Amnesty Research Articles

Presentation at Amnesty International Taiwan Branch Event, Soochow University, Taipei, Taiwan, 3 October 2023

Presentation at Amnesty International Taiwan Branch Event, Soochow University, Taipei, Taiwan, 3 October 2023

The apartheid and racism campaigns - the NGO contribution to antisemitism

ABSTRACT Under the headings of promoting human rights and international law, the influential network of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) has been a central actor in the political war targeting Israel though allegations of apartheid and racism. In applying these slanders, the NGOs systematically erase the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict, including decades of warfare and terrorism, and join in the attempt to delegitimize the nation-state of the Jewish people, regardless of borders, and as distinct from criticism of Israeli policies regarding territory occupied in the 1967 war. This process constitutes the essence of post-Holocaust or ‘new antisemitism’, as included in the consensus working definition published by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. The NGO campaigns are constructed on the foundations established by the Soviet and Islamic blocs culminating in the 1975 UN ‘Zionism is racism’ resolution. This theme was revived in the NGO Forum of the 2001 Durban Conference, led by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and Palestinian groups such as Al-Haq, and used to justify appropriating the methods of the South African anti-apartheid campaign, including boycotts and lawfare. After the Durban conference and for 20 years since, this NGO network continued and expanded the campaign based on the apartheid and racism allegations. Their claims were amplified in media platforms, international bodies, anti-Israel church groups and on university campuses in the form of ‘Israel apartheid weeks’. European governments enabled activities of the Palestinian and Israeli NGOs through substantial funding, estimated at 120 million Euros annually. In 2020 and 2021, the NGO emphasis on these themes increased, led by HRW, and supporting the decision of the ICC prosecutor to accept jurisdiction over Palestinian claims and to open investigations against Israel. This context amplified the potency of the allegations of apartheid and racism in attempts to demonise Israel.

Israel's International Legal Responsibility for Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory In accordance with the provisions of international law

The West Bank, Gaza Strip, and the city of Jerusalem are occupied territories occupied by Israel following hostilities in the 1967 war. Israel was a State party to the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, which refused to apply it to the occupied territories since the common article I of the four Geneva Conventions showed respect for and universal adherence to the principles contained therein. However, Israel has not complied with this but has committed serious violations of the rights of Palestinian citizens, criminalized under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The research aims to hold Israel internationally responsible for its illegal actions in the occupied Palestinian territories for violating the provisions of international law and resolutions of international legitimacy. The importance of the search for international criminal and civil accountability of Israel for its human rights violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories is important, as Palestine's accession to the International Criminal Court comes as an important step in terms of ending the impunity of Israeli war criminals in addition to prosecuting them wherever they are regardless of their nationality and the place where the crime was committed in accordance with universal jurisdiction. The problem of the research revolves around: How long will Israel remain without international accountability for its violations of the rights of citizens in the Occupied Palestinian Territory? The researcher followed the descriptive and analytical approach and reached a set of conclusions and recommendations, the most prominent of which are: holding Israel internationally responsible for its internationally wrongful actions in the occupied Palestinian territories represented by the violation of international obligations. Among the most prominent recommendations are the implementation of the recommendations of Amnesty International's report regarding the call of the International Criminal Court to consider the crime of apartheid as part of its investigations into the Palestinian situation before it and that all States exercise universal jurisdiction to bring the perpetrators of apartheid crimes to justice.

Women and Online Harassment

The promise of social media platforms on the internet was the creation of a level playing field that would enable users equal access to express themselves online. However, the experience of women journalists and human rights defenders has shown that while they are able to use the medium, they are attacked for expressing unpopular views and threatened with physical violence. This paper looks at cases from the UK, the Philippines, Bangladesh, Pakistan and India, and examines other instances where organised groups have attempted to intimidate women into silence by forcing some to leave social media platforms, and in certain cases to leave the countries where they live. The paper also notes research by Amnesty International and other civil society groups that have shown how toxic the online environment has become. There is also a continuum between online threats and offline violence. Women are also being driven away from other kinds of activity on the internet, including gaming. The paper concludes with a call on social media platforms to regulate the platforms more effectively so that the medium does what it was intended to do – offer space to all voices.

