations after the abolition of the death penalty. Using the evidence gathered from these and the lessons learned as a basis, the paper makes a case for the abolition of the death penalty in Nigeria. The paper argued also that the practice of the death penalty has not deterred nor reduced crime in Nigeria after its long history in practice. It was concluded that the abolition of the death penalty might reduce crime rates in Nigeria going by what is happening in most of the other nations that have abolished capital punishment. This paper implies that empirical evidence has been provided that supports the claims of Amnesty International that the death penalty is not deterrence for crime.