Adolf Von Research Articles

Advances in Chemocatalytic Asymmetric Baeyer–Villiger Oxidations

AbstractBaeyer–Villiger oxidations, first reported by Adolf von Baeyer and Victor Villiger 120 years ago, are highly efficient methodologies for the syntheses of esters or lactones from ketones. The asymmetric Baeyer–Villiger oxidations using racemic, prochiral and meso‐cyclic ketones allow a rapid access to chiral lactones, which are valuable intermediates for the subsequent synthesis of bioactive compounds and natural products. The current review provides a summary on the advances in chemocatalytic enantioselective B‐V oxidations. The latest achievements in this field and their applications are presented.magnified image

"Some Synchronic Moment": Gregory of Nyssa, Théologie Mystique, and French Ressourcement

"Some Synchronic Moment":Gregory of Nyssa, Théologie Mystique, and French Ressourcement Michel René Ponchin Barnes "In the cold light I only live for youTo love and adore you.[It's all that I have.]Why do I keep falling?" In memory of Michael Ossorgine, Dennis Vincent Higgins, and Franny Glass Introduction The present importance of the thought of Gregory of Nyssa and the wisdom of a contemporary scholarly "turn" to his theology is so much taken for granted now that it can seem as though any thoughtful early-twentieth-century theologian looking to explore a patristic-sourced "mystical theology" obviously would have sought out Gregory. However, a pre–World War II patristics student seeking an existential theology not captive to rationalism more likely would have settled upon Gregory of Nazianzus—Gregory "the Theologian"—who wrote mystical poetry, or John Chrysostom, whose interests spanned all genres of writing. 1 The turn to Gregory of Nyssa in modern theological sensitivities is not a [End Page 367] development to be regarded as inevitable, nor should the motives for the turn be presumed to be obvious or inevitable. In its simplest form, my hypothesis for explaining this turn to Gregory of Nyssa is that through his writings on the human experience of God (i.e., on mystical ascent) Gregory personified the principal question of the day: "How do faith and philosophy co-exist?" His theology was easily contextualized within the new appreciation of Neoplatonism (as was also the case with, e.g., Peter Brown's biography of Augustine); he was regarded as "orthodox" but problematically so; and he was a stepping-stone to Origen. It is difficult not to see Gregory's marginal status as reflecting the experience of his more thoughtful mid-twentieth-century readers. Moreover, Gregory's theology was written with a strong anthropological bent, and taken as a whole (as it was in Migne) it seemed potentially to offer an anthropology as comprehensive as Augustine's; this allowed for Gregory's theology to be easily merged with a modern theological logic that started from "human nature" rather than divine. 2 I believe the plastic capability of Gregory's theological anthropology recommended his work to theologians newly bedazzled by subjectivity and new notions of "consciousness" (other than simply Bewusstein). Gregory wrote several treatises on theological anthropology (unlike, e.g., the mystical poet, Gregory of Nazianzus), and anthropology is a genuine and consistent concern for Gregory. Last (but not least!) among hypothetical motives for a modern theological "turn" to Gregory may be that his works laid out an epistemology—or, at the least, he was explicitly concerned with epistemological questions of the day. This concern places Gregory among a small group of early Church Fathers—such as Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Augustine—whose theology was framed with an awareness that revelation and epistemology were inevitably intertwined. Modern questions such as "is certain knowledge mediated, and if so, how?" or "what in humans properly knows God?" can be posed to Gregory directly. 3 [End Page 368] Given the theological focus on the encounter with God as experience or encounter, Gregory can share our question of "in what state of mind does a person approach knowing God?" 4 The line between an account of "mystical experience" and of "human openness to God (or not)" is blurred and each theologian works through a theological anthropology that is propaedeutic to a théologie mystique. Among Catholic and Orthodox theologians of the twentieth century, Gregory of Nyssa was rehabilitated before Origen. The utility of Origen's theology was uncertain; 5 even more uncertain was his status as a bona fide representative of early Christian theology. Aside from the traditional concerns regarding Gregory's problematical "Origenism" there was the modern linking of Gregory to Origen by Adolf von Harnack, who found Origen's brand of "Hellenization" in the theologies of the Cappadocians—especially Gregory of Nyssa. 6 The defense and rehabilitation of Gregory accepted Harnack's fundamental criticism of Origen's theology as Hellenism—but revealed Gregory's theology to be rooted in a hermeneutic radically different from Origen's: Gregory's theology was fundamentally different from Origen's in its relationship to pagan philosophy...

The Young against the Old: Generational Conflict in First Clement by L. L. Welborn

