Air Defense Identification Zone Research Articles

LA NATURALEZA DE LA VIGILANCIA DEL ESPACIO AÉREO MEDIANTE LA INTELIGENCIA PARA LA DEFENSA Y LA SEGURIDAD DEL TERRITORIO DE LA REPÚBLICA DE INDONESIA

Objective: This research aims to analyze, criticize, and determine the nature of airspace surveillance through intelligence concerning the Defense and Security of the Territory of the Republic of Indonesia. It further seeks to assess the effectiveness of such surveillance and identify the factors influencing its success. Theoretical framework: In line with its objectives, this research adopts a descriptive approach with a normative legal research methodology, supplemented by sociological legal research. By employing this framework, the study endeavors to provide a comprehensive understanding of airspace surveillance within the Indonesian context. Method: To achieve its objectives, this study utilizes descriptive research methods, drawing upon normative legal research complemented by sociological legal research. Through this methodological approach, the research aims to gather empirical data and analyze legal frameworks to shed light on airspace surveillance practices. Results and conclusion: The findings of this research indicate several key insights. Firstly, the nature of airspace surveillance through intelligence is primarily framed within the context of preventive measures within the Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ). Secondly, while efforts are made, the effectiveness of airspace surveillance concerning the Defense and Security of the State Territory of the Republic of Indonesia is deemed inadequate. Thirdly, factors impacting effectiveness range from legal limitations to challenges in human resources coordination, infrastructure issues, community dynamics, and cultural attitudes. Implications of the research: The implications of this study are multifaceted. Firstly, it highlights the urgent need to optimize airspace surveillance conducted by the Indonesian Air Force, supporting the enhancement of air defense capabilities through equipment reinforcement. Secondly, it underscores the necessity of drafting legislation on Airspace Management to strengthen law enforcement against airspace violations. Finally, it emphasizes the importance of community involvement in airspace regulation, including participation in spatial development planning processes. Originality/value: This research contributes original insights into the nature and effectiveness of airspace surveillance through intelligence within the Indonesian context. By offering recommendations for improving airspace management strategies, the study provides valuable guidance for policymakers and stakeholders involved in national defense and security initiatives.

Bitwa o Tajwan, czyli jak mogłaby wyglądać chińska inwazja na „zbuntowaną prowincję”

The battle of Taiwan, or what a Chinese invasion of a „rogue province” could look like This article describes the possible course of the battle of Taiwan. The paper presents the Chinese policy towards Taiwan, conclusions drawn from the war games conducted by the Pentagon, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and civilian think tanks, the military potential of both sides, and the battle scenario. During the actual research, studies and articles published in Forbes, Business Insider, Taiwan News, Lowy Institute, War on the Rocks, NBC News, China Power, Military Times, Reuters, and Daily Guardian, along with reports of think tanks such as the Atlantic Council and RAND, reports of the US Congress, and reports of Military Ballance were used. The Chinese Invasion Threat: Taiwan’s Defense and American Strategy in Asia, a book written by Ian Easton, turned out to be a particularly useful source of knowledge. According to the author of this article, a „forceful solution” for the Taiwanese issue by Beijing is possible in the future and the Western world should seriously analyze its possible course. This is evidenced by numerous statements of Chinese politicians, the desire to change the current global balance of power, the continuous growth of China’s economic power, the expansion of the PLA’s power projection capabilities in terms of an invasion of the „rogue province”, and regular war games and violations of the Taiwanese air defense identification zone. If there was a battle of Taiwan, from the point of view of the People’s Republic of China, it would be crucial to isolate the island, to quickly eliminate the enemy’s anti‑aircraft and anti‑missile defenses by means of missile and cyberattacks, to paralyze the command system, to gain air superiority, and then to land on the beaches from which operations would be then carried out inland. From the point of view of the Taiwan Armed Forces, the most important thing would be to survive the first days of massive air and missile attacks, to disperse their forces, and then to attack the enemy by exploring its weaknesses, i.e., shooting down selected planes and helicopters, sinking ships in the Taiwan Strait, interrupting supply lines, and then inflicting as much damage as possible during the ground combat.