Is Amnesty International Still a Grassroots, Member-Led Organization? An Assessment of Its Democratic Viability

Abstract Amnesty International’s (AI) democratic organizational structure sets it apart from other human rights organizations in terms of member-led governance and policymaking, but professionalization trends and organizational consolidation challenge AI’s founding democratic principles. This article assesses AI’s continued democratic viability by analysing changes to its governance and policymaking procedures at the AI United States section level as well as the AI international secretariat. Semi-structured interviews and document analysis show that AI’s democratic structure remains strong because of what this article calls the leadership-member-volunteer nexus rather than because of rule-based interaction, legitimacy, or path dependence.

New evidence that naming and shaming influences state human rights practices

To what extent does naming and shaming influence state respect for human rights? Although many countries and international human rights organizations strategically name and shame states with the hope of deterring human rights abuses, prior empirical work on these strategies has disagreed about their effectiveness. In this article, we reinvestigate this theoretically important question. We take a new approach to examining how naming and shaming influences state human rights practices. First, we apply automatic text analysis to a corpus of human rights reports and develop two new cross-national human rights naming and shaming measures. One measure focuses on Amnesty International’s (AI’s) naming and shaming efforts, and the other focuses on the US government. Second, we assess the construct validity of these measures, finding evidence that they capture the relevant latent dimension. Third, we examine the extent to which these measures are correlated with human rights practices. Our results show that whereas AI’s naming and shaming activities do not seem to influence regime practices, the US State Department’s are associated with improved rights performance. Our measures and results contribute to the growing literature on human rights, international organizations, and foreign policy.

The Religions of Human Rights

AbstractThe modern human rights movement arose during a moment of unprecedented encounter between global religions in the mid-twentieth century. Yet attempts to parse the historical relationship between human rights and religious thought have almost exclusively taken the form of case studies of individual religious traditions. This focus on intellectual genealogies obscures the fact that much of human rights doctrine emerged from interreligious contacts and conflicts between Judaism and Christianity, particularly in the context of the decolonizing Middle East. This article retraces this interreligious encounter through the writings of Amnesty International founder Peter Benenson, diplomat and theologian Charles Malik, and rabbi and activist Maurice Perlzweig. Together they represent three different theopolitical responses to the problem of religious pluralism after global empire: minoritarian human rights, majoritarian human rights, and cosmopolitan human rights. Recovering these interrelated human rights conceptions exposes the frames of religious difference embedded in the modern Western human rights imagination.

Same old story of good cop–bad cop? A narrative approach to social representations of the police's role in addressing gender‐based violence in Indian gender advocacy

AbstractDespite considerable evidence of the patriarchal nature of the police and underreporting of gender‐based violence in India, there is a dearth of literature on how gender advocacy campaigns in India tackle these issues. This study addresses this gap by exploring how the police is represented in gender advocacy in India. The material comprises of eight campaign videos from two ideologically opposing organizations: Amnesty International, an international human rights organization and Ministry for Women and Child Development, a government body. Social representations theory and narrative analysis are applied in the analysis to answer how the role of the police is narratively constructed. Results suggest two contrasting representations held by each organization in line with their organizational identities. While Amnesty constructed the police as villains obstructing women's access to justice, the Ministry represented the police as heroes defending women's safety. The analysis contributes a novel way of locating anchors and objectifications by a focus on narrative actions and goals. Additionally, the discussion of the findings broadens conceptions of hegemonic and polemic representations, arguing for a more power‐centric approach that conceives of hegemony in terms of access to media channels and material resources. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement.