Reviewed by: The Young against the Old: Generational Conflict in First Clement by L. L. Welborn David L. Eastman L. L. Welborn The Young against the Old: Generational Conflict in First Clement Lanham, MD: Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2018 Pp. 276. $110.00. In this volume Welborn attempts to reconstruct the historical and ecclesiastical contexts for the writing of 1 Clement. Chapter One ("Prolegomena") critiques previous scholarship and sets forth Welborn's hermeneutical principles. He rejects suggestions that the author did not know the situation in Corinth, that the author misrepresented the situation, or that the letter was not written in response to a real situation. Instead, he believes the letter can and should be read in light of a particular historical circumstance. His reconstruction will seek to address "the context of the conflict, the object of strife, the motives of the rebels, and the identities of the instigators" (3–4). Failure to deal with these details has characterized previous scholarship and led to overly generalized results. In addition, he argues that the context for the letter should first be reconstructed from internal evidence, rather than from theorized models of early Christian history (e.g., debate over charismatic authority or controversy over the developing role of the bishop). The best theory should explain the greatest number of features of the text. Although critical of some aspects of previous scholarship, Welborn agrees that certain historical elements have been definitively established: the author's [End Page 153] heavy reliance on the Old Testament but complex use of Paul; governance of the church by a group of presbyter-bishops appointed by the church body, not by a single bishop; organization of the church in Corinth into house churches led by wealthy patrons; and the relevance of the leadership structures of Greek and Roman private associations. The letter is not from a monarchical Roman bishop, and the date and authorship remain uncertain. In Chapter Two ("Hypothesis"), Welborn examines theories about the instigators of the uprising. Although Hans Lietzmann is typically credited with the hypothesis that the conflict involves young men rising up against older men, Adolf von Harnack had suggested this idea earlier. Most scholars have taken the generational conflict for granted (based on 1 Clem. 3.3), yet no one has engaged in a full study to confirm this hypothesis. This is part of Welborn's project. He also finds evidence in the text to suggest that women may have played a role in the uprising. Chapter Three ("Context") is the longest chapter in the book. Welborn explores numerous aspects and examples of intergenerational conflict from the Greco-Roman world. He pays particular attention to legal and cultural evidence of conflict between young and old and fathers and sons involving access to power and control of property. Welborn presents an impressive array of evidence from authors that include Xenophon, Plato, Cicero, and Sallust. He also suggests that the Pastoral Epistles support a traditional ideology of respect for the elders. However, certain texts—including Plutarch, Musonius Rufus, and the biblical examples of Timothy and Titus—might suggest a more egalitarian view of power allocation among different generations. In Chapter Four ("Application"), Welborn explores a number of motifs used by the author of 1 Clement: charges of sedition, jealousy, and envy; and appeals for obedience, humility, and piety. He characterizes the letter as "a deliberative discourse on concord" that is designed to "reinforce the hierarchical structure of the ecclesia under the rule of the appointed elders" (129). The author juxtaposes the current sedition with a previous golden age in which young men and women knew their place. Welborn suggests that 1 Clement's emphasis on concord is comparable to speeches by Dio Chrysostom and Aelius Aristides on the topic of homonoia. In the final chapter ("Reconstruction"), Welborn presents his picture of the situation. It must account for four factors: 1) The setting was house churches, and the owner of the house would have served as the patron of the assembly, as was the case in private associations. 2) The church was governed by a college of presbyter-bishops, not a single bishop. In keeping with New Testament usage, these figures are best described in English...

Christians in Caesar's Household: The Emperors' Slaves in the Makings of Christianity by Michael Flexsenhar III

Reviewed by: Christians in Caesar's Household: The Emperors' Slaves in the Makings of Christianity by Michael Flexsenhar III Mary Ann Beavis michael flexsenhar iii, Christians in Caesar's Household: The Emperors' Slaves in the Makings of Christianity (Inventing Christianity; University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2019). Pp. 191 + xvi. $89.95. Paul's intriguing greeting to "the saints of Caesar's household" (Phil 4:22) has long been interpreted as evidence that, from an early date, Christian imperial slaves and freedmen served in the Roman court. This line of interpretation began with J. B. Lightfoot (Saint Paul's Epistle to the Philippians [London: Macmillan, 1868, 1888]), who connected these "saints" with several imperial slaves and freedman putatively mentioned in early Christian writings and inscriptions from the mid-first to the second century. Adolf von Harnack (The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries [trans. James Moffatt; 2 vols.; 2nd ed.; New York: G. P. Putnam, 1908]) augmented Lightfoot's work with a panoply of primary literary and epigraphic references to Christian imperial slaves and [End Page 318] freedmen, from "Caesar's household" in Phil 4:22 to the inscription for the "Christian high chamberlain (Marcus Aurelius) Prosenes" in the court of Caracalla (p. 7). For Harnack, the apparent ubiquity of Christians of servile origin in the Roman court played an important role in the expansion of Christianity. Harnack's position has remained influential into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, especially in scholarship highlighting social description and social history (pp. 8-9). Flexsenhar's book provides a necessary critique of what amounts to a triumphalist "pioneer narrative" that traces the influence of Christian imperial slaves and freedmen from modest beginnings in Paul's time to the reign of Valerian (253–260 c.e.), when, according to Eusebius, the court was so full of Christians that it was a veritable church (Hist. eccl. 7.10). F. begins by interrogating the notion that the slaves and freedman of the familia Caesaris were a widespread and powerful ordo in Roman society. While a few imperial personnel could rise to dizzying heights of influence and wealth (p. 14), F. emphasizes that the emperor's slaves were really slaves, and imperial freedman were former slaves, who shared the experience of "violent domination, natal alienation, and dishonor" (p. 13). While a few imperial slaves were manumitted, most remained in slavery. In chap. 1, "Paul, the Philippians, and Caesar's Household," F. presents evidence that Phil 4:22 is unlikely to refer to the Roman court. Adolf Deissmann's observation that hē Kaisaros oikia likely referred to slaves employed as petty clerks in the imperial service, possibly in Ephesus (Light from the Ancient East: The New Testament Illustrated by Recently Discovered Texts of the Graeco-Roman World [trans. Lionel Strachan; rev. ed.; New York: George H. Doran, 1902]), has been embraced by many scholars, although "the traditional explanation that Paul made Christians among Caesar's household in Rome … has continued to be credible" for others (p. 28). F.'s salient contribution here is his cogent disambiguation of the phrase "Caesar's household" (familia Caesaris), which would have referred to a specific, local group of imperial slaves (as opposed to freedmen/women) who practiced some form of piety toward the Jewish god (or the god's son), and were socially connected to members of the Philippian ekklēsia through kinship or occupational networks (pp. 38-44). Chapters 2–6 revisit literary, epigraphic, artistic, and archaeological evidence that has been used to bolster the pioneer narrative. In chap. 2, F. argues that ancient stories of Paul, Peter, and Nero's household (Martyrdom of Paul, Acts of Peter, Passion of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul) use imperial slaves, for example, Patroclus, to construct "a Christian cultural history and a geography centered in the imperial capital" (p. 59). Chapter 3, "Rome's Imperial Household in Christian Polemic and Apologetic," argues that Hippolytus's Refutation of All Heresies and Tertullian's apology Ad Scapulam adapt stories about slaves in Caesar's household for their own purposes. Hippolytus portrays his opponent Callistus, whose master is described as "a faithful man of Caesar's household," as a disreputable runaway...