Urgensi Penetapan Air Defense Identification Zone Pada Kawasan Regional

Introduction: Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) is a zone for identification purposes in the air defense system for a country, which according to international custom generally extends from the territorial area of a country to reach the air space above the free sea bordering the country.Purposes of the Research: to find out the setting of the Air Defense Identification Zone and what is the urgency of establishing the Air Defense Identification Zone in the regional area. The method used in writing this thesis is a normative research method. The legal materials used are primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials.Methods of the Research: This legal research, the author uses normative research. That is, a study that primarily examines positive legal provisions, legal principles, and legal doctrines to answer legal questions faced. Results of the Research: The results obtained are that the regulation of the Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) according to international law is, based on the provisions of the 1944 Chicago Convention, customary international law and also Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, furthermore with the stipulation of ADIZ in a regional area can be considered a defensive step. to provide advance notice of potential threats and efforts to improve flight safety in the region and provide benefits to national and international aviation safety.

The construction and enforcement of East Asia’s air defence identification zones: Grey volumes in the sky?

The declaration of China’s Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) over portions of the East China Sea in 2013 has often been interpreted by international relations scholars as an aggressive “land grab” in the sky. However, classical geopolitical perspectives of territory and control, despite their popularity when analyzing the politics of East Asia, fail to present a full understanding of ADIZ creation, adjustment, maintenance, and contestation. Rather than a problem created by the rise of China, conflicts over airspace are a regional phenomenon. By engaging with the critical geography literature on airspace, verticality, and space production, this paper theorizes ADIZs as the partial extension of state sovereignty via assemblages in response to the emergence of new vertical threats and opportunities. It then shows how the Cold War consensus on the function and performance of these volumes has broken down in East Asia, which has paradoxically encouraged both the expansion of ADIZs as well as their systematic violation. These “grey volumes,” which are characterized by debates over the legality, function, and performance of airspace, are explored in a case study of the ADIZs of Japan, South Korea, China, and Taiwan. Ultimately, these patchworks of ambiguous and overlapping airspaces are difficult to reconcile with classical geopolitics’ one-dimensional assumptions of sovereignty and territory.

THE RETURN OF UNITED STATES (US) POLICY OF CONTAINMENT ANDEVOLVING SINO-US CONTEST FOR MARITIME SUPREMACY

Maritime affairs, strategy, gunboat diplomacy, naval policy, and maritime policy can be found in the lexicon and available literature on naval affairs. Contrary to the abovementioned terminologies used by notable experts in the field including Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan authors have used the term “maritime/naval foreign policy.” Deliberate use of the term is aimed to compel people to pay attention and widely use it in the literature. The qualitative research method is deemed appropriate for the completion of this study. The hypothesis formulated in this paper is that naval might cannot be viewed alone as a means to achieve political, military, territorial, and economic objectives. This academic study emphasizes major powers' navies are intrinsically superior to indigenous organs commanding seas and have foreign policies. The paper emphasizes that navies of hegemonic powers enjoy autonomy and influence decision-making processes and outcomes at home and abroad. The primary purpose of navies is to grow parasitically on state resources, build maritime empires outside the sphere of influence of political leadership, civilian bureaucracy, and rival armed forces, and often avoid providing information or if necessary, provide information on a need-to-know basis to the ruling political elite based in the center. This study emphasizes the United States (US) desire to remain a preponderant power, preserve status-quo and prevent threats to liberal international order by containing the People's Republic of China (PRC) through the formation of mini-alliances resulting in PRC’s naval foreign policy. Beijing’s naval foreign policy core objective is to enter distant areas and secure the supply of energy shipments to the mainland by securing sea lanes of communications (SLCs). The enthusiastic policy is backed by deployments of aircraft carriers, amphibious naval forces, and the Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ).