To ban or not to ban. Analyzing the banning process of autonomous weapon systems

Over the last decade, autonomous weapon systems (AWS), also known as ‘killer robots’, have been the subject of widespread debate. These systems impose various ethical, legal, and societal concerns with arguments both in favor and opposed to the weaponry. Consequently, an international policy debate arose out of an urge to ban these systems. AWS are widely discussed at the Human Rights Council debate, the United Nations General Assembly First Committee on Disarmament and International Security, and at gatherings of the Convention of Conventional Weapons (CCW), in particular the Expert Meetings on Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems (LAWS). Early skepticism towards the use of AWS brought a potential ban to the forefront of policy making decisions with the support of a campaign to 'Stop Killer Robots' launched by the Human Rights Watch (HRW) in 2013. The movement is supported by Amnesty International, Pax Christi International, and the International Peace Bureau, among others. This campaign has catalyzed an international regulation process on the level of the United Nations (UN). Both a new protocol to the Convention on Conventional Weapons or a new international treaty have been considered. However, a lack of consensus stalls the process, and as such, leaves AWS in a regulatory gray zone.

Non-governmental organizations coalition in influencing global agenda

This study aims to show how a coalition of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) can influence the human rights agenda. This study relies on the advocacy coalition Framework (ACF) assumption that multiple varieties of actors involved in the policy process may combine to form coalitions. This study examines how Amnesty International (AI), Human Rights Watch (HRW), and the International Crisis Group (ICG) formed a coalition to advocate for measures to address humanitarian crises in Sri Lanka and Darfur. This study employed qualitative research methods and relied on secondary sources related to the topic. The findings show that a coalition formed by human rights organizations can influence policies adopted by the international community and can also influence actions taken by national communities. This study concludes that just as states need to form a coalition with other states or work as “allies” to promote human rights on a national and global level, NGOs also function in a similar manner.

Recognizing Complexity in Our Changing Contexts: Centering What Matters in Comparative and International Education

Recognizing Complexity in Our Changing Contexts: Centering What Matters in Comparative and International Education

On “Recognition”

On 29 April 2022, the editorial board of the Harvard Crimson published “In Support of Boycott, Divest, Sanction and a Free Palestine” in support of divestment from Israel.1 In it, the editorial board cited the importance of global solidarity and charges leveled by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch against Israel, of “crimes against humanity.”2 The Crimson clearly had changed its position from 2002, when its staff had published “Do Not Divest from Israel,” regarding the comparison between Israel and “Apartheid-era South Africa so fundamentally flawed as to be offensive.” In twenty years, the conversation on college campuses has indeed changed.3