The Kingdom of God: A Biblical Theology by Nicholas Perrin

Reviewed by: The Kingdom of God: A Biblical Theology by Nicholas Perrin David E. Garland nicholas perrin, The Kingdom of God: A Biblical Theology (Biblical Theology for Life; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2019). Pp. 272. Paper $29.99. The Biblical Theology for Life series intends to wed biblical research to practical application to answer the question "So what?" Perrin fulfills this task admirably in outlining the theology of the kingdom of God from the creation accounts in Genesis through the key passages in the OT to its proclamation in the Gospels. The first chapter decries the vague understanding of the kingdom of God as a current problem for Christians, and P. asserts that we cannot remain "cheerfully agnostic" about Jesus's primary agenda. A brief overview of the history of twentieth-century scholarship (Johannes Weiss, Albert Schweitzer, Albrecht Ritschl, Adolf von Harnack, Rudolf Bultmann, and C. H. Dodd), all in a conversational style, sets up the questions that need answers. Chapters 2–3 identify what the kingdom is. P. contends that the kingdom of God cannot be easily explained in a phrase, a sentence, or a paragraph (p. 52), and he compares it to jazz—something not easily defined, but one knows it when one hears it. Nevertheless, he defines the kingdom of God "as engaged in creation, universally focused, eschatologically oriented, a transcendent sphere of reality that conspires with a community of human image-bearers in the task of restoring creation to the worship of the one true creator God" (p. 52). Perrin develops this definition beginning with the Genesis creation stories that identify God as the king who serves as architect and builder of creation while reigning from heaven. The universal scope of God's kingdom is given expression through the successive covenants, which leads to P.'s analysis of the continuing backstory in the OT. He cleverly adopts Matthew's partitioning of Jesus's genealogy, from Abraham to David, from David [End Page 333] to the exile, and from the exile to Christ, to provide the scaffold for his inquiry of the texts. In chap. 4, P. presents John the Baptist as the "warm-up act" who introduces the requirements for membership in the kingdom community and Jesus, "the headliner," as the king. A lengthy examination of the parable of the sower (Mark 4:3-9) develops these categories. Chapter 5 treats Jesus's roles as king, which, through a typological interpretation, derive from key biblical figures. Jesus is the new David, a warrior king taking on Satan, the unifier of Israel's tribes, and the sufferer who dies on the cross. He is the new Moses as redeemer and lawgiver. He is the new Isaac who provides lasting atonement and, as the true heir of the promises, shares his inheritance with believers. In chaps. 6–7, P. seeks to rectify the neglect of John's Gospel in kingdom studies despite the opening assertion that hails Jesus as "the King of Israel" (John 1:49). The "I am" statements take center stage. As the good shepherd, the gate, and the light of the world, Jesus professes that the kingdom arrives through him. As the bread of life, the resurrection and the life, the true vine, and the way and the truth, Jesus assures disciples of their eschatological inheritance. In chaps. 8–10, P. tackles the paradox created by Jesus's sayings that imply that the kingdom is present, imminent, and future. The healing miracles, exorcisms, and proclamation of good news to the poor restore persons to wholeness and imply the kingdom's presence (chap. 8). Jesus's atoning death, resurrection, and ascension indicate that the kingdom is imminent (chap. 9). The eschatological discourse in Luke 21:8-39 serves as the focal passage for evidence that the kingdom will be fully realized only in the future (chap. 10). P. concludes that the kingdom is "fundamentally a future reality" as God propels history to this end. Chapter 11 centers on the interpretation of the Lord's Prayer as expressing the kingdom's core values and mission statement. Petitions 4 through 6 determine "how" one is to live in the kingdom. The address, "our father in heaven," and the first...

The First World War and the Mobilization of Biblical Scholarship ed. by Andrew Mein, Nathan Macdonald, and Matthew A. Collins