A legal analysis of the Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) with special reference to East China Sea Air Defense identification Zone

The establishment of the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) by China on 23 November 2017 was not well received and has drawn harsh criticisms from the USA, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. There are also apprehensions that China may in the future establish an ADIZ in the already troubled South China Sea. This paper traces the origin of the ADIZ and its rationale and examines its legal basis under international law. It finds that despite the absence of a clear permissive or prohibitive rule of international law on the ADIZ, the states have established the ADIZs for the protection of their national security interests and other states have not generally contested them. India has also established the ADIZs in the airspace above its land territory, territorial sea, and waters beyond its territorial sea. East China Sea ADIZ is problematic because it deviates from the normal ADIZs and is established in disputed areas of the East China Sea”. The paper concludes that the problems caused by the ADIZs like East China Sea ADIZ can be limited to a greater degree if the community of states agrees to have a clear multilateral legal framework governing the ADIZs.

Research on the Legal Issues of Establishing Overlapping Areas in the South China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone

Research on the Legal Issues of Establishing Overlapping Areas in the South China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone

Kineski geopolitički dizajn za Istočnu Aziju - tajvanski deo slagalice

China's foreign and security policy preferences for East Asia are a multifaceted issue, with Taiwan playing a crucial role in this strategic puzzle. Beijing's claim over Taiwan as its integral part is a key component of its geopolitical strategy in East Asia and an important constituent of regional security dynamics. This paper aims to delve into China's patterns of such geopolitical design for East Asia, paying particular attention on Taiwan's place within the newly introduced Indo-Pacific and attempts at multilateral alignments in the region. Author offers arguments for China's East Asian "regionally tailored" policy and discusses potential strategic options ahead of Chinese leadership regarding US-led attempts to contain China geopolitically and militarily. In addition, the paper explores some Beijing's concrete military and foreign policy responses, including its military policy over the East China Sea Air Defence Identification Zone and consequences derived from recently adopted strategy titled Taiwan Issue and China's Unification in the New Era. Given Taiwan's pivotal geopolitical position in China's security policy, the paper assumes it will be one of the principal sites where the contest for the emerging world order will be waged between China and the United States. China's rise in the international system and the current politico-security tensions in the East Asian region as examples to argue that certain theoretical approaches, like the liberal Hegemonic Stability Theory, may no longer hold true. It is because international system is moving towards institutional separation into parallel entities, which could be a significant shift from the system that emerged after the Second World War.

THE AIR DEFENSE IDENTIFICATION ZONE (ADIZ) INDONESIA IN ORDER TO ENSURE SECURITY IN THE AIR REGION JURISDICTION OF NATIONAL JURISDICTION

For the purpose of tracking down and identifying aircraft detected by radar, the Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) was established as a support facility for the national air defense system.Airspace above the high seas, which borders other countries' sovereignty, usually extends from the territorial area of the founding country. Analysis of ADIZ Indonesia's role in supporting Indonesia Air Force airspace security was a primary goal of the study. Qualitative methods are employed in this study. Data was gathered through a combination of direct observation, in-depth interviews, and documentationAccording to the findings of the study, the identification zone for ADIZ should be outside of national airspace sovereignty in order to identify foreign aircraft entering national airspace sovereignty. ADIZ Indonesia developed will be adhered to by countries if supported by adequate defense equipment. ADIZ Indonesia, which is supported by adequate defense equipment, will be obeyed by other countries. If inforcement is carried out firmly and continuously accompanied by diplomatic efforts by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and software synchronization that regulates the airspace above the Indonesian Archipelagic Sea Lane. The suggestion of this research is that efforts are needed to optimize the implementation of ADIZ Indonesia, which can be implemented and adhered to by other countries if the government of Indonesia can support the needs of the Indonesian Air Force weapon system. For this reason, commitment from government and relevant stakeholders is needed in overcoming the existing problems.Keywords: implementation, identification zone, air defense, national jurisdiction, regional security