Seeing Human Rights: Video Activism as a Proxy Profession by Sandra Ristovska

Reviewed by: Seeing Human Rights: Video Activism as a Proxy Profession by Sandra Ristovska Isabella Waltz (bio) Sandra Ristovska, Seeing Human Rights: Video Activism as a Proxy Profession ( MIT Press, 2021) ISBN 9780262542531, 271 pages. The modern world is shaped by rapid technological developments that are challenging long-formed institutional environments. As smartphones and social media platforms have grown, video has become a pervasive aspect of everyday communication. The rise of video-sharing platforms such as YouTube and TikTok, and new video-based features on Facebook and Instagram, has paralleled a myriad of global crises. Eyewitnesses are now able to capture and share human rights abuses like never before, allowing global audiences to bear witness to harsh realities of police brutality in the United States, state-sponsored violence in [End Page 650] Syria and Myanmar, escalating violence between Israel and Palestine, and many other conflicts previously left largely visually undocumented. In Seeing Human Rights: Video Activism as a Proxy Profession, Sandra Ristovska refers to over seven years of qualitative research to analyze how evolving institutions and human rights video activist tactics inform and contradict one another. The book hones in on journalistic, legal, and political institutions specifically, outlining their logocentric histories that tend to view images only as a complement to words and how this complicates the inevitable integration of video in institutional contexts today. Ristovska's central argument asserts that video activism functions as a proxy profession that often plays a mediating role, brokering arrangements between eyewitnesses, activists, and institutions. Modern video activism is forced to rely on strategies and tactics inherent within neoliberal power structures to legitimize itself in these institutions. While reliance on these strategies and tactics allows video to be used in a meaningful way where it has traditionally been overlooked, video activists within the proxy profession must also face pressing ethical questions that challenge the spirit of human rights work. Seeing Human Rights is separated into six chapters, with three providing detailed insight into the function of video in journalistic, legal, and political institutions. These chapters provide a succinct history of the ways these institutions have both relied on and undervalued images, beginning with still photography and emerging into weak attempts to effectively integrate video. While institutions have "sidelined images in different ways and for different purposes," human rights collectives such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch (HRW), and WITNESS have more successfully incorporated video into their work, establishing it as a crucial tool in humanitarian advocacy.1 The journalistic, judicial, and political advocacy domains have turned to video out of necessity, leading them to rely on expertise developed in the realm of visual activism. Human rights collectives then have had "to be connected to professional power and authority" to exist in an institutional context while still "embracing the values long associated with video activism."2 According to Ristovska, human rights collectives are in a position to address some of the journalism industry's ongoing struggles due to their publicly perceived trustworthiness and early investment in open-source research techniques. Although outlets such as the New York Times have established visual investigation teams, most journalists rarely receive significant training in open-source research, which human rights collectives have relied on for years. Ristovska argues that "human rights collectives became codified as public experts on eyewitness imagery because of journalism's failure to face the challenge," suggesting that journalism's logocentric ethos is not a thing of the past.3 The book frames journalists' current resistance to modern technology as reminiscent of past hesitancies regarding the introduction of photography, television, and citizen journalism. Because of journalism's perceived failure and logistical concerns in places [End Page 651] like Syria and Myanmar, where reporters may be denied access, human rights collectives now serve a brokering role within the proxy profession, mediating between eyewitness-content producers and journalists. The book attributes a similar historic resistance to constructively incorporating photography in the judicial realm to the conservative, innovation-avoidant nature of the law, as well as traditional judicial authority's reliance on the authority of words.4 Ristovska outlines three key affordances of video that amplify its impact in legal contexts: its ability to serve as a documentary, persuasive...

Geoffrey Leech’in Anlamlandırmanın Yedi Türü Işığında Uluslararası Af Örgütü’nün İşkence Karşıtı Kampanyaları

İnsan Hakları Bildirgesi uyarınca, dünya genelinde işkence, insan hakları ihlali olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Pek çok ülke, işkenceyi suç olarak kabul etmekte ve çeşitli cezai yaptırımlarla işkencenin önüne geçmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bunun yanında Uluslararası Af Örgütü (Amnesty International, AI) gerçekleştirdiği kampanyalardaki kamu spotları üzerinden işkenceye karşı çeşitli mesajlar vererek, uluslararası kamuoyunda işkenceye karşı farkındalık oluşturmaya çalışmaktadır. Çalışmada AI’nin çeşitli ülkelerde gerçekleştirdiği işkence karşıtı kampanyalarda işkencenin engellenmesine yönelik vermek istediği mesajları incelenmiştir. Bu amaçla çalışmada AI’nin işkence karşıtı kampanyalarda kullandığı kamu spotları, İngiliz dilbilimci Geoffrey Leech’in Anlamlandırmanın Yedi Türü (kavramsal, yan, toplumsal, duygusal, yansıtıcı, eşdizimsel ve konusal anlam) üzerinden göstergebilimsel açıdan analiz edilmiştir. Çalışma kapsamında elde edilen bulgular ışığında işkence karşıtı kampanyalardaki kamu spotlarında yer alan görsel ve yazılı göstergeler üzerinden insanların aktif olarak işkence karşıtı mücadeleye dâhil olmasıyla işkencenin önlenebileceğine yönelik mesajların verildiği ortaya çıkarılmıştır. Bu şekilde AI’nin gerçekleştirdiği kampanyalar üzerinden uluslararası kamuoyunda işkence karşıtı aktivistlerin sayısının arttırılmaya çalışıldığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