Reviewed by: The First World War and the Mobilization of Biblical Scholarship ed. by Andrew Mein, Nathan Macdonald, and Matthew A. Collins Philip Jenkins andrew mein, nathan macdonald, and matthew a. collins (eds.), The First World War and the Mobilization of Biblical Scholarship (LHBOTS 691; Scriptural Traces 15; London: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2019). Pp. x + 307. $91.80. When the First World War broke out, clergy and religious intellectuals in the main combatant nations were enthusiastically involved in patriotic propaganda, to a degree that attracted the scorn of later generations. That fact is very familiar in the historical literature, which commonly draws illustrations from sermons and pamphlets from the genre mockingly characterized as "Hurrah and Hallelujah!" Far less studied is the role of such sentiment in shaping the world of biblical scholarship, which was then in such a flourishing state across much of Europe. The present book makes a well-conceived and indeed groundbreaking contribution that tells us as much about the history of biblical scholarship as it does about political religion. The result is multiply interesting and rewarding. [End Page 344] Except in passing, the book makes no attempt to discuss the use of the Bible, or of particular biblical books, among ordinary believers, whether soldiers or civilians seeking consolation in a time of catastrophe. Other writings dealing with that theme would, for instance, highlight such texts as the Gospel of John, and the ubiquitous protective psalms—above all, Psalm 91. Rather, the book explicitly focuses on academic and intellectual approaches, on how ivory tower scholars allowed themselves to be so comprehensively "mobilized." The present book is a collection of fourteen essays by academics chiefly drawn from Great Britain and the United States, and the level of contributions is uniformly high. Following the introduction by Andrew Mein ("Biblical Scholarship at War 1914–1918"), a section entitled "Individuals and Institutions" offers the following studies: "Maintaining the Light of Truth? The Mobilization of University Academics, 1914–1918," by Tomás Irish; "For Christ and Kaiser: Caspar René Gregory and the First World War," by Timothy J. Demy; "Between Prophetic Critique and Raison d'État: Rudolf Kittel on German Jews during the Great War and on Old Testament Hebrews in Biblical Wars," by Lukas Bormann; "William Sanday, Modernism and the First World War," by Mark D. Chapman; and "SOTS, SBL, and WWI: Anglo-American Scholarly Societies and the Great War," by Matthew A. Collins. These studies address the issue of mobilization, showing how groups and institutions responded to the global crisis. As we quickly learn, few scholars needed much prodding to join the patriotic cause wholeheartedly, and that was true of liberal and modernist thinkers as well as the more conservative. Most influential was Adolf von Harnack, who played a critical role in galvanizing German intellectual support for the Kaiser's cause, and indeed formulating imperial propaganda. The following essays constitute a section entitled "Biblical Texts and Themes": "Thou Shalt Not Kill, Unless …: The Decalogue in a Kaiserreich at War," by Paul Michael Kurtz; "Holy War and the Great War in German Protestant Scholarship on the Old Testament," by Nathan MacDonald; "Psalms, Patriotism and Propaganda: A Favourite Book in Wartime Biblical Scholarship," by Andrew Mein; "Ecstasy versus Ethics: The Impact of the First World War on German Biblical Scholarship on the Hebrew Prophets," by Susannah Heschel; "Martyr: Title and First World War Context," by Jan Willem van Henten; "The First World War, the Russian Revolution and the Fate of Social-Scientific Approaches to the New Testament and Christian Origins," by James Crossley; and "A Disconnected Dialogue: Adolf von Harnack, C. J. Cadoux and the Biblical Case for Peace at the Outbreak of the First World War," by Hugh S. Pyper. These studies address such topics as the concept of holy war in German scholarship of the time; German thought on the Hebrew prophets; the role of the Psalms in wartime scholarship; and the application of the idea of martyrdom to the modern-day struggle. After the barrage of sentiments justifying war and slaughter, we are almost startled to find scholars excavating biblical texts to justify peace and reconciliation, but such did occur. Although the subject matter is so rich and varied...

C&EN talks with Tammy Hsu, maker of ‘greener’ blue jeans

In the early 1880s, chemist Adolf von Baeyer devised a scheme that would revolutionize the fashion industry. For thousands of years prior, people had dyed fabric blue using powders painstakingly extracted from the leaves of indigo plants (Indigofera tinctoria). But thanks to Baeyer’s Nobel Prize–winning chemical synthesis of the indigo molecule, factories around the globe now churn out some 70,000 metric tons of the iconic dye each year—much of it to color the global wardrobe staple denim. Yet the $66 billion industry is not without its faults: large-scale indigo synthesis uses a lot of energy and water. It also requires the use of toxic chemicals like formaldehyde. In recent years, a number of suppliers have tried to make textile dyeing more sustainable and simultaneously replace problematic chemicals. One of the latest companies to pursue this goal is Tinctorium, a San Francisco Bay Area start-up that launched earlier this year. It

Eesti ülevõtmine Saksa okupatsioonivõimudelt novembris 1918

Abstract: The takeover of Estonia from the German occupying authorities in November of 1918
 Although the independent Republic of Estonia was declared on 24 February 1918, the German occupation that followed prevented the actual establishment of statehood. The chance for this did not come until November of that same year when Germany’s defeats on the Western Front and the November Revolution that broke out as the expression of worsening discontent brought an end to the First World War and German domination in Eastern Europe.
 The policy of the occupying authorities in Estonia was aimed at neutralising society, and in this way the Germans succeeded in preventing active resistance. Nevertheless, news of Germany’s military setbacks also reached Estonia and aroused some measure of hope for a better future. The cautious rebirth of political activity was noticeable in October of 1918. The way subsequent events took shape was nevertheless a surprise for both the German authorities and Estonian politicians.
 The breakthrough started with spontaneous riots that broke out in Tallinn on 7 November arising from food shortages. These rapidly snowballed into a city-wide strike. Political demands emerged alongside demands for improving the supply of food: demands for the withdrawal of German troops from Estonia and for transferring power to the institutions of local government that had been democratically elected in 1917. News of the November Revolution in Germany reached Tallinn at the same time, triggering unrest in the city garrison. Lieutenant General Adolf von Seckendorff, commander of the 68th Army Corps and the highest ranking local administrator, was forced to seek support from Estonian politicians. As a result of these events, the Estonian Provisional Government convened on 11 November and this date can be considered the starting point of the building of the independent Estonian state.
 The Provisional Government first had to take the reins of power into its own hands. This was accomplished quickly and smoothly in Tallinn and Northern Estonia, which were in the administrative area of the 68th Army Corps. General Seckendorff recognised the Estonian Provisional Government on 13 November. At the same time, Estonians took over the Provincial Government of Estonia, the Food Office, the judicial and prison systems, post offices, ports, etc. The Provisional Government appointed its proxies (deputies) in the counties and ordered the reconvening of the local county, municipal and rural municipal governments. The municipal police force (militia) that had been formed in 1917 was restored, to which the newly formed voluntary armed organisation known as the Kaitseliit [Defence League] was added. The representative popular assembly – the Maanõukogu – reconvened after an interval of a year on 20 November, and as fate would have it, Prime Minister Konstantin Päts arrived in Tallinn on the same day after being released from a camp for interned persons and took up his position at the head of the government.
 Yet in Southern Estonia in the territory occupied by the 60th Army Corps, the Germans refused to relinquish power, referring to the fact that they had not received orders to this effect. A particularly serious conflict appeared to be brewing in Tartu, where Estonians were preparing a large demonstration for pushing through their demands. The Provisional Government sent representatives to Riga, where August Winnig, Germany’s Minister Plenipotentiary to the Baltic Provinces, resided, to resolve the situation that had developed. According to the agreements concluded with him, the Germans committed themselves to relinquishing power to Estonians throughout Estonian territory starting on 21 November. Even though further attempts to delay this were made in some places, from that point on, power in Southern Estonia as well was transferred into the hands of the Provisional Government’s deputies and the local governments. This process proceeded with probably the greatest difficulty on the Western Estonian islands, where a drought of information prevailed since they were cut off from the mainland. Only the future Petseri County (Setomaa) was not taken over and shortly thereaft er was subjected to the control of the armed forces of Soviet Russia.

Protein kinases in tune.

This issue of IUBMB Life, suggested by kinase aficionado Michael P. Walsh, plays homage to one of the largest gene families in humans, the protein kinases. The >500 members in this family are the instruments nature uses to relay information throughout the cell and, with the discovery of secreted kinases, outside the cell. Every instrument not only has a precise and finely controlled role in the symphony that controls cell function, but is itself finely tuned for perfect pitch. When these instruments are not in tune, the ensuing cacophony is causal in disease. We begin this issue with a review by Taylor and colleagues who cover the history of protein kinases, from their discovery to the elucidation of the first structure of a kinase, that of protein kinase A (PKA); this remains the gold standard to which all other kinases are compared and has provided enormous insight into how these enzymes work. Ahuja and colleagues then take the theme of PKA to discuss how it is tuned like a violin (see also cover showing violin notes for Mozart's Symphony number 40). Kikkawa then describes the history and rationale leading to the discovery of protein kinase C, a biochemical tour de force in which he participated as a graduate student with Yasutomi Nishizuka at Kobe University, Japan in the 1970s. The issue then moves to receptor tyrosine kinases, with a review by Jura and colleagues on their structures and how these inform on their mechanism of action. Shah and Kim then provide a review on using chemical biology to identify the substrates of kinases. This is followed by a review by An and Brognard on an emerging function of kinases as tumor suppressors. Last, Taggliabracci and colleagues describe the newly discovered class of mammalian secreted protein kinases and puts them in context of secreted kinases in bacteria and parasites. In addition to highlighting the protein kinase family tree, this issue also illustrates the chemistry branch of the remarkable family tree that has given rise to the current generation of scientists working on protein kinases (Fig. 1); the physiology branch which led to the discovery of protein kinases is described in the opening review by Taylor and colleagues and in that of Kikkawa (who links also to Tony Hunter, who discovered phospho-tyrosine 1). All of our authors are in some way related to Phoebus Aaron Theodore Levene who, with his student Fritz Lipmann, identified phosphoserine in the egg white protein vitullin, thus discovering protein phosphorylation 2. Five of our corresponding authors are direct descendants of Lipmann, who is their academic great or great great grandfather, and two of our authors are second cousins by relation of their mentors having trained descendants of Levene. But this family tree goes back to August Kekulé, whose vision of a snake biting its tail as he dozed by the fire led him to realize the heterocyclic structure of benzene, a conceptual break-through that allowed the subsequent determination of complex heterocyclic structures such as those found in ATP. He, in turn, trained Adolf von Baeyer, who developed a method for numbering such heterocyclic compounds, who in turn trained Emil Fischer. In addition to Fischer projections for 3D representation of chiral molecules and his work on purines and sugars, he also opened the field of protein chemistry by discovering several amino acids, showing that the amino acid constituents of proteins are joined by peptide bonds, and synthesizing oligopeptides 3. It is the unique properties of these amino acids that tune kinase function to their perfect pitch. And as if this is not enough kinase-related chemistry in the family tree, the discovery of ATP was made by a trainee of Levene, the German chemist Karl Lohman 4, 5. Thus, this is not only a story of kinases, but a story of mentorship. We hope that this issue inspires the next generation of kinase researchers.

Adolf von Harnack’s “last” publication “Steps of scientific understanding” (1930), and a subsequent discussion on “Changes in the Estimation of Science”

In 1930 the “Nestor of German science” and president of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Society, the church historian Adolf von Harnack (1851–1930), published an article entitled “Steps of scientific understanding” in the popular German culture and science journal “Die Koralle”. The editors asked eleven prominent scientists and experts to discuss the article with respect to alleged “Changes in the Estimation of Science”. One most critical reply was apparently not solicited and not published. It was written by the prominent applied mathematician and empiricist philosopher Richard von Mises (1883–1953). The article publishes the contributions by Harnack and von Mises, gives an overview of the main points of the discussion in “Die Koralle”, and argues why von Mises’ reply remained unpublished at that time. An important background fact is that – unknown to the participants in the discussion – Harnack’s short article turned out to be an abstract of an earlier article from 1913, which restricted its value for a discussion in 1930.