Redefining the Air Defence Identification Zone in the Framework of Customary International Law

<p><em>The use of force against other countries is strictly prohibited and has the character of jus cogens. However, this provision is not rigidly applied in the self-defence context codified in the United Nations Charter 1945 Article 51, also in the air defence context through the existence of the Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ). This research discusses whether ADIZ embodies the anticipatory efforts in the framework of customary international law. The research r</em><em>esults indicate<em> that the determination of ADIZ is not a form of self-defence principle in Article 51, which is the realm of jus ad bellum. Moreover, the conservative self-defence prerequisites in Article 51 are no longer relevant in line with the revolutionary development of aviation and its armament technology. Therefore, ADIZ, as a state security practice, constitutes a form of anticipatory efforts within the framework of long-standing state practice as customary international law. Furthermore, the use of force for violators is limited by Article 3 bis of the Chicago Convention 1944 and the Standard and Recommended Practices.</em></em></p>

A Legal Analysis of Overlapping Conflict of the Air Defense Identification Zone

A Legal Analysis of Overlapping Conflict of the Air Defense Identification Zone

Is the Establishment of Air Defence Identification Zones Outside National Airspace in Accordance with International Law?

Abstract Whereas the right of a state to establish an air defence identification zone (ADIZ) in national airspace falls squarely within its sovereignty, the question whether coastal states may claim such zones outside national airspace remains a matter of controversy. The latter category, referred to as ‘offshore ADIZs’, usually do not amount to sovereignty claims over the open airspace outside national airspace or involve threat or use of force. The right of coastal states to identify aircraft in the open airspace near coastal areas has arguably become part of customary international law. This customary right, however, only extends to ‘passive identification’ by radar detection, radio communication or close visual checks, which thus is only capable of justifying the establishment of offshore ADIZs for this purpose. The identification of aircraft in offshore ADIZs, through either voluntary or passive measures, is nevertheless within the parameters of the obligation of paying due regard to the freedom of overflight. This explains why ‘passive identification’ is ‘permissible’ under customary international law, while ‘voluntary identification’ is at least ‘tolerated’ albeit in the absence of a permissive customary rule.

Safeguarding the National Airspace of Indonesia under the Framework of International Air Law

Introduction to the Problem: The vast territory of Indonesia requires careful thought in realizing an effective defense system to maintain its territorial integrity and the safety of the nation. To ensure the effectiveness of the country's broad defense system requires great strength, high mobility, and early detection capability. The development of Indonesia's defense force should not merely be oriented towards the land territory, but it must also be optimized towards the country’s sea and air forces. Purpose/Objective Study: This study examines the airspace protection system implemented by Indonesia to protect the security of the country from threats. Methodology: The research design is exploratory as this paper aspires to explore the basis of air defense identification zone. Findings: The Indonesian Government has taken legal measures by regulating restricted airspace, air defense identification zones, as well as identifying types of violations committed by foreign aircraft.  Both national and international laws allow Indonesia to establish air defense identification zones. Paper Type: General Review

South Korean and Japanese Air Defense Identification Zone Claims over the Liancourt Rocks

South Korean and Japanese Air Defense Identification Zone Claims over the Liancourt Rocks

Constructing the China threat: the Indian strategic community's discursive interpretation of the East China Sea ADIZ

ABSTRACT China's declaration of an Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) over parts of the East China Sea has been discursively constructed as a threat to regional security by Indian commentators. The Indian government meanwhile has not released an official assessment of the Chinese ADIZ. Unofficial commentators extrapolate the threat into a possible Chinese ADIZ over the disputed border with India. This article examines how the Indian security community interprets and discursively constructs the ADIZ threat. Threat, identity and recommendations for response are constructed, drawing from national identity's contested concepts and ideational elements present within the Sino-Indian security equation.