Legal Entanglements: Law, Rights, and the Battle for Legitimacy in Divided Germany, 1945–1989 by Sebastian Gehrig

Reviewed by: Legal Entanglements: Law, Rights, and the Battle for Legitimacy in Divided Germany, 1945–1989 by Sebastian Gehrig Sarah Colvin Legal Entanglements: Law, Rights, and the Battle for Legitimacy in Divided Germany, 1945–1989. By Sebastian Gehrig. New York and Oxford: Berghahn. 2021. xiii+327 pp. $145; £107. ISBN 978–1–80073–083–0. Sebastian Gehrig has written a detailed, scholarly, and very useful account of the legislative debates and tensions in East and West Germany during the Cold War: that is, at a time when the political legitimacy of the competing German states depended not least on their perceived adherence to international legal standards. This new study opens out a novel and important perspective on the 'two Germanies' not as merely divided, but as importantly and complexly entangled in the context of their shared national history. Among other things, Gehrig meticulously unpicks the entangled intricacies of East and West German citizenship law, offering crucial historical background for those seeking to understand the debates around Federal German citizenship laws and (right-wing) identity politics now. Law and rights, Gehrig demonstrates, were a key element in the Cold War battle for legitimacy between East and West Germany, even while the competing ideologies of the two states meant that terms such as citizenship and human rights had different meanings, which shifted over time. Consideration is also given to how post-war decolonization and the global development of nation states impacted on conceptions of law, rights, and the state, and how East Germany's branding of West Germany [End Page 515] as neo-fascist and neo-colonial accompanied the GDR's diplomatic efforts to be recognized in Africa as a nation state. In the context of the overarching narrative of legislative developments and entanglements, Gehrig offers fascinating micro-stories on issues such as the legal and political manoeuvring that drove the outlawing of the West German Communist Party (KPD) in 1956, or the domestic struggles over Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik in the early 1970s. In 1973 both Germanies were accepted into the United Nations, and Gehrig's study charts the establishment of international human rights norms in both Germanies, at least in theory. In the GDR, the author comments, 'legal realities remained a different matter' (p. 225); though the same could conceivably be said of the FRG, whose treatment of its prisoners from the domestic terrorist groups in the mid-1970s drew letters of protest to the Federal German government from Amnesty International (Gehrig does address problematic aspects of West German counter-terrorism measures in the 1970s, but not the highly controversial treatment of accused and convicted members of the terrorist groups in West German prisons). Gehrig notes that in East Germany citizens' rights were not absolute or basic, but contingent on individuals' participation in the socialist project. Crime in the GDR failed to abate in the way it was supposed to as socialism developed, Gehrig notes; but again, the problems of penal law and practice are not part of his study. Nelson Mandela rather famously wrote that 'no one truly knows a nation until one has been inside its jails', and it would have been extremely interesting to see the penal codes and practices of the two Germanies contextualized in this otherwise comprehensive study. It remains, however, an admirable piece of work that not only does a very significant amount of meticulous groundwork, but provides new and fascinating perspectives on and insights into East and West Germany after 1945, and tracks the after-effects of that time to the present day in ways that should inflect thinking on citizenship and identity now. Sarah Colvin University of Cambridge Copyright © 2022 Modern Humanities Research Association

The military coup in Chile in 1973, the immediate reaction of international organisations, and the founding of the first rehabilitation program for torture victims in 1977.

This paper documents the historical steps of the immediate reactions of the United Nations, Amnesty International, the World Council of Churches (WCC), the Inter-American Com-mission on Human Rights, and lawyers' or-ganisations in support of the victims of torture and others suffering gross violations of their human rights, as perpetrated by the Chilean military from 1973 to 1990. This article is also the history of the founding of the first rehabili-tation programs for torture victims in Chile in 1977 and the other care programs for victims under local and international churches' pro-tection during the worst period of the military dictatorship. The actions of denunciation and defense of the victims were possible through national and international networks sustained in collaborative work from inside and outside Chile, which lasted for 17 years. The results and lessons learned projected the creation of new commissions, funds, and international networks that continue today in the inter-national arena. The rehabilitation programs under the dictatorship began as a solidarity response to the needs of victims The reha-bilitation programs, born during the dictator-ship, projected their practice and experience to create a comprehensive health program as part of the State's reparation measures. The testimonies of the victims made it possible to understand the consequences of human rights violations on individuals and society. State policies and civil society actions have sought to contribute to the reparation of victims through rehabilitation actions directly. This paper is part of the memory of that past by reconstructing the solidarity actions of denunciation and rehabilitation, and the details of which are often unknown.

A (Re)interpretation of the #Endsars Movement in Nigeria: Evidence from the Niger Delta Region

Scholarship that has studied the #EndSARS movement in Nigeria remains scanty. In contributing to debates surrounding the #EndSARS movement, we focus on the Niger Delta region and the effect of the movement on the people. Online interview of 20 participants across the region, reports from Amnesty International, the Human Rights Watch and Facebook posts provided data for the qualitative study. Castells’ ‘network society’ enabled us to explain how youths formed a ‘network of protesters’ to resist a repressive police system. The #EndSARS protest was another opportunity for the Niger Delta youths to express their dissonance with an exclusionary political arrangement.

Seamus Heaney’s Prisoners

This article focuses on the role that prisoners play in the poems of Seamus Heaney. From the time of the introduction of internment in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s, Heaney’s poems frequently touch on prisoners, the conditions in which they are held, and how they might be conceptualized. This article discusses how these poems reflect contemporaneous political discourse regarding prisoners. It also shows how Heaney’s engagements with prisoners are refracted, characteristically, through his earliest memories, and through his knowledge of literature. In particular, Second World War POWs and Heaney’s knowledge of Russian authors, including Osip Mandelstam and Anton Chekhov, provide significant contexts for his engagements with Troubles-era prisoners. Drawing on materials from the Heaney Literary Papers held in the National Library of Ireland, this article demonstrates how the conditions in which internees were held shaped ‘The Unacknowledged Legislator’s Dream’ in North (1975). Finally, it discusses the roles Nelson Mandela, and the prisoners of conscience campaigned for by Amnesty International, play in his work. This paper concludes that, although Heaney was resolute in not promoting violence, his attitudes towards those who perpetrated it, and were imprisoned for it, were complex and changing.

Toward a Global History of Latin America's Revolutionary Left

This volume is the latest contribution to a growing literature on the Latin American revolutionary Left, defined by Tanya Harmer and Alberto Martín Álvarez as antireformist forces who supported or engaged in armed struggle starting in the late 1950s and 1960s. The book traces some of the global connections that shaped Latin American revolutionary groups as well as those groups' global impacts. The contributors' use of seldom-tapped archives in Beijing, Moscow, Prague, and various Western European sites sets the volume apart from most studies of the Latin American Left.The first section focuses on Cuba's promotion of armed revolution and its interaction with other countries and movements in the 1960s. Michal Zourek, Blanca Mar León, and James G. Hershberg examine the Fidel Castro government's relations with Algeria, Brazil, China, Czechoslovakia, and the Soviet Union. The second section traces the armed Left's connections with Western Europe between the 1960s and 1980s. Chapters by Gerardo Leibner, Eduardo Rey Tristán, Arturo Taracena Arriola, and José Manuel Ágreda Portero examine solidarity work among European leftist and social democratic parties, grassroots activists, publishers, and nongovernmental organizations.The book broadly supports the findings of prior scholarship on the Left. The newly consulted sources confirm that the Soviet Union and most Moscow-aligned Communist parties opposed armed struggle and that this position contributed to the well-known conflicts in the Cuban-Soviet and Sino-Soviet relationships. They also confirm the importance of Latin American initiative. Far from being puppets of external sponsors, armed revolutionaries acted of their own accord and controlled most of their own decisions. Latin Americans were also crucial in the growth of global solidarity networks, as other recent research has stressed.The chapters do add new details that enrich and sometimes qualify this picture. For example, Zourek documents Czechoslovakia's role in providing logistical aid to help Cuba's Latin American trainees return to their home countries. This story nuances the image of Soviet bloc countries as uniformly opposed to armed revolution. Czechoslovak aid was reluctant, however. Officials agreed to help as a way of keeping tabs on Cuba and because the Cubans were likely to pursue their efforts even without Soviet bloc support. The Cubans themselves financed the operation. And neither the Czechoslovaks nor the Cubans controlled Latin American guerrilla campaigns: “it was local revolutionary movements who were in charge” once the trainees returned home (p. 46).Some other Communist parties supported certain guerrilla movements, as when the Italians aided guerrillas in Venezuela and Brazil (in the latter case, in defiance of Brazil's official Communist party). Leibner argues that some Italian Communists were sympathetic to Latin American guerrillas given their own memories of resistance to fascism. They also deemed armed struggle a more viable option in Latin America than in Europe. But their support ceased when they began to fear that Latin American guerrillas were inspiring armed adventurism in Italy.Another highlight is Taracena Arriola's memoir of his time representing the Guatemalan guerrillas in Europe in the 1980s. He makes a strong case that European organizing and pressure campaigns helped force the Guatemalan regime to the negotiating table. The chapter is rich with detail. For instance, he recounts that his commitment to building a European solidarity network was inspired by the Vietnamese and Southern Cone revolutionaries who had done so previously. We learn how Amnesty International initially refused to get involved in Guatemala but was persuaded thanks to the work of organizers in Paris. Taracena Arriola also shows how events in Guatemala led to internal conflicts within the solidarity network by the mid-1980s, as the genocidal counterinsurgency made a guerrilla victory unlikely and as some Europeans were convinced by the new facade of democracy erected in Guatemala.As the book's title implies, it aims to encourage further research. Harmer and Martín Álvarez's introduction and Van Gosse's afterword are explicit about many of the unanswered questions, and I would add some others. Latin American revolutionaries' interactions with Vietnam, Algeria, and China have received relatively little attention, and their ties to other Third World countries even less. The same goes for relations among Latin American revolutionary groups. There is also much work still to be done on the global circulation of feminist and antiracist ideas, liberation theology, and differing conceptions of socialism. The political organizing work of certain armed groups, and how that work was shaped by global exchanges, remains neglected amid the overwhelming focus on their armed actions. The present volume offers a model for investigating these and other questions.

Multilinguisme et dénominations des minorités dans les rapports annuels d’Amnesty International : communauté LGBTi et personnes déplacées

Dans cette étude, nous analyserons les rapports annuels d'Amnesty International 2016/17, 2017/18 et 2019, dans leurs versions anglaise, française et italienne (deux langues stratégiques, une tactique), afin de montrer les stratégies discursives déployées par Amnesty International dans les différentes langues pour affirmer la nécessité de respect des droits humains fondamentaux et les périls qui guettent leur existence même dans les contextes où l’ONG opère. À la suite d’une présentation générale de ces stratégies discursives et argumentatives dans les trois langues, nous nous pencherons plus dans le détail sur celles utilisées pour nommer (ou ne pas nommer, en poursuivant en cela une stratégie de généralisation, suivant différents moyens selon la langue utilisée) certaines minorités ethniques, religieuses et sociales considérées comme « vulnérables » (Abbas et al., 2019) et dont cette organisation se propose de sauvegarder les droits fondamentaux.Nous nous proposons donc de montrer comment ces nominations et expressions circulent dans les discours traduits, à savoir, leurs cooccurrences, leurs cotextes, leurs emplois et les éventuels écarts de sens entre les différentes versions des rapports.