Opening the Canon of Martyr Narratives: Pre-Decian Martyrdom Discourse and the Hypomnēmata of Hegesippus

Scholarship on early Christian martyrdom has long relied on a canon of narratives published in collections of texts. This article probes the shortcomings of this canon through the test case of the "apocryphal" martyr narratives of Hegesippus, a later second-century writer known through Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History. As seen in collections of martyr narratives published from 1901 to 2017, as well as Adolf von Harnack's programmatic surveys of the genre, texts were canonized based on historical reliability (especially through claims to eyewitness testimony), on being stand-alone texts, and on describing persecution by Roman imperial agents. Since most scholars now reject older paradigms of historical reliability and genre, and investigate discourses rather than events, Hegesippus's narratives—which were not eyewitness accounts, were embedded in a longer text, and involve Jewish persecutors—should enter the canon. The article concludes with two suggestions about how Hegesippus can enrich current scholarship. First, Hegesippus shows that the term martys did not unambiguously mean "martyr" until at least the third century. And second, Hegesippus's famous martyrdom of James the brother of Jesus features distinctively Pythagorean traits, constituting a different kind of philosophical martyr than the Stoic or Socratic martyrs of canonical narratives.

The Muratorian Fragment as Roman Fake

Abstract Today scholarship has reached an impasse as to the origin of the well-known fragment published by L. A. Muratori. Approximately half accepts a second-century Roman provenance based on views held by, for example, Adolf von Harnack and Samuel Tregelles. The other half, following Albert C. Sundberg Jr., accepts a fourth-century Eastern provenance. This paper argues that the Fragment represents an attempt to provide a venerable second-century precedent for a later position on canon. The present essay restricts itself to three aspects of the debate: (1) initial discovery; (2) Fraternity Legend and Catalogue of Heresies; and, (3) historical settings in which such a text might have emerged.

The formal method in Germany and Russia: the beginnings of European psycholinguistics

Abstract German–Austrian psychology is a direct source of the European formalism movement both in the German context (Germany, Austria) as well as in Russia. This interest of the formalists in the corporeal component of linguistic and literary production has resulted in a particular research stream, which could be defined as a ‘linguo-somatic orientation’. In particular, this is the case of Alois Riegl’s [1] perceptive ‘tactile–optical’ method; Adolf von Hildebrand’s [2] architectonic conception; Konrad Fiedler’s [3] ‘sensorial aesthetics’; W. Wölfflin’s [4] ‘basic concepts’ of the art history, W. Worringer’s [5] psychological arts typology as well as Oskar Walzel’s sound-corporeal poetics elaborated during 1920 [6]. Within Russian formalism, psychological notions (such as ‘representation’, ‘sensation’, ‘apperception’, ‘series’, ‘clear and dark zones of consciousness’, ‘verbal gestures’ and ‘sound gestures’) are fundamental in nearly all the formalist conceptions (Viktor Šklovskij, Evgenij Polivanov, Lev Jakubinskij, Osip Brik, Boris Eixenbaum and Jurij Tynianov). This psychological background constitutes a rather heterogeneous constellation composed of psychological aesthetics and psychological linguistics of the second half of the 19th century. Independently of its intrinsic theoretical values, the formalist way of thinking about language and literature is based on the implicit dominance of psychology, which takes its sense only with respect to the German cognitive tradition, appropriated by the Geisteswissenschaften of this time. In this respect, European formalism participates in the large movement of psychologisation of the humanities. To this extent, the case of Russian formalism is really representative: it invites the rethinking of the genealogy of European structuralism in general. This accumulation of conceptual tools borrowed from the German psychological tradition also reveals a cognitive charge of the formalist theories. The latter constitute a conceptual link between the properly psychological past of the European Geisteswissenschaften and the ‘cognitive’ future of the actual research programmes. Beyond the borrowing of conceptual tools from the psychological trend, the formal method has found in psychology its inspiration for producing new models of analysis. This intrinsically cognitivist dimension of the formalist programme explains its late success during the 1950s–1960s, the period often and abusively called the period of the cognitivist revolution. In reality, it deals with the re-emergence of the research programme of the cognitivist sciences, rather exhaustively formulated by the German psychological tradition..

Review: Colonialism and Modern Architecture in Germany, by Itohan Osayimwese

Itohan Osayimwese Colonialism and Modern Architecture in Germany Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2017, 344 pp., 8 color and 74 b/w illus. $49.95 (cloth), ISBN 9780822945086 For a work of historical scholarship, Itohan Osayimwese's Colonialism and Modern Architecture in Germany has a surprisingly compelling opening. In the first sentences, the author stages a meeting in Berlin during the summer of 1913, where, gathered around a massive oak table, are “some of the men now considered to be the doyens of modern architecture in Germany”: Henry van de Velde, Hermann Muthesius, Bruno Taut, Walter Gropius, Hans Poelzig, Paul Schultze-Naumburg, and Dominikus Bohm, as well as some “lesser-known colleagues and proteges,” including Carl Rehorst, Adolf von Oechelhauser, Konrad Wachsmann, and—the lone woman in the group—Margarete Knuppelholz-Roeser (3). On the agenda is a discussion of “the status of architecture in the German colonies,” which leads to a conversation about ideas and language that, as Osayimwese suggests, “are familiar to readers today,” on topics such as the excessively ornamented “style architecture” in the protectorate of Kiaochow, the lack of objectivity in the floor plan of “ ‘parvenu’ villas” in the city of Qingdao, and the certain success of developing standard housing types and prefabricated houses in Dar es Salaam. Perhaps, Osayimwese imagines the group murmuring, “there is something to be learned from Germany's costly colonial adventure after all” (3). The meeting did take place, but not as described above. As the author notes, her depiction of the event is “fictitious in its finer details” (4). Most of those mentioned were not even present. Through this mise-en-scene, Osayimwese in one elegant stroke introduces the main protagonists in her book as well as the central theme that pervades her narrative, namely, “how colonial encounters and imperial entanglements affected architectural developments within Germany itself” (5). Not coincidentally, the meeting is staged in Berlin and not in Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), Douala (Cameroon), Windhoek (Namibia), or Qingdao (China). The book then can be understood, …

Christian Ethics in the Public Sphere

Two generations ago, most scholars of late Roman religion shared several core, if usually implicit, assumptions: first, the imperial cult, that is to say, the veneration of the sovereign, was a decadent “oriental” practice. Next, Christianity had existed in its purest form before becoming entangled with state power. And, finally, once bishops and emperors had baptized the state, the stain of power and money had steadily corrupted the church and the “Caesaropapist state” (another decadent “oriental” regime) until the Reformation. One generation ago, J. Z. Smith helped us see these assumptions as the lingering effects of Protestant culture. More recently, Elizabeth Clark's Founding the Fathers explained how these assumptions—including their orientalism—formed through the ambitious and intentional efforts of prominent US and European academics to build the nation, develop the university, and combat Catholicism.1 Paradoxically, church historians such as Adolf von Harnack and Philip Schaff argued for a view of the pristine early church untainted by contact with Greek philosophy or political power even as …

Лист и Гензельт. (часть I) «Высокочтимый коллега и любимый друг»: история отношений Ференца Листа и Адольфа фон Гензельта, воссозданная по их переписке

Статья посвящена истории взаимоотношений Ференца Листа и петербургского пианиста, композитора и педагога Адольфа фон Гензельта (1814–1889). В исполнительстве, композиторском творчестве, жизни Лист и Гензельт были полными противоположностями: первый был знаменитым европейским виртуозом, второй – забытым почти сразу же после смерти петербургским музыкантом; первый воплощал романтический артистизм, второй отказался от исполнительской карьеры, замкнувшись в учительском ремесле, первый являлся типичным экстравертом, второй – интровертом. Тем не менее, их дружба и творческий диалог продолжались почти 40 лет. Статья основана на неизвестных архивных материалах, находящихся в архивах и библиотеках Санкт-Петербурга, Москвы, Веймара и Швабаха. Актуальность исследования и его новизна характеризуются тем, что в данной статье впервые вводятся в научный обиход неизвестные архивные материалы, а также дается новая интерпретация уже опубликованных писем Листа и Гензельта. Цель исследования – дать сравнительный портрет двух выдающихся европейских романтиков, определивших развитие пианизма ХIX века, изучив их эпистолярию, а также нотные манускрипты, содержащие эскизы II части Концерта Гензельта f-moll ор. 16 и его Этюда D-dur ор. 2 № 9. The article is devoted to the history of the relationship between Franz Liszt and the Petersburg pianist, composer and teacher Adolf von Henselt (1814–1889). In performance, composer creativity, life, Liszt and Henselt were complete opposites: the first was a famous European virtuoso, the second was forgotten almost immediately after his death St. Petersburg musician; the first person embodied romantic artistry, the second one abandoned his performing career, closed himself in the teacher's craft; the fi rst was a typical extrovert, the second was an introvert. Nevertheless, their friendship and creative dialogue lasted almost 40 years. The article is based on unknown archival materials, located in the archives and libraries of St. Petersburg, Moscow, Weimar and Schwabach. The relevance of the research and its novelty are characterized by the fact that in this article unknown archival materials are introduced for scientifi c use for the fi rst time, and a new interpretation of the already published Liszt and Henselt letters is given. The aim of the research is to give a comparative portrait of two outstanding European Romantics who determined the development of the 19th century pianism, having studied their epistolary, and also musical manuscripts containing sketches of the second part of Henselt's Concerto in F minor op. 16 and his Etude in D Major op. 2 No. 9.

Marceli Nencki w Sankt-Petersburgu (1891-1901)

Marceli Nencki (1847-1901), światowej sławy chemik, lekarz fizjolog, mikrobiolog, współtwórca nowoczesnej chemii fizjologicznej (biochemii), a także wielki patriota. W 1870 r. ukończył studia medyczne na Uniwersytecie w Berlinie, po czym wstąpił do Akademii Technicznej, gdzie w pracowni Adolfa von Baeyera zdobył gruntowne przygotowanie z zakresu chemii oraz chemii organicznej. Dwa lata później objął stanowisko na Uniwersytecie w Bernie, gdzie też wkrótce został docentem, a od 1873 r. – profesorem. W stworzonej dla niego Katedrze Chemii Fizjologicznej prowadził interesujące wykłady, które przyciągały uczonych z wielu krajów. W latach 1888-1891 był także profesorem bakteriologii. W 1891 r. na prośbę władz carskiej Rosji zorganizował i objął na wiele lat kierownictwo Laboratorium Chemii Fizjologicznej w Imperatorskim Instytucie Medycyny Doświadczalnej w Sankt-Petersburgu. Prowadził badania nad syntezą mocznika w organizmie zwierząt, określił rolę wątroby w tym procesie i przedstawił (wraz z Iwanem Pawłowem) jedną z teorii powstawania mocznika u ssaków. Badając (w latach 1897-1901) barwnik krwi, jak też i inne związki barwne wykazał (wraz z Leonem Marchlewskim) podobieństwo struktury chemicznej hemu i chlorofilu. Prowadząc w latach 1892-1895 badania nad cholerą i księgosuszem u bydła zlecone mu przez Instytut, opracował metody zwalczania tych zakaźnych chorób. Wynalazł także wykorzystywany do dzisiaj środek leczniczy zwany salolem.

Elusive reaction intermediate captured

In 1899, German chemists Adolf von Baeyer and Victor Villiger discovered a reaction of a ketone and peroxyacid to form an ester. The reaction is widely used in research and industrially—to produce the polymer precursor caprolactone, for example. But its mechanism, which includes a tricky alkyl group rearrangement, has long been difficult to decipher, making it tough to optimize the reaction’s efficiency. The reaction mechanism was controversial historically, and in 1953 William von Eggers Doering and a coworker at Yale University used isotope labeling to nail down the correct one, proposed by German chemist Rudolf Criegee. The Criegee reaction intermediate is so fleeting and reactive that researchers created a stabilized version only once, in 1973, using a reaction involving harsh reagents—sulfuric acid and concentrated hydrogen peroxide. Vera A. Vil’ and Alexander O. Terent’ev of N. D. Zelinsky Institute of Organic Chemistry at the Russian Academy of Sciences, Igor V. Alabugin

Hereditary spastic paraplegia from 1880 to 2017: an historical review.

The authors have constructed a brief timeline of major clinical research related to hereditary spastic paraplegia (HSP). This timeline summarizes the evolution of HSP research, from the first clinical descriptions by Adolf von Strümpell in 1880 to the present day, with the transformation of these diseases into a rapidly-growing and heterogeneous group of neurogenetic diseases.

Fundamental Concepts in Max Weber's Sociology of Religion by Christopher Adair-Toteff Max Weber's Sociology of Religion by Christopher Adair-Toteff (review)

314 Max Weber Studies© Max Weber Studies 2017. (15 April 1905: 461-65). Both agreed that such an undertaking had to be postponed until Schönberg (who conveniently died in 1908) was no longer available. Among the colleagues, the letters to the theologian Adolf von Harnack, the art historian Carl Neumann, the Romanist scholar Karl Vossler, and the neo-Kantian philosopher Heinrich Rickert are usually rewarding for their substantive comments and discussion of ideas and literature. It is important to note, for example , Weber’s view of the radical religious sources of the American idea of ‘freedom’ (422), or the extent to which Weber was immersed in Neumann’s comprehensive study of Rembrandt during his stays in Holland, an influence that finds its way into the pages of the Protestant Ethic. The four letters to Rickert in this volume will not settle the vexing question of Max Weber’s intellectual relationship to this childhood friend, though their content and tone suggest an asymmetry weighted distinctly to Weber’s side. Max Weber is often remembered for his explosive temperament. But for an insight into his soul and his humanity there are no better examples than his letters to Marie Auguste Mommsen on the death of her husband, Nobel laureate and Weber’s mentor, Theodor Mommsen (181–82); and to Ernst Benecke, Max’s uncle, following the suicide of his son, Otto, who had accompanied the Webers for several months during their travels in Italy (186-87). It is such deeply personal and revealing documents that make Max Weber’s letters not just informative about his life and times, but emotionally rewarding, thought-provoking, and a pleasure to read. Lawrence A. Scaff Wayne State University, USA Christopher Adair-Toteff, Fundamental Concepts in Max Weber’s Sociology of Religion (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), ix + 206pp. (hbk). ISBN 978-1-137-47217-5. $100.00. Christopher Adair-Toteff, Max Weber’s Sociology of Religion (Tubingen : Mohr Siebeck, 2016), v + 208pp. (pbk). ISBN 978-3-16-154137-7. €64.00. These two volumes are a good measure of the growth in the sophistication and volume of Weber studies in recent decades. Both works are of course focused on Weber’s sociology of religion, but their scope takes us further into the heart of Weber’s sociology as a whole. Book Reviews 315© Max Weber Studies 2017. Christopher Adair-Toteff is well equipped to undertake a comprehensive evaluation of Weber’s diverse contribution to the sociological understanding of religion. As a result, he offers us a masterly presentation of Weber’s texts, context, and legacy. These volumes are addressed to scholars who are already familiar with the many issues arising from Weber’s analyses of religion; they are not suitable for undergraduates and they are not directed at such an audience. In many respects both volumes consolidate articles that he has previously published. In Max Weber’s Sociology of Religion (hereafter MWSR) he notes, ‘The ten articles in this collection represent almost half of the twenty-plus essays that I have published over the last fifteen years. Nonetheless this collection has a cohesiveness that goes beyond the topic of the sociology of religion and also displays a pattern of development’ (MWSR: 3). While this volume offers a wideranging discussion of Weber’s sociology, Fundamental Concepts in Max Weber’s Sociology of Religion (hereafter FCMWSR) is at least in intention more confined to a single issue: ‘my task here is to explain what Weber meant by some of his most fundamental concepts in his sociology of religion’ (FCMWSR: 29). This task is necessary because, while Weber ‘continually insisted on conceptual clarity, he often did not live up to his own standards. As a result, many of his fundamental concepts are not as clear as they could have been’ (FCMWSR: viii). The fundamental concepts that occupy Part II are asceticism and mysticism; prophets and pariah-people; salvation and theodicy; and charisma. There is inevitably considerable overlap between the two volumes. MWSR considers mysticism (chapter 1), charisma (chapter 2), asceticism (chapter 4), and theodicy (chapter 9). FCMWSR looks at asceticism and mysticism (chapter 4), prophets and pariah people (chapter 5), salvation and theodicy (chapter 6), and charisma (chapter...