Эгейское море противоречий (Часть I)

The Aegean Sea as part of the Eastern Mediterranean has been a clash of national interests between Greece and Turkey for decades. In particular, this process has intensified since 1974, and although there have been certain peaks and troughs along the way, now it seems to be at a point of new aggravation in bilateral relations. In general, this state of affairs is due to the particular geographical characteristics of the Aegean Sea, namely the large number of Greek islands, rocks and island formations scattered throughout its waters, often close to the Turkish coastline. Through them, Athens can lay claim to significant areas of both waters, seabed and subsoil, as well as airspace, over which its sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction would extend. Such rights and powers are granted to Greece under the current international law of the sea and, above all, under the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, to which Greece is a full party. However, the Aegean will in any case continue to be a region where other countries, including extra-regional ones, have their own interests in shipping and other maritime activities. In particular, it applies to the Russian Federation and the U. S. Turkey, for its part, is directly dependent on unhindered passage of its ships and warships from the Aegean Sea to the Black Sea and vice versa. The first part of this paper analyzes the historical and documentary background of the Turkish-Greek controversy, based on different understandings of the provisions and language of international agreements, such as the Lausanne Peace Treaty of 1923 and the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947. Turkey’s reasons for linking the issue of Greek sovereignty over particular islands in the Aegean Sea to their demilitarized status as prescribed in these international treaties is described. The reasons why incidents between Greek and Turkish warplanes regularly occur in the Aegean airspace, which have different interpretations of the boundaries between national and international airspace, is explored. Special attention is paid to the legal basis for the formation of air defense identification zones and flight information regions by various states, including Greece. It is shown, which legal documents regulate the establishment of Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) and Flight Information Area (FIR).

Indonesia dan Rivalitas Amerika Serikat dengan China di Kawasan Asia Pasific

The aims of the article to analysis and know, how the Indonesian position between the rivalry The United State of America and China in the Asian Pasific region. The result of this analysis of this topic article that is competion to spheres of influence to the hegemony in the Asian Pacific Region between The United State of America and China. Impact of the rivalry two the countries had been rise of the escalation tension between The United of The America and China, also the trade war between The United State of America and China since the end of year 2018 have been rise the escalation tension two countries until now. While of the same development the military instalations, the placement of Airborne and the Developed the reclamations island and to claim of Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the Sinkoku island in East China Sea, and China claim “nine dash line zone” wich rich of Fisheries and Natural Gas Deposit. And China claims as the “Traditional Chinese Fishing Ground”, the China claim in the Paracel and Spritlay continent in the South China Sea. Maritime conflict has draffie four ASEAN Countries, maritime conflict (Philipina, Thailand, Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia), Vietnam, Brunei, China, Taiwan and Indonesia at same time. The China relation with Indonesia to appear conflict particularly fishing rights and natural resources operations and dispute area in the Zone Ecconomic Exclusive (ZEE) in the North Natuna Sea. Among all claims, China persistently plays aggressive behavior by looking at the reclamation for military base camp. The United State has taken larger interest in the region of the South China Sea to freedom of navigation around dispute area while at same time deploying military presence that irritates China as the most aggressive party involving the South China Sea. The United State has taken larger interest in the region to claim of international navigation of the sea to freedom navigation in the international sea transportation in the South China Sea. The China claimed Nine Dash Line and Traditional Chinese Fishing Ground in the North Natuna Sea, Indonesia officially have sent diplomatic protes to China officially note over incident , the January 2020 several Chinese Fishing boats in its 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone (ZEE) off the North Natuna Sea. The incident at the North Natuna Sea between Indonesia and China the end not phisical conflict. Keywords: The USA, China, The South China Sea, The Republic of Indonesia, Nine Dash Line,Traditonal Fishing Ground, Exclusive Economic Zone (ZEE) .

The Territorialization of Airspace in the East and South China Seas: Unraveling the Security Dilemma

executive summary: This article examines the perspectives and policies of both China and the U.S. regarding airspace claims in the East and South China Seas and offers a policy prescription to address the underlying political issues driving both nations toward a collision. main argumentThe U.S. and China are moving further into a downward spiral based on misperceptions regarding each other's airspace policies in the East and South China Seas. Weary of U.S. surveillance flights close to its borders, China has responded to such activities by increasingly challenging the right to conduct such flights. The desire to push U.S. military flights farther away has prompted China to establish an East China Sea air defense identification zone and erect similar restrictions, albeit on a smaller scale, in the South China Sea. The U.S., meanwhile, has interpreted these actions as incrementally destabilizing the rules-based international order as well as posing a direct threat to its long-held freedom of navigation interests. The Treaty on Open Skies provides a model to ease the political differences between the two countries by accounting for the core concerns driving U.S. and Chinese policies. policy implications • Far from making the country more secure, China's policy of contesting freedom of navigation outside its twelve nautical mile territorial sea demarcation invites the U.S. and other regional powers to oppose China through military operations to ensure access to the international commons around its mainland. • Absent other measures that take Beijing's perspective into account, continued U.S. freedom of navigation operations and surveillance flights in close proximity to China meant to keep air and sea space free and open will induce aggressive counterreactions that produce the opposite of the intended outcome. • A bilateral framework based on the Treaty on Open Skies model that addresses the concerns of both states, while preserving their underlying interests, would add balance to the confrontational policies adopted by both states heretofore.

The Establishment of an Air Defense Identification Zone as an Opportunity in Enforcing the Sovereignty of the State and Law in Indonesia

An Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) is part of a state’s air defense system. Within international law, no specific law regulates the state’s authority to establish ADIZ nor explicitly prohibits them to set their own ADIZ. Consequently, it is through states own various interpretations of provisions within international law that states have based their authority to determine its ADIZ. Following the practice of other states, Indonesia has also established ADIZ as part of Indonesia’s air defense system to enforce the sovereignty of the State and law over airspace. The Indonesian ADIZ is the airspace covering of a small portion of South Sumatra, Java and Madura, Bali, Lombok and a fraction of the western part of Sumbawa Island. A closer look to Indonesia’s ADIZ reveals that the zone is still within Indonesia’s national territorial airspace. Notably, this is contrary to several states practice in establishing its own ADIZ whose zone is outside its national airspace. DOI : 10.7176/JLPG/85-09 Publication date :May 31 st 2019

Hong Kong 2020: The downfall of «one country two systems»

The year 2020 started with President Tsai winning a second term and the DPP obtaining once again a parliamentary majority in the general elections held on 11 January. By the end of the year, Taiwan emerged as one of the few polities able to effectively put the COVID-19 pandemic under control. More impressively, it was able to do so without resorting to lockdown strategies, relying instead on timely decision-making and effective tracing, testing, and treating. Taiwan’s success, in turn, amplified the island’s relevance in Asia-Pacific international politics. Foreign support for expanding its access to international organizations, and especially the WHO in light of the pandemic, reached new heights, but it met Beijing’s vehement pushback. Chinese military pressure, a constant across the Strait since 2016, reached new heights, as the PLA Air Force routinized operations within Taiwan’s Air Defence Identification Zone. The policies of the outgoing Trump administration, which accelerated the freefall of Sino-American relations and continued to dramatically expand the scope of Washington’s relations with Taiwan, further exacerbated cross-Strait relations. The worsening security environment, however, did not hinder a Tsai administration buoyed by the successful management of the pandemic, economic growth, and widespread refusal of China’s strategy for unification among the public. Conversely, the KMT, Taiwan’s major position party, after a brief flirt with populist politics with the failed presidential candidature of Han Kuo-yu, continued to struggle under the new leadership of Johnny Chiang. Post-electoral calls for reforming the party and move its China policy away from the 1992 Consensus did not produce any meaningful